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Community power!

How urban communities around the world help with our pressing sustainability challenges.

Figure 1: location, subject and authors of our community reports (links below).

What is the role of community today? How can it help us resolve or, at the very least, alleviate the seemingly immense pressures we are currently faced with, globally? What relevance is there even to the idea of community as such, at a time when social norms appear to tear tightly-knit communities apart? And is there really space for us to come together, discuss and act at a time in history when it feels as if the opposite is what is expected of us? These are some of the questions that swivelled in our minds as we got involved in a new module taught at the School, “Building sustainable, inclusive and just cities”. Week after week, as pandemic lockdowns the world over challenged our sense of community (our physical co-existence), we came to realise that the community spirit (our imagining of, and our ability to act together) was more important than ever.

During this time, we learned about different conceptions of space, from Henri Lefebvre’s ideas about space as inherently social, all the way to David Harvey’s impassioned call for the right to the city. Cities and urban areas, we came to realise, are all a product of capital accumulation. The fact that in the past, in similar times of crisis, periods of social upheaval have often ensued in urban areas, is enlightening, as it has been noted by many that COVID-19 has highlighted and perpetuated many structural inequalities all over the world. The added challenge of climate change (loss of habitat, the very real threat of a future lack of freshwater) as well as large-scale urban acquisitions all call for a reconceptualisation of how we think about urban spaces. Only by re-infusing the local into the urban can we perceive a sustainable urban future.

In this collection of local community reports you will now find the fruits of this collective effort. Communities are challenged around the world in a variety of forms: there are so many daunting, severe problems for people in every country and in every city. Our reports take highly localized sustainability problems and address them through small-scale, community-led solutions, breaking down insurmountable problems into manageable solutions, or at least mitigating them. Each report shows how strong communities are the antidote to unsustainable conditions in urban environments and that there is action that can be taken to improve our cities, communities, world, and our own lives. Specifically:

In Long Branch, Montgomery County, Maryland, Charlotte Caldwell examines the potential of community action against transit-oriented displacement; in Polígono Sur, Sevilla, Mikaela Carmichel directly addresses the Roma community in order to demand its right to, and improve the quality of housing; in Oxgangs, Edinburgh, Mollie Cochran looks at ways to address the area’s long-term health inequalities; in Rosengård, Malmö, Linda Eckefeldt traces the impact of urban regeneration processes on segregation and stigmatization in the area; in London, UK, Georgie Murrin proposes a community approach to urban sustainability by looking at the city’s housing crisis; in Portland, Oregon Moriah Hull examines the Dignity Village model as a potential community solution for the city’s housing insecure community. In Boulogne-sur-Mer, France, Mathilde Roze looks at the unique potential of Passage Siblequin in addressing territorial stigmatisation; in downtown Jersey City, New Jersey, Charlotte Silverman studies the vulnerability of the city to flooding and storms and looks at ways for the community to strengthen its position; In Drumchapel, Glasgow, Yvonne Smith looks at the area’s daunting health inequalities compared to some of its immediate neighbours; and in East Boston, Massachusetts, Georgina Steel offers recommendations in face of the area’s electrical substation, the latest environmental justice challenge in this overburdened community.

One final note about the geographical focus of these reports: their (often very) concise geographic focus could at first appear off-putting to a potential reader, who might fear that this knowledge would be too place-specific and therefore irrelevant to their own places of interest. On the contrary, it appears evident upon reading that the focus of these reports is a significant strength. By reflecting on the specifics of each place and developing practical and implementable solutions to those local issues, we aspire for our reports to present you, the reader, with a door to countless opportunities to adapt this knowledge to your own contexts.

The Collection Editors,

Moriah Hull, Linda Eckefeldt, Mathilde Roze and Antonis Vradis

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Recommendations on addressing territorial stigmatisation in Boulogne-sur-Mer, France

Mathilde Roze: Before studying Sustainable Development in Scotland, I grew up in the North of France, near Boulogne-sur-Mer. Over my three years of high school in Boulogne-sur-Mer, I discovered the Passage Siblequin, its unique environment, difficult reputation, and emerging community initiatives. When I prepared this research on community-led solutions to urban sustainability challenges, I immediately decided to focus on the Passage Siblequin.

Author bio

Boulogne-sur-Mer is a French city of 40,000 people situated by the English Channel. The once prosperous city now faces several urban sustainability challenges. Its unemployment rate is almost three times higher than the national average. The Passage Siblequin, situated in the heart of the city, is suffering from a negative reputation in Boulogne-sur-Mer and beyond, which impacts the inhabitants’ life quality. As the municipality has failed to solve this issue, this report is addressed directly to the inhabitants of the Passage Siblequin. It offers practical, nuanced, and achievable recommendations to address this territorial stigmatisation effectively and sustainably. Two visions for the neighbourhood are developed – a peaceful green oasis and an attractive and artistic space. To achieve either or both these visions, the report gives step-by-step guidance on forming a lasting community initiative. Overall, this report aims to empower the inhabitants of the Passage Siblequin to act to address the negative perception of their neighbourhood, to implement their own vision of an enjoyable and sustainable place to live in the city.

Dear inhabitants of the Passage Siblequin, 

This community report aims to equip you with the tools to implement your own vision of urban development in the Passage Siblequin. In this report, practical, nuanced, and achievable recommendations are developed using academic theories and case studies across the world to offer you ways to make the passage lively, enjoyable, and included in the city. 

1.Foreword.

Before studying sustainable urban development in Scotland, I grew up in Boulogne-sur-Mer myself. I attended the Lycée Mariette and discovered how special the Passage Siblequin is. This report is the result of months of research on the best ways to improve the passage. It is based on my personal knowledge of the place and reinforced by discussions with friends from Boulogne-sur-Mer, interviews of inhabitants in newspaper articles, and academic research. 

If you wish to contact me for comments or more information, please email me at [email protected] 

2.Introduction to the Passage Siblequin.

The Passage Siblequin in Boulogne-sur-Mer, France, is a special place in the middle of the city. Understanding the history of the city and the specificities of the passage can help to understand the best ways to generate change. 

Boulogne-sur-Mer 

Boulogne-sur-Mer is a French city of 40,000 people situated by the English Channel. It used to be a centre of academic excellence, a prosperous fishing port, and a fashionable touristic destination (Béthouart, 2009). However, the city faced a decline that started in the early 20th century. Overfishing ultimately caused a reduction in the quantity of fish available, on which most of the economy relied (Béthouart, 2009). Then, the city was partly destroyed during WWII and became much less attractive for tourism (Béthouart, 2009). Over the past decades, the economy has slowed down, and the unemployment rates have risen. Unemployment rates in Boulogne-sur-Mer are now almost three times higher than the national average, with 28% of the population between 15 and 64 years old actively seeking employment (Insee, 2021). Multiple funding from the national and regional scales have been used by the municipality to redevelop the touristic attractiveness of the city, in particular with the development of the largest aquarium in Europe on the waterfront. 

An ideal location in the heart of the city 

Among these evolutions and renegotiations, the Passage Siblequin seems to have been forgotten from the municipality’s urban development policies. The passage is ideally situated in the centre of the city, offering a shortcut between two of the main streets: Boulevard Clocheville and Faidherbe street. This location offers a large open space in the heart of the city, in the middle of a few dozens of flats. The space is especially remarkable considering the lack of open spaces and parks in most cities in France, including in Boulogne-sur-Mer. In addition, it is surrounded by shops, close to the local high school, and between the two campuses of the university. Despite this favourable location in an active part of the city, the passage remains largely deserted. 

Figure 1 and Figure 2: Photographs of the two parts of the Passage Siblequin in March 2021. Courtesy of François T.

3. Territorial stigmatisation.

A reputation of being unsafe 

At first sight, it may appear surprising that such an ideal space remains disused and deserted. However, a closer look into the reputation of the passage helps to understand the situation. Unfortunately, the Passage Siblequin has acquired a lasting reputation across the city and beyond as being a dangerous place to be avoided. Local newspapers have published numerous articles about regular police interventions and feelings of insecurity (Voix du Nord, 2020; Voix du Nord, 2021). The neighbourhood is being referred to extremely negatively in the media, mentioning a “no-go zone” (Voix du Nord, 2020). This negative perception is also observable in interviews of the inhabitants themselves, who explain that they do not feel safe in this neighbourhood (Rabé, 2018). In addition, parents in Boulogne-sur-Mer often warn their children against walking through the passage, advising them always to avoid this shortcut. 

Unjustified concerns 

This situation may lead to believe that the passage is indeed an especially dangerous place to avoid and that the only way forward would be to increase surveillance. While no official data is available on police interventions, arrests, and crime rates on such a small scale, research seems to show that these concerns are unfounded. 

Indeed, analysis of all the media articles on the passage seems to indicate that it is not any more dangerous than the rest of Boulogne-sur-Mer. Multiple media articles on the Passage Siblequin have dramatic titles on the weekly police interventions (Voix du Nord, 2020; Voix du Nord, 2021). However, none of them report a single arrest or issue in the passage over the past years. 

Even more surprisingly, the passage and its immediate surroundings seem to face less violence than the opposite end of the Boulevard Clocheville, which is nearby. Indeed, the Boulevard faced arrests, including armed robberies and a shooting from a window, over the past years (Rabé, 2018). Despite this, the Boulevard enjoys a much more positive reputation from both its inhabitants, who do not report feeling unsafe, and from the larger population which does not hold any collective negative opinion on it (Rabé, 2018). 

As a result, it appears that the negative perception of the passage is disproportionate and unjustly constructed. 

Understanding territorial stigmatisation 

The disproportionately negative reputation of the Passage Siblequin is not an isolated case. This phenomenon has been perceived in numerous cities across the world and theorised by academics as territorial stigmatisation. While academic theories may often appear far removed from reality and unable to have a significant impact, territorial stigmatisation has the potential to inform practical recommendations that can truly help you make your neighbourhood a livelier and more comfortable place. 

This notion of territorial stigmatisation has been developed by the academic researcher Loïc Wacquant. The term has been defined and used in multiples ways (Larsen and Delica, 2019; Sisson, 2020). The central common element between these definitions is the link between social, political, and symbolical construction of stigma of a place and its impact on the inhabitants (Larsen and Delica, 2019; Wacquant et al., 2014). A place facing territorial stigmatisation is disproportionately represented and perceived as dangerous. These representations and perceptions negatively affect its inhabitants and exclude the neighbourhood from the rest of the city. 

One of the key aspects of territorial stigmatisation is what Wacquant refers to as its “nationalized and democratized” nature (Wacquant et al., 2014, p1275). This is what was described earlier, when the media, politicians, and inhabitants alike have a generalised negative perception of the neighbourhood – despite the lack of evidence to support such a claim. 

4. Current responses.

Insufficient investment in urban development 

The Passage Siblequin was classified as a priority neighbourhood in 2016 due to its unemployment rate being much higher than the rest of the city (Préfecture du Pas-de-Calais, 2016). The classification of the neighbourhood should have generated a specific focus on development from the municipality. In 2011 and 2016, when national funding was secured for urban development in Boulogne-sur-Mer, the Mayor Cuvillier claimed that the focus would be put on the Passage Siblequin (Rudz, 2017). However, it appears that years later, no change has been made (Rudz, 2017; Rabé, 2018). 

Punitive measures 

The municipality has however been extremely proactive on the implementation of punitive measures in the passage. Indeed, it has reacted to the perceived dangerousness of the passage in two main ways: by supporting weekly police interventions and by closing the passage overnight. As mentioned earlier, the municipality has required weekly police interventions in the passage despite the fact that no arrests have been reported over the past few years. Additionally, in 2012, the municipality decided to close the passage every night from 8 pm to 7:30 am, arguing that it would help address the issue of insecurity in the neighbourhood. However, this has further stigmatised the passage. It legitimised the perception of the passage as dangerous, despite the lack of data supporting this claim. Years later, there are still no arrests, the passage remains close every night, media articles still mention insecurity, and the population still reports feeling unsafe (Rabé, 2018; Voix du Nord, 2020; Voix du Nord, 2021). 

Overall, these policies appear to have failed to address the perceived insecurity of the passage and to foster its inclusion in the city. On the contrary, the policies seem to reinforce the territorial stigmatisation of the passage and the feeling of insecurity among its population. 

Figure 3. Gate at the entrance of the Passage Siblequin. Courtesy of François T.

Existing community initiatives 

Inhabitants have also been acting independently to improve life in the Passage. In particular, the local charity C-napse has installed one of its offices in the Passage. The C-napse aims to generate connections between inhabitants and to increase employment through computer science teaching. The C-napse only has a small team of two people, who also work in other parts of the city. Over the years, they have organised family-friendly events during the summers, including board game afternoons and large shared meals. For each event, between 5 and 10 inhabitants joined, which demonstrates a willingness of some inhabitants to get involved in new projects and enjoy the passage they live in (HappyDice, 2018). 

However, these community events remain few and far between, with only a couple getting organised each summer and very little actions during the rest of the year. In addition, the fear of the passage remains within the inhabitants, the media, and the wider population (Voix du Nord, 2021; Rabé, 2018). Considering the extent of the territorial stigmatisation of the passage, one-off events do not offer a sufficient shift to address the tinted image of the passage. 

In the next part, I am introducing practical recommendations to help you develop the passage further. 

5. Recommendations.

These recommendations aim to give you ideas of possible ways to transform the passage into a welcoming and enjoyable space included in the city. 

Learning from the friches 

These recommendations are inspired by friches across France and adapted to the specific context and space available in the Passage. The term friche, which translates into wasteland, has found a new meaning in the collective understanding of most French people. It is often used to describe a forgotten space in a city that gets taken over by a collective to become a space of freedom and community-led activities. They are usually open to anyone and include spaces to rest and meet, as well as cultural activities. 

The most famous one near Boulogne-sur-Mer is the Gare Saint Sauveur in Lille. The large abandoned train station in the middle of the city of Lille was disused for many years and perceived as a dangerous deserted area. After months of growing initiatives, it has now become a central place where people from all over the city meet in this outdoor space to enjoy a drink or attend an exhibition (Gare Saint Sauveur, 2021). It completely transformed the perception of the neighbourhood into an attractive and dynamic place. The friche of the Grands Voisins in Paris has a similar story. Numerous charities took over the deserted hospital in the heart of the city. While it could have been perceived as a new no-go zone, this transformation attracted very diverse audiences and the space is now recognised by local politicians as an exemplar case of urban transition (Livet, 2017). These projects do not appear to have caused an exclusion of the local population and gentrification but rather have allowed the population to become less stigmatised (Livet, 2017). These two cases offer hope and practical ideas for the transformation of the Passage Siblequin. 

From the various components of the friches – including open spaces, cafes, exhibitions, concerts, gardens – this report develops two visions for the Passage Siblequin. These visions can be implemented independently or together, depending on what you want to see in the passage. This flexible approach recognises your agency and ensures the development of a sense of ownership of the project, which is essential to guarantee its sustainability (Mullenbach et al., 2019; Haggett and Aitken, 2015). 

A peaceful green oasis 

The first proposition for the passage is a calm and enjoyable space. This includes places to come together and socialise the possibility to share knowledge and passions, as well as gardens to develop food autonomy, teach children about nature, and enjoy some green space in the middle of the city. Considering the lack of open outdoor spaces in Boulogne-sur-Mer, the passage could offer a restful and enjoyable green place in the heart of the city. 

The aim of this approach is to turn the passage into a liveable space where people would have a reason to go and stay for a few hours. In addition, it could generate more interactions between the inhabitants. This could turn the entire space into an enjoyable garden and social space. 

Benches could be installed to offer a place to stop and rest, changing the perception of the passage as always empty which reinforces the “no-go zone” perception. Further, a Little Free Library could be built to offer local inhabitants an additional reason to spend time in the passage. It is also an opportunity to learn and exchange about diverse topics. Similar libraries have been installed around the city by the municipality, but the passage has remained excluded from such initiatives. In addition, shared raised gardens could be developed in the passage. This would allow children to learn about nature and food production. It would offer a source of free local organic food, which could be extremely beneficial to this community with a low average income. It could also support local university students and be used in community meals. Moreover, recent studies have shown that exposure to nature in urban spaces can have significant health benefits, including improvements in mental and physical health (Shanahan et al., 2015; Kondo et al., 2018), so these gardens could be highly beneficial. These simple changes requiring limited investment could significantly impact the use and perception of the passage by transforming it into a lively and welcoming space. 

An artistic and attractive passage 

The second proposition for the passage is an artistic and attractive space. This could include family-friendly live music and theatre shows in partnership with local artists, professional street art on the facades, and using a part of the space as a cafe terrace. 

Street art, in particular, could help to include the passage in larger initiatives in the city. Indeed, Boulogne-sur-Mer has been growing as a key place for street art in France. The municipality has supported street art across the city, even creating a street art trail to foster tourism. While the Passage Siblequin has been excluded from this initiative until now, it could become included. The shape of the passage makes it perfectly adapted for immersive experiences, if some walls were to be painted over by professional artists. Using inspiration from small spaces such as in Berlin, the passage could become an artistic hub for the young people living in the city and artists across the country, and a popular place to visit in Boulogne-sur-Mer. Funding for this project could be raised through local grants for community initiatives and partnerships with local businesses. 

Figure 4. Street art piece “La vague de chaleur” in Boulogne-sur-Mer, by the artist Fintan Magee. It received international awards.

6. Advice on starting a community project.

Implementing these visions may appear daunting, but it does not have to be. The following advice could help you to become more confident in your ability to lead positive changes in the Passage Siblequin. 

No change is too small 

Firstly, it is possible to start small. There is no need to completely change the passage overnight. It can be tempting to aim to have a large impact from the start and try to develop everything at once. However, aiming to change all aspects of the passage – painting the walls, building furniture, and contacting artists all at once – may be overwhelming. It could lead to exhaustion once the initial energy runs out and ultimately compromise the sustainability of the project (Chen and Gorski, 2015). It is therefore essential to remember that no change is too small. It may be much more effective to focus on starting small and slowly building up. For example, starting by creating a Little Free Library is as easy as putting an old bookshelf in the passage and a small sign explaining the concept. Over the coming weeks, it will attract more and more people and bring life to the passage. It could even be added to the interactive map of Free Library across the north of France to attract more people. Such projects could be started right now by a person like you. 

Make it known 

Secondly, the project will be able to grow as it aggregates support along the way. These initial small changes in the passage will generate discussions and aggregate support. 

Making perceivable changes in the passage will help generate conversations and learn what other inhabitants want to see. Indeed, it will be a good way to start a community consultation on the development of the passage. Consultations are a common practice in urban development, and often have a negative reputation of being a token gesture to make people feel involved without truly listening to them (Mahjabeen et al., 2009). However, it can be a powerful tool to create genuine collaborations. Here, making visible changes – such as starting a free library – can help bring people together and start a conversation about the future of the passage. These visible changes have been successfully used in many other contexts, including in Riga, where young urbanists painted a part of the pavement in blue to successfully generate discussions on the space given to cars in the city (FineYoungUrbanists, 2015). Similarly, visible changes in the passage can help gain other inhabitants’ opinions on what they would like to see. This sense of ownership is essential to ensure support of the project and help the project to last. In addition, it will help bring people together who can help develop the passage further, including other inhabitants with special skills and experience. 

Develop partnerships 

Thirdly, do not hesitate to reach out to other independent local stakeholders who could help in this project. For example, students from the University and high school that are only a few steps away could help build furniture for the passage and maintain the gardens. In addition, local shops could be interested in developing a terrace in a part of the passage. This could bring them some clients, ensure that the passage is full of life, and generate some income to fund further projects in the passage. In particular, the Kawa coffeehouse nearby often works with community initiatives and has been expanding over the past years, but lacks outdoor space for its customers. These partnerships could be extremely valuable in the development of an inclusive and attractive passage. 

Learn from others 

Finally, it is always possible to learn from other similar projects. Most friches and large urban community initiatives have contact details available online and would very likely be happy to show solidarity and discuss their own experiences. This could include advice on running a Little Free Library, working with local businesses, and even contacting national media to change the perception of the passage. They may also offer valuable knowledge on the legal aspects of some parts of this project and legal authorisations that might be needed to ensure the project can last. Indeed, considering the current perception of the passage, it may be valuable to ensure that every initiative is developed in a legal way that would further the inclusion of the passage, rather than reinforce its perception as a zone where the law does not apply. 

7. Conclusion.

This community report has analysed the reasons why current policies and community initiatives have remained scattered and did not change the overall negative perception of the neighbourhood as an unsafe space. This report has demonstrated that using the academic and urban development concept of territorial stigmatisation could help address this 

issue adequately. Two achievable visions for the passage have been proposed based on relevant academic theories and cases studies of other cities, adapted to the specific context of the Passage Siblequin. These practical, nuanced, and achievable recommendations will hopefully allow you to implement the changes you want to see in your community. 

8. References.

Béthouart, B. (2009). Histoire de Boulogne-sur-Mer, Ville d’art et d’histoire. [online] Available at: https://books.openedition.org/septentrion/7602?lang=fr [Accessed on 4/03/2021].

Chen, C. W., and Gorski, P. C. (2015). Burnout in social justice and human rights activists: Symptoms, causes and implications. Journal of Human Rights Practice7(3), pp.366-390.

FineYoungUrbanists, (2015). Uneven growth. [online] Available at: https://uneven-growth.moma.org/post/117530208528/mier%C4%ABgi-for-the-last-three-years-fine-young [Accessed on 16/04/2021].

Gare Saint Sauveur, (2021). L’automne 2020 à Saint Sauveur. [online] Accessible at: https://garesaintsauveur.lille3000.eu/ [Accessed on 16/04/2021].

Haggett, C., & Aitken, M. (2015). Grassroots energy innovations: The role of community ownership and investment. Current Sustainable/Renewable Energy Reports2(3), 98-104.

HappyDice, (2018). Une après-midi au C-napse de Boulogne-sur-Mer. [online] Available at: https://happydice.fr/une-apres-midi-au-c-napse-de-boulogne-sur-mer/ [Accessed on 16/04/2021].

Insee, (2021). Statistiques Boulogne-sur-Mer. [online] Available at: https://www.insee.fr/fr/statistiques/1405599?geo=COM-62160 [Accessed on 16/04/2021].

Kondo, M. C., Fluehr, J. M., McKeon, T., & Branas, C. C. (2018). Urban green space and its impact on human health. International journal of environmental research and public health15(3), 445.

Larsen, T. and Delica, K. (2019). The production of territorial stigmatisation, City, 23:4-5, pp.540-563.

Livet, J. (2017). Les «Grands Voisins»: un espace de transition et de participation. Sciences de l’Homme et Société. pp.35-60.

Mahjabeen, Z., Shrestha, K. K., and Dee, J. A. (2009). Rethinking community participation in urban planning: The role of disadvantaged groups in Sydney metropolitan strategy. Australasian Journal of Regional Studies, The15(1), pp.45-63.

Mullenbach, L. E., Baker, B. L., Benfield, J., Hickerson, B., & Mowen, A. J. (2019). Assessing the relationship between community engagement and perceived ownership of an urban park in Philadelphia. Journal of Leisure Research50(3), 201-219.

Préfecture du Pas-de-Calais, (2016). Receuil des actes admnistratifs. [online] Available at: https://www.pas-de-calais.gouv.fr/content/download/21486/154444/file/recueil%20sp%C3%A9cial%20n%C2%B0%2016%20-%2014%20mars%202016.pdf [Accessed on 5/03/2021].

Rabé, E. (2018). Clocheville ce quartier délaissé ou domine le sentiment d’insécurité. [online] La Voix du Nord. Available at: https://www.lavoixdunord.fr/481129/article/2018-11-02/clocheville-ce-quartier-delaisse-ou-domine-le-sentiment-d-insecurite [Accessed on 2/03/2021].

Rudz, C. (2017). La ville met le paquet sur la jeunesse. [online] Available at: https://www.lavoixdunord.fr/140830/article/2017-03-30/la-ville-met-le-paquet-sur-la-jeunesse-et-le-cadre-de-vie-dans-les-quartiers [Accessed on 2/03/2021].

Shanahan, D. F., Fuller, R. A., Bush, R., Lin, B. B., and Gaston, K. J. (2015). The health benefits of urban nature: how much do we need?. BioScience65(5), 476-485.

Sisson, A. (2020). Territory and territorial stigmatisation: On the production, consequences and contestation of spatial disrepute. Progress in Human Geography.

Voix du Nord, (2020). Une operation de sécurisation menée ce vendredi au passage Siblequin. [online] Available at: https://www.lavoixdunord.fr/872408/article/2020-09-30/une-operation-de-securisation-menee-ce-vendredi-au-passage-siblequin-et-aux [Accessed on 4/03/2021].

Voix du Nord, (2021). Boulogne: Une vaste operation de police menée ce mercredi après-midi. [online] Available at: https://www.lavoixdunord.fr/939555/article/2021-02-18/boulogne-une-vaste-operation-de-police-menee-ce-mercredi-apres-midi-clocheville [Accessed on 2/03/2021].

Wacquant, L., Slater, T., and Pereira, V. B. (2014). Territorial stigmatization in action. Environment and planning A, 46(6), pp.1270-1280.

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Addressing health inequalities with nature in Oxgangs, Edinburgh

Mollie Cochran: Oxgangs is a fantastic, dynamic community that I have lived beside for many years, however high levels of multiple-deprivation mean its people disproportionately experience health inequalities. I am passionate about nature-based solutions for health and well-being. Writing this report enabled me to explore how these can be rolled out at grassroots level by the community to combat this. 

Author bio

This briefing is designed for the community of Oxgangs, Edinburgh, to encourage local residents’ participation in nature-based initiatives, to help alleviate the more negative health outcomes they disproportionately experience which links to their experiences of living in a low-income area. Oxgangs is a residential suburb in south Edinburgh that experiences significant health disparities, especially when indices such as the Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation and NHS Health and Wellbeing reports are compared to those of neighbouring Morningside, one of Edinburgh’s most affluent areas. The primary and most effective solution to such health disparities is equitable distribution of power, income, and wealth, however this relies on political will and cannot be achieved by residents alone. Accordingly, this report makes a convincing case for how grassroots interventions in the form of nature-based solutions (NbS) that are implemented by the community can help overcome some of the health inequalities Oxgangs’ residents’ experience, in order to improve their physical and mental health. The report sets out three specific recommendations; nature prescriptions (a hybrid solution), community gardening and local conservation activities. A participatory and collaborative approach is recommended and next steps outlined in order to begin action and implementation of a comprehensive greenspace-access strategy for the Oxgangs community and affect positive change.

1. Health inequalities in Edinburgh.

Cities are regarded as centres of prosperity, employment opportunities, education access, healthcare services and culture (Glaeser, 2011), but access to these services are not evenly distributed amongst all city residents.

Conditions such as cardiovascular disease, high blood pressure, obesity and type-2 diabetes are experienced more frequently within cities (Pretty et al., 2016) as a result of higher incidences of sedentary lifestyles (Dye, 2008), time indoors and on screens (Bratman et al., 2019). However, these problems are particularly pervasive amongst communities from low-income areas (Twohig-Bennett and Jones, 2018).

Oxgangs’ history dates back to the 1950s to provide predominantly council housing for skilled workers in the city (Flint and Casey, 2008). A programme of redevelopment and regeneration oversaw the construction of new flats in 2006, which was regarded as successful by residents despite their continued awareness of constrained residency choices, job access and financial resources (Batty et al., 2011).

According to the Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation (SIMD), Oxgangs ranks in the top 10% “most deprived” areas in Scotland, ranking within a range of 2-4 out of 10 for “Health Domain Rank.” Criteria which contribute to these health outcomes are income, employment, health, education level, housing type, crime rate and geographic access, all of which are low-ranking on the SIMD (see Figure 1).

NHS Health and Wellbeing Reports (2010;2016) further detail multiple health factors which combine to give an overview of an average Scottish resident’s life expectancy and health outcomes which vary across local authority areas. These factors include:

• Number of patients with a psychiatric hospitalisation
• Adults claiming incapacity benefit/severe disability allowance
• Working age population claiming Jobseeker's Allowance
• Out of work benefits/child tax credit income deprivation
• Crime rate
• Population living within 500 metres of a derelict site
• Number of patients hospitalised after a fall in the home (65+)

According to Oxgangs’ area profile, all of the above factors ranked as “significantly worse” compared to the Scottish national average. Oxgangs’ more negative community health outcomes are highlighted if compared to Morningside, Oxgangs’ adjacent suburb which is one of Edinburgh’s most affluent and high-value areas that ranks in the top 10% “least deprived” areas according to the SIMD (2021), which obtains a “Health Domain Rank” of 10/10.

South Edinburgh’s health inequalities are a consequence of the inequitable distribution of power, income, and wealth (Phelan, 1995). Money is ultimately what provides the means to access goods and services that support healthy living, such as nutritious diet, good housing, and leisure activities (Morris et al., 2010).

This highlights how systemic injustices cannot be overcome with state intervention alone. A grassroots intervention is required in order to help Oxgangs’ residents overcome the negative health outcomes they disproportionately experience, for an improved quality of life.

2. Nature-based solutions.

High quality parks and greenspaces are important urban assets because they enable local residents to obtain multiple physical and mental health benefits, if they are accessed on a regular basis (Sandifer et al., 2015). In terms of physical health, parks can encourage exercise such as walking, running or cycling. Promotion of gardening, volunteering or ecological restoration programmes can also support physiological and cardiovascular health if achieved on a regular basis for at least 30 minutes (Cox et al., 2017), and the positive well-being effects that are obtained from exercise are augmented if done in nature (Thompson-Coon et al., 2011).

Biodiverse spaces contribute ecosystem services that are vital for human health such as offering cooling properties to reduce urban heat island effects (Bowler et al., 2011) and the filtration of air pollution by virtue of vegetation presence which can reduce the quantity of harmful toxins inhaled and improve immune function (Barton et al., 2009).

In terms of mental health, greenspaces can enhance an individual’s life satisfaction and overall happiness because biodiversity and landscape produce restorative and calming benefits such as reduced stress and anxiety (Kaplan and Kaplan, 1989). Parks facilitate social contact, which is a reinforcing wellness factor and contributes to feelings of community cohesion (Cox et al., 2017). A sense of place can develop if regular access to a greenspace is encouraged and maintained, which can be empowering for individuals and the wider community (Kazmierczak, 2013).

The improvement of human health is considered the ultimate ecosystem service (Sandifer et al., 2015), which qualifies urban parks as “nature-based solutions” (NbS). NbS are defined by the IUCN as natural or modified ecosystems that address societal challenges effectively and adaptively, whilst simultaneously providing human well-being and biodiversity benefits (Cohen-Shacham et al., 2016). Connecting nature with public health offers a reciprocal and restorative relationship between health and environment which can align what is often a ‘conflicting urgency’ between sustainable development and social justice goals, as identified by Campbell (2013).

NbS are proven to help urban communities achieve goals such poverty alleviation and socio-economic development (Seddon et al., 2020), so are vital assets for the Oxgangs community, and deserve to be accessible and well utilised by all of its residents. Health inequalities are demonstrably narrower amongst people living in ‘low-income’ areas such as Oxgangs if they have regular and easy access to greenspace (Gascon et al., 2015; Marselle et al., 2020). DEFRA and Natural England (2017) estimate that the NHS could save £2.1 billion per year if everyone had equitable access to sufficient greenspace.

3. Access disparities.

Regular greenspace access is hypothetically achievable by many Oxgangs residents, since by virtue of their location, they are optimally situated nearby several semi-natural and high-quality greenspaces; Braidburn Valley Park, Hope Triangle Garden, Oxgangs Lochan and Colinton Mains Park, connected by the Braid Burn (see Figures 2, 3, 4 and 5).

All qualify as NbS because they are high quality and biodiverse spaces which foster and facilitate multiple physical and mental health benefits. It could be perceived that these are readily accessible for the community. However, a neighbourhood’s proximity to parks does not automatically correlate to their frequent access (Boyd et al., 2018), or doing so in a way that produces health benefits (Lin et al., 2014).

Socio-cultural barriers to greenspace access are common in ‘low-income’ areas (Mitchell and Popham, 2008) and explain why some residents do not access their local greenspaces as often as they should. It is important to note that not all of the following socio-cultural barriers will be experienced by Oxgangs’ residents, and some will be more common than others. They include:

  • Limited awareness of opportunities to visit greenspace
  • Lack of experience and confidence in being in a natural setting
  • Lack of time
  • Multiple, competing time pressures and interests
  • Difficulties of accessibility if limited mobility/disabled
  • Being out in a natural setting is not part of social expectations
  • Feeling unwelcome or out of place
  • Fear of bullying or presence of dogs
  • Differences in the way the Oxgangs community perceives greenspace as a contributing factor to health
  • Negative perceptions of safety; risk of antisocial behaviour, vandalism, litter, poor maintenance or lack of lighting

(from Public Health England, 2021)

4. Community recommendations.

Interaction with greenspaces needs to be increased and achieved in new and more meaningful ways by a greater percentage of Oxgangs’ residents, in order to achieve a transformative impact on their health outcomes and life quality (Ehnert et al., 2018).

In order to achieve this, I set out the following three community recommendations whereby local community actors and stakeholders can work together to implement and promote these health-enhancing nature-based initiatives over a long-term basis.

Recommendation 1 – Nature Prescriptions

Nature prescriptions are activities that are designed to help people connect with nature in personal, emotional and meaningful ways, in order to overcome or mitigate mental or physical health problems that typically stem from sedentary and indoor lifestyles (RSPB, 2018).

A leaflet and a calendar of nature-based activities (see Figures 6, 7 and 8) were developed by the NHS Scotland and the RSPB to signpost people to simple ways of connecting with nature that are specific to their local community, the urban context and season. Ideas include finding a favourite place in nature, listening to nearby birdsong, noticing the beauty of the surrounding landscape, getting to know a neighbourhood tree or helping local wildlife thrive (RSPB, 2018). Crucially, activities are accessible for all ages and mobility levels, flexible and free.

Its success in NHS Shetland resulted in its rolling out within 5 health-authority areas within Edinburgh by the Edinburgh and Lothians Health Foundation. Oxgangs’ proximity to many high-quality greenspaces positions it strongly as an area in which to implement the programme by the local Allermuir and Craiglockhart Health Centres.

They facilitate and encourage new ways for people to understand, engage and “notice” nature in a deeper and beneficial way (National Trust, 2021), which is vital for achieving health outcomes since the depth, length and type of experience matters greatly in determining true “connections” with nature and being able to obtain the array of physical and mental health benefits it plays host to (Myers, 2020).

It is important to point out here that nature prescriptions are a hybrid solution; they are geared toward the community, but inevitably include institutional actors (such as the NHS) for their implementation. Nonetheless, by virtue of being recommended by health professionals, nature prescriptions offer a legitimised consent pathway towards forms and frequencies of nature-engagement, which could be useful for individuals who may not have previously considered their take-up, especially in relation to overcoming personal health ailments.

In Oxgangs, nature-prescriptions calendars and leaflets can be printed and produced in multiple languages and formats to be more widely accessible for people with English as a second language or disabilities, and be widely distributed in local schools and community centres to enable their access by a wider pool of residents, so as to not require a pre-existing health condition for their take-up, or ensure health resources are not gate-kept by formal health institutions.

Community centres could facilitate regular drop-in support groups where participants can meet and share experiences, ideas and recommendations, hold each other accountable and foster a collaborative element to what are often individual activities, to further encourage and sustain their take-up. Groups can be split by demographics or shared interests.

Recommendation 2 – Community Gardening

Oxgangs and Triangle Community Centres are hubs of holistic group and individually focused activities that are centred on exercise, cooking, socialising and creative activities. These are examples of vital community and social infrastructure provision that enhance Oxgangs’ residents’ social and cultural capital (Seyfang and Smith, 2007).

These centres are thus fantastically suited to implementing a nature-based dimension to the activities they already run to reinforce their health benefits and connect nature with locally defined interests to help embed increased greenspace access within participants’ everyday lives (Jones et al., 2013). Framing activities in terms of fun, leisure, creativity and socialising instead of mental and physical illness prevention can contribute to their appeal (Rankin et al., 2006).

‘Facilitated access’, such as organised transport to the Oxgangs or Triangle Community Centres, followed by a supported led activity, could be successful in reaching underrepresented groups, such as those with disabilities, whose day-to-day mobility may disproportionately increase the actual or perceived barriers they face in reaching their local community centres and greenspaces.

Horticulture in the Triangle Community Garden particularly promotes social inclusion and community-building (Diamant and Waterhouse, 2010). Gardening imparts multiple mental and physical well-being benefits to practitioners, usually ascribed to being out in the fresh air, exercise, doing something meaningful and mindful, and doing so alongside others (Sempik, 2010), hence why it is frequently described as “therapeutic horticulture” (Thomas, 2014).

Vegetable and herb growing sessions are a simple way to enact a care-giving responsibility that produce mental health benefits (Kimmerer, 2012). If combined with cooking classes which use community garden-grown produce that is fresh and healthy, nourishing meals become available that positively impact the community’s nutrition, as well as offer the opportunity to socialise, and learn skills such as food hygiene and budgeting (Spence and van Teijlingen, 2005). Surplus meals can be stored in a Community Fridge for other residents.

Activities could expand from vegetable growing to sowing flowers, maintaining wildlife habitats, woodcraft or pottery, or educational and themed activities such as “pollinator-friendly” workshops that incorporate useful and infrastructural elements such as composting workshops or building bee towers out of recycling waste, ideas which can expand to people’s own gardens and further enhance social cohesion (Seyfang and Smith, 2007). Activities span the indoors and outdoors so are accessible irrespective of season, weather, age or mobility level.

Construction of sheds, planters, fences or raised beds could be done in partnership with the grassroots youth group ‘YouthBuild Edinburgh’ which teaches construction and employability skills; this could not only help improve the civic amenity of Oxgangs’ local community centre, gardens and wider greenspaces for its people, but also enhance their environmental benefit (Pincetl, 2010).

Activities could culminate in an organised themed community open day within Colinton Mains Park, to showcase and highlight the development and potential successes of community garden focused activities, demonstrate their empowering social value and motivate more community members to participate (Morris and O’Brien, 2011).

Recommendation 3 – Conservation Activities

Community centres could collaborate with grassroots organisations and NGOs to implement larger-scale and transformative projects including ecological restoration activities such as tree planting, conservation management and meadow seeding, to enhance the health and ecological benefits that can be derived from Oxgangs’ local greenspaces.

Recent research points to the tangible and verifiable health benefits that are derived from restoration activities (Mills et al., 2017; Speldewinde et al., 2015) as a result of its interconnected pathways towards nature engagement, socialising, physical activity and doing something meaningful for one’s community (Jennings and Gaither, 2015).

If adapted to the community’s interests, integration of expertise and knowledge from external grassroots organisations such as the Edinburgh and Lothians Greenspace Trust could provide unique experiences for residents such as wildlife counts and identification days along the Braid Burn river walkway or Oxgangs Lochan, or mindfulness sessions using accessible and inclusive language within favourite nature spots which can facilitate long-term mental health improvements (Shanahan et al., 2019).

An NbS programme that only considers expert scientist and policy maker voices would not achieve an environmentally just and sustainable project (Pincetl, 2010), but their involvement could assist with fundraising, training or pro-bono consulting, which could be required if new green infrastructure is to be successfully deployed and managed (Pincetl, 2010). When expert knowledge is shared and strengthened by community actors such as “Friends Of” groups or using a “local champion” framework for specific knowledge gatekeeping, a top-down knowledge-power imbalance can be overcome, which supports the longevity and sustainability of more complex and long-term projects (Pretty et al., 2016).

Volunteer work is enjoyable and imparts multiple health benefits and is often an essential component of environmental programmes due to budget constraints (Townsend, 2006). However, voluntary upkeep of project must not become costly or burdensome on local residents. Their benefit must be obvious to the whole community to avoid being seen as problematic (Pincetl, 2010). Recruiting and delegating responsibility for such tasks can be complicated, so voluntary work uptake cannot be immediately expected (Pincetl, 2010), but could begin with Friends of groups, grassroots organisations, schools, universities and church groups, who can plan, fundraise for and partake in an organised voluntary programme that can fit into their varying routines and schedules.

5. Participatory approach and governance

A participatory approach involving all local community actors is imperative in order to help Oxgangs’ residents shift how they perceive their local parks and nature, because they hold influence and play a crucial and public role within the Oxgangs community.

Actors include:

  • Oxgangs Community Centre
  • Triangle Community Centre and Garden
  • Church groups
  • Pentland Primary School
  • Firrhill High School
  • Firrhill Community Council
  • Allermuir and Craiglockhart Health Centres
  • Friends of Braidburn Valley Park

The World Health Organization (2016) suggests the following steps should be taken by actors, to ensure everyone can access and benefit equally from their local greenspaces:

  • Develop a common understanding of equity amongst the stakeholders
  • Define the objectives of the greenspace, in terms of equity
  • Look at distribution of local benefits and resources, as well as disadvantages and deprivation levels
  • Gather and use data on greenspace accessibility to be able to assess any potential changes to equity
  • Involve the community from the start, especially during the planning phase and listen to what their needs are, to ensure benefits are realised and help with increasing feelings of ownership and responsibility

Collaboration means fellow actors can engage with as many individuals as possible from a diverse range of backgrounds, demographics and mobility levels, to collectively determine how new forms of nature interactions can be successfully implemented. New habits and ideas can be successfully integrated into individual lifestyles and work alongside residents’ multiple and varying commitments, which may require a transition to an entirely new way of thinking and doing (Barr et al., 2011).

Dialogue and communication is key, to ensure everyone remains on the same page and that the community is consulted with and supported throughout the planning and implementation stages, remain proactively involved, their ideas and needs are listened to, and that any issues are resolved as soon as possible (Berkman, 2000). This can help avoid social conflicts about how local greenspaces are used and by which community groups in future (World Health Organisation, 2016).

Collective strategizing, consulting, organising, planning and implementation of initiatives on a trial-and-error basis to measure their effectiveness, enjoyability, accessibility, longevity, and sustainability for residents across social, economic and environmental dimensions, will ensure long-term and tangible progress is made (Pincetl, 2010) in respect to overcoming unequal and negative health outcomes.

Actors are the bridge between the community and external information, organisations and charities who can assist with innovation and implementing change. By partnering and collaborating e across knowledge bases and specific community relationships, competencies and capacities can be shared (Horsford and Sampson, 2014) which can ensure appropriate expertise is relayed to community group leaders who can then transfer this to the community. Interdisciplinary communication between stakeholders also enables partnership and lobbying power for purposes such as pooling resources and applying for capital in the form of grants and bursaries in which to fund new greenspace projects and maintain operation of local nature-based programmes (Enhert et al., 2018).

6. Diversity and inclusion.

Access to Oxgangs’ parks must be understood through an intersectional lens, to ensure that socio-cultural barriers to greenspace access are overcome across all identity intersections, so that their psychological and cultural benefits are attained equally (Jennings and Gaither, 2015). Ethnicity, gender, sexuality and ability are factors which influence the parameters through which Oxgangs’ individuals perceive and interact with their greenspaces and fellow community. Approaching this within the community can be facilitated by organisations such as Equality Scotland (http://www.equalityscotland.com/).

7. Council.

The City of Edinburgh Council play an important role in the funding of and ensuring installation and maintenance of signage, lighting, walkways and transport routes (Lovell et al., 2020). However, it is essential that approaches towards increased nature engagement remain led by the community, to avoid vulnerability such as during periods of austerity and budget cuts (Pincetl, 2010), or risking ‘green gentrification’ if greenspace improvements are made which prioritise aesthetics and “liveability” over socio-cultural priorities (Cole et al., 2017).

8. Next steps.

Development of a collective and cohesive outcome plan is a useful way to begin action and implementation of a comprehensive greenspace-access strategy for the Oxgangs community and affect change (Staples, 2004). This can begin with regular meetings and community consultations within a community centre that involves all actors, to begin the participatory process towards addressing and mitigating the more negative health outcomes Oxgangs residents experience. A unique portfolio of desired outcomes and timescales can be created by each actor, who will have unique interests and understandings of community needs.

Each actor can contribute and collaborate on specific targets, goals and ideas. Future benefits, methods of use and potential problems can be identified and planned for, with a contingency plan created in case of issues such as funding cuts, volunteer and labour shortages, activity success/unpopularity, or weather disruptions. Stakeholder-specific responsibilities and action points ensure each actor engages with activities they are best suited to, motivated by, and most relevant to the community groups they are involved with on a day-to-day basis, who can create affordable goals that fall in line with their budgets, that can be pooled or remain separate. Areas of overlap and cross-overs of knowledge, labour and funding can be identified to develop the scale and ambition of some projects if desired.

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The Roma community in Polígono Sur: Improving the right to, and quality of, housing.

Mikaela Carmichael: I am interested in this area of research as a Spaniard myself. While I have no direct relation to the Roma community, I have witnessed the extent to which discriminatory attitudes in Spain have impacted access to, and quality of, housing and, as such, feel a duty to understand the persistence of this phenomenon.

Author bio

The Roma community throughout Europe has faced extensive persecution and racism. As a result, the housing crisis experienced Spain has been felt particularly acutely in the largely Roma neighbourhood of Polígono Sur. This is evidenced by inadequate housing conditions, insecure tenure, and high rates of gang related crime. Previous policy attempts to solve this crisis have centred on forced resettlement and have taken a fragmented sectoral approach, further perpetuating an impression of Roma dependence on the state and driving inequality. I propose a more participatory, incremental, asset-based approach, which centres the strengths and needs of the community, rather than its deficiencies. Alternative mechanisms are needed to ensure the dignity and housing rights of the community are protected, and I posit mutual aid networks, community land trusts, and collaboration with existing movements as the most immediate and effective ways of enacting this change. These measures are already noted within the community at an informal level, indicating the potential for them to be scaled up to great effect. Crucially, any measures taken should reflect the reflect the strengths of the Roma community, and should centre their participation and insight.

1.Understanding this report.

The purpose of this report is to propose some measures that you, the Roma community in Polígono Sur, can take yourselves to improve housing. This report is aimed at the self-defined Gitano community but is equally applicable to the challenges faced by more recent Roma migrants in Seville who face similar socioeconomic challenges. Hereafter I will use the term Roma when referring to both groups, unless specifying one group, in which case I will distinguish using the term Gitano to refer to the settled Spanish community, and Roma to refer to more recent migrants to Spain (Mazzini and Piemontese 2016).

The report will set out a broad overview of three suggestions which may help to improve the right to housing, and the quality of housing itself. These suggestions are in no way comprehensive, and it is important to be clear that they are not prescriptive either. Rather, they serve to spark conversations around new directions the community can take. I aim to give a brief overview of the strengths and limitations of each measure.

I have also listed some sources at the end of this document which may be beneficial in further explaining some of the ideas raised in this briefing and in providing frameworks on how to implement them.

2. Context of challenges.

It is crucial to be clear that the housing challenges facing the community have come about largely as a result of institutional discrimination and neglect, and not through any fault of the community itself (Piemontese 2016) (Miranda et al. 2019). The distribution of housing, which has been largely segregated, placed Gitano families in marginal urban areas and has hindered social integration and cohesion with the wider Spanish population. There is also strong evidence that shows the community receives fewer benefits from the state than the average Spanish citizen, which contradicts damaging media portrayals of the Roma community as dependant on state aid (Laparra and Macías 2009) (Trehan 2009). In fact, the community is incredibly resilient and has persevered in the face of very difficult circumstances.

The Roma political response to these issues has been hindered by the spatial dispersion of communities and low levels of political participation, which are in great part the product of these wider contextual factors (Bancroft 2001). On top of this, the Spanish political system only recognises political entities if they are tied to a particular region, which has meant that Roma resistance has been fragmented from one autonomous region to another. Of the associations Gitanos are members of, most tend to be ethnic-based, and there is little participation in non-Roma organisations (Laparra and Macías 2009).

However, Gitano and Roma political involvement seems to be shifting. El Consejo del Pueblo Gitano – created in 2006 – was the first step towards political representation and since then, other platforms have emerged which unite the Roma movement. For example, Plataforma Khetane provides a platform which represents Roma NGOs and organisations under a common cause, uniting the fight for antigitanismo (anti-gyspsyism) and Roma rights. The Fundación Secretariado Gitano suggests that collaboration between Roma and non-Roma actors is the way forward. This reflects a trend of increased community organisation, which bodes well for the future, as development will depend on collective action within the community (Lagunas Arias 2010).

3. Note on the impact of Covid-19 on the community.

It is also necessary to take this moment to note the disproportionate impact that Covid-19 has had on the Roma community. Flea-markets and outdoor vending are of great economic importance to the community, and these have been severely impacted, which has had a knock-on effect in amplifying inequality, making it all the more necessary to act now (Laparra and Macías 2009). This urgency is also heightened by the increased stigmatization of the Roma community by sensationalist media outlets and the far-right during this time of crisis and by the withdrawal of state support – patterns that were also noticed following the 2008 financial crash, and which are likely to persist if action is not taken. However, while this crisis has impacted people severely, it also presents opportunities for change and innovation (Maestri 2014).

4. Approach.

The measures set out in the following report all take an Asset-Based approach, which evolved from the Asset Based Community Development framework. This means that instead of looking for the problems in the community, you look instead for the strengths, and at the way these strengths can be used to meet the specific challenges facing the community (Harrison et al. 2019). This can help to reduce the falsely held preconception of the Roma community as dependant on the state, by illustrating their strengths instead of their deficiencies (Piemontese 2016).

It is also vital that the community identifies what these challenges are. As the ones with lived experience of the place, you are the people best placed to understand what will work and what will not (Oprea 2004). I have tried to apply this principle throughout my report by integrating findings from research conducted with, rather than about, the Roma community in Polígono Sur (Miranda et al. 2019).

I have also tried to apply this in the measures I have suggested. All of the steps identified in this report play on strengths identified about the Roma community in the literature I have been able to access. This is in no way comprehensive, and it is ultimately up to the Roma community to identify what these strengths are, and how to use them. Hopefully, this document can serve to integrate academic debates and on the ground conversations about potential routes of action.

Based on my reading, the most pressing challenges around housing were insecure tenure and inadequate buildings (Miranda et al. 2019). In response to this, I have set out three measures, which address these issues on different scales. The measures I have set out include Community Land Trusts, Mutual Aid Networks and alignment with other groups in similar socioeconomic positions. While these may sound like quite abstract ideas, they are based on the principle of meeting the community’s most basic needs first. I will elaborate on how they can help in coordinating meaningful development and securing improved land rights.

5. Challenge 1 – housing tenure explained.

Housing tenure refers to the legal status and financial arrangement that someone has to live in a property. This matters because without secure tenure, people can be evicted from their homes (Dittmar and Kelbaugh 2018). This is a trend which is increasingly being noted among members of the Roma community in every autonomous region in Spain. A civil society monitoring report on the national Roma integration strategy in Spain indicates that loss of home ownership comes as a result of informal transfer of property (e.g., between family members). This is attributed to inflated housing costs and to families being given their current homes as endorsement for previous homes, not given proper tenure by the state, and finally being evicted (Plataforma Khetane et al. 2018).

This is particularly important for the Roma community since there is a history of land buy-outs and relocations associated with insecure tenure that many will remember. The most memorable might be the relocation from Triana to Polígono Sur (Miranda et al. 2019), which happened in the 1960’s and involved the forced resettlement of the Roma community on the basis that the land they lived on was flood-prone and not fit for habitation. Conversations about the demolition of ‘poor quality housing’ have re-surfaced, and these have been used in the past to justify forced resettlement (Manzo 2011). This is evidently a problem as it disrupts crucial social and economic networks – moving people away from jobs, friends and family, and recreation (Dittmar and Kelbaugh 2018). It is also crucial to recognise that, while it may be framed as helping the Roma community, the actual beneficiaries are large investors and councils seeking to make money through large investment projects, rather than those living in inadequate housing. Gentrification does not get rid of the problems faced by working class and marginalised communities, it simply relocates these problems out of central locations, further isolating these groups and perpetuating inequality (Harvey 2003). It is far more economically, socially and environmentally sustainable to improve housing which has already been built, than it is to demolish and replace it with more expensive, homogenous property (Dittmar and Kelbaugh 2018). Therefore, it is crucial to ensure that the community has a right to stay put, which is where Community Land Trusts can help (Flint 2012).

Option 1 – Community Land Trusts Explained.

Community Land Trusts emerged as part of the Civil Rights movement in the 1950’s and 60’s in response to rising housing prices which disproportionately impacted Black Americans. They aim to help those marginalised by socioeconomic hardship live more affordable and dignified lives (Pialucha and Audrain 2020). While they were originally founded in rural areas, most CLTs today emerged post-1990’s and exist in urban locations.

CLTs function by buying land through a blanket mortgage, which is managed by a non-profit corporation and is often subsidised by low interest on government loans. Each member of the CLT owns a share of the non-profit corporation that owns the land and are entitled to sell this on, if they so wish (Brady et al. 2018). This means that instead of fighting individually for land rights, the community is able to pool together and make tenure accessible to everyone who wants it. This, in turn, reduces the rate of foreclosure and eviction, which are acute concerns in Polígono Sur and all the more so following the financial damage inflicted by Covid-19 (Piemontese 2016).

There are many easily accessible handbooks on CLT implementation which can inform and guide community discussions. While implementation is ultimately dependant on individual state housing regulations, they largely follow a similar process which involves: engaging the community and key supporting actors, establishing a purpose (e.g. maintaining affordability, or developing the community), contacting advisors with regards to law and financing, securing support from authorities for the CLT, creating and formalising the legalities, organising a small administrative team, and coming up with a development plan for the area. For further information, please refer to the handbook attached at the end of this document.

The University of Cordoba has set up ‘El Laboratorio Jurídico sobre Desahucios’ (The Legal Laboratory on Evictions) which aims to research issues around dispossession and eviction. They have collaborated with trained legal professionals to look into the way CLTs can be legally established in Spain and have presented a new legal framework to the Andalusian Assembly. There has been a lot of interest in CLTs throughout Europe, and Spain is set to follow the example of other countries in adopting these laws (Pialucha and Audrain 2020). Therefore, it could be very beneficial for the community to establish links with the working group, in order to secure legal advice and guidance on the process of setting up a land trust. As none currently exist in Andalusia, this could be an excellent opportunity for the University to pilot the scheme, and there is likely to be interest on the part of the working group. There is also the option of trialling this with a single building, or small plot, to establish its efficacy before implementing it more widely, given the number of unoccupied properties in the area (Miranda et al. 2019).

CLT Strengths.

CLTs promote urban cohesion and diversification of neighbourhoods by making housing more affordable (Ring 2019). They also promote permanence of residents by maintaining costs at a low and stable level, therefore reducing the risk of eviction and relocation. As such, they are more socially and economically sustainable than other options. The same can be said for environmental sustainability, as demolition and construction can be greatly reduced. CLTs are also recommended for their ability to protect wealth for future generations by reducing the impact of market pressures on property value (Brady, Baiocchi and Carson 2018). Finally, they are hailed for promoting democratic decision-making which places the community’s needs centre stage and gives all members a platform to voice their concerns (Pialucha and Audrain 2020).

CLT Limitations.

CLTs are time-consuming to set up and require outside assistance in the way of legal and financial advisors. They also require an initial investment and substantial community support, given their voluntary nature, and this cannot be guaranteed (Brady, Baiocchi and Carson 2018). Further inquiry will be necessary to establish whether these exist at sufficient levels within the community. The implementation of CLTs in Spain also depends on legislative change at this point. Although the forecast for this looks promising, and collaboration with the University of Cordoba may speed this process up, it is not guaranteed. Finally, the same democratic principles which make it such a promising solution have implications for the day-to-day management of CLTs. These include a collective responsibility to maintain property and the potential for conflict in decision-making.

6. Challenge 2 – Improving quality of housing.

Another one of the challenges set out by the community was inadequate housing. This included poor sewage and sanitation infrastructure, abandoned and deteriorating buildings, lack of access to water in some of the higher-level flats, and poor access to buildings for elderly and disabled members of the community (Miranda et al. 2019). While the local council has begun to take a micro-level approach to improving housing (Laparra and Macías 2009)– which refers to small, incremental repairs rather than big renovation schemes – the roll out of these measures has been slow and has been further impacted by Covid-19 and economic pressures following the pandemic. Therefore, there is a very real need within the community for small-scale, short-term interventions to improve housing quality (Trehan 2009). At the moment, these interventions are not being realised at a fast enough rate, and there is a real danger that further deterioration of properties will increase the likelihood of relocation and demolition.

Option 2 – Expanding Mutual Aid Networks.

Mutual Aid Networks are based on the idea of identifying skills, services and goods that are available in the community and matching them with the people who need them (Dittmar and Kelbaugh 2018). This reflects the Asset Based approach set out earlier in this report. These networks tend to emerge in times of crisis, but as Professor Philip Alston – United Nations Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights – reported in the Winter of 2020, prior to the pandemic, the community in Polígono Sur already faces crisis conditions with regards to housing. Therefore, seeking to expand and develop networks that are doing crucial work at this very moment is a measure that is both realistic in scope and justified.

Mutual Aid Networks have appeared increasingly throughout the pandemic but were already understood to be a feature of the Roma community (Piemontese 2016). While confused by some as charity, in practice, Mutual Aid Networks are organised more along lines of solidarity. This is significant because solidarity is a great strength among the Roma community, and is something which can be easily mobilised (Lagunas Arias 2010). Once networks have been identified, there is potential for them to become more organised, to find other groups doing similar work nearby, and to extend their capacity for skill sharing and resource matching (provisionaluniversity 2013). While this may be one of the fastest and most affordable ways of enacting change, it is worth noting that some of the challenges – such as improving sewage infrastructure – are beyond the realms of what the community can do for itself. Repairs on a smaller scale, such as the building of ramps for wheelchair accessibility, or fixing water pressure, may be an appropriate place to start mobilising change. It is also important to bear in mind that the Mutual Aid Networks are not supposed to replace council repairs but are meant to complement them in order to improve the living conditions of the residents of Polígono Sur sooner, rather than later (Alston 2020).

Mutual Aid Network Strengths.

Mutual aid networks emerge organically to meet people’s needs and already exist in the community. They can be organised using fairly accessible materials. Many of those which emerged over the pandemic began as spreadsheets using data collated from social media. These informal channels can be identified by the community and used to gauge interest and collect information. Informality itself can be classed as an asset in that it reduces bureaucracy and allows change to happen at a far faster pace. Therefore, the focus of expanding mutual aid networks should be on building capacity, rather than on formalising for the sake of assimilating with state aid (Talen 2019). The philosophy of neighbourly support also complements the largely Evangelical Christian background of this community, while the self-help angle reflects existing mechanisms and strengths in this community, such as innovation, creativity and a do-it-yourself initiative (Danenberg and Haas 2018).

Mutual Aid Network Limitations.

The voluntary nature of mutual aid groups means that there may be challenges in the way of staffing and capacity to carry out work (Weissmann 1960). However, it may be beneficial to unemployed members of the community to gain experience and learn trades through such networks. Skill sharing workshops, organised through these networks, could help educate individuals on various topics, from practical labour to measures to take when faced with eviction (Martinez 2019).

There are also limitations in the way of technical expertise and funding (Weissmann 1960). However, these networks have the potential to bring people together in order to organise and further explore the resources that exist within the community, which is a valuable starting point.

Option 3 – Collaboration with Existing Movements.

The final suggestion in this report relates to collaboration with other groups in similar socioeconomic positions. Spanish civil society has been at the forefront of the global movement for housing equity following the 2008 financial crash, which left many homeless and in precarious conditions. The Indignados Anti-Eviction Assembly emerged as a grass-roots response to a lack of social security and aimed to empower people to resist eviction (Ramos 2013). Their actions include passive resistance, physically impeding eviction, negotiation with banks and collective occupation of buildings (Piemontese 2016). Their primary form of organising is through workshops, which help educate and equip citizens on their options. They justify their actions through politicisation, indicating that the state has neglected them and left them with no other options but to resist. The movement is fundamentally illegal, but it forms a comprehensive and collective social security network across the country (Piemontese 2016).

Collaboration Limitations

While this movement is in theory open to everyone, there have been limiting factors which have made it more difficult for the Roma community to become involved. The institutional discrimination against the community has left them with relatively fewer financial resources to offer the movement than other groups (Piemontese 2016). Negative attitudes towards the community and language barriers also limit involvement. Stigmatization of the Roma community also tends to worsen during times of austerity, which has been noted in attitudes within the Indignados movement (Maestri 2014).

Collaboration Strengths

However, there is huge potential for new solidarities to be formed, especially when collaboration is focused on socio-economic position in society, rather than ethnicity (Maestri 2014). A focus on housing is also evidenced to unite people more effectively than a focus on broader human rights. The measures used by the Indignados movement reflect social security measures already used by the Roma community in the face of state neglect, such as squatting and occupation of buildings (Trehan 2009). Therefore, cooperating and aligning efforts with the movement may help to legitimize these measures in the eyes of the state. It may also be very beneficial in reverting ideas of personal shame and responsibility by highlighting the role that the state and damaging housing policies have had in contributing to the rise in homelessness and dispossession among the community, which in turn should help shift negative perceptions of the community at a broader scale (Piemontese 2016).

7. Concluding remarks.

While the measures set out above are in no way comprehensive, I hope that they serve to further discussions around potential ways forward. A combination of small-scale, incremental measures, fostered by Mutual Aid Networks, alongside broader political and organisational changes in the way the land is managed, have the potential to address the crisis in both an immediate and a long-term sense, ensuring a continued right to housing and to staying put, while also improving the condition of housing. However, it is once again crucial to note that the housing crisis in Polígono Sur is a highly complex situation best understood by members of the community, and the measures undertaken should ultimately be settled on by you.

While implementation of these measures is not covered in this report, the attached sources should help provide documents that expand on the proposals set out here, give more practical guidance on enacting these changes, and provide links to the organisations mentioned above.

8. Further reading for the community.

Asset Based Community Development:

https://www.nurturedevelopment.org/asset-based-community-development/

Community Land Trust Handbooks:

http://www.communitylandtrusts.org.uk/what-is-a-clt/clt-handbook

https://www.nweurope.eu/projects/project-search/shicc-sustainable-housing-for-inclusive-and-cohesive-cities/resources/financial-guide-tools-to-boost-clt-and-ofs-financing-in-europe/

Fundación Secretariado Gitano:

https://www.gitanos.org/

El Laboratorio Jurídico sobre Desahucios (University of Cordoba): http://www.uco.es/laboratoriojuridico/proyecto/

Plataforma Khetane:

https://plataformakhetane.org

9. Bibliography.

Alston, Phillip. “Statement by Professor Philip Alston, United Nations Special Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights, on His Visit to Spain, 27 January – 7 February 2020.” (2020). https://www.ohchr.org/en/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=25524&LangID=E.

Bancroft, Angus. “Closed Spaces, Restricted Places: Marginalisation of Roma in Europe.” Space and Polity 5, no.2 (2001): 145–157. https://doi.org/10.1080/13562570120104454.

Brady, Marnie, Gianpaolo Baiocchi, and H Jacob Carson. “Beyond the Market: Housing Alternatives from the Grassroots.” Dissent Magazine (2018).

Danenberg, Rosa, and T Haas. “New Trends in Bottom-up Urbanism and Governance-Reformulating Ways for Mutual Engagement between Municipalities and Citizen-Led Urban Initiatives.” In The Palgrave Handbook of Bottom-Up Urbanism (2018): 113–129. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90131-2_8.

Dittmar, H, and D S Kelbaugh. “Lean Urbanism Is About Making Small Possible.” In The Palgrave Handbook of Bottom-Up Urbanism, edited by M Arefi and C Kickert (2018): 67–82. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan.

Flint, John. 2012. “Housing Policy, the Right to the City and the Construction of Knowledge.” International Journal of Housing Policy 12, no. 3 (2012): 253–61. https://doi.org/10.1080/14616718.2012.709667.

Harrison, Rebecca, Christian Blickem, Jonathan Lamb, Susan Kirk, and Ivaylo Vassilev. “Asset-Based Community Development: Narratives, Practice, and Conditions of Possibility—A Qualitative Study With Community Practitioners.” SAGE Open 9, no.1 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1177/2158244018823081.

Harvey, David. “The Right to the City.” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 27, no. 4 (2003): 939–41. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1111/j.0309-1317.2003.00492.x.

Lagunas Arias, David. “Empoderamiento, Arena Política y Asociacionismo Gitano Reflexiones Desde Un Trabajo Inacabado.” In NOS-OTROS: Miradas Antropológicas Sobre La Diversidad, edited by Javier Marcos Arévalo, Salvador Rodríguez Becerra, and Enrique Luque Baena, 1st ed. (2010): 371–90.

Laparra, Miguel, and Almudena Macías. “Spanish Gitanos, Romani Migrants and European Roma Identity: (Re)Unification or Self-Affirmation?” In Romani Politics in Contemporary Europe (2009): 226–45. London: Palgrave Macmillan.

Maestri, Gaja. “The Economic Crisis as Opportunity: How Austerity Generates New Strategies and Solidarities for Negotiating Roma Access to Housing in Rome.” City 18, no.6 (2014): 808–23. https://doi.org/10.1080/13604813.2014.962895.

Magazzini, Tina, and Stefano Piemontese. “Roma Migration in the EU: The Case of Spain between ‘new’ and ‘Old’ Minorities.” Migration Letters 13 (May 2016): 228–41. https://doi.org/10.33182/ml.v13i2.304.

Manzo, Lynne. “Recognizing the Lived Experience of Place: Challenges to Genuine Participation in Redeveloping Public Housing Communities.” In The Paradox of Urban Space, edited by S E Sutton and S P Kemp (2011): 77–89. New York.

Marin Thornton, Gabriela. “The Outsiders: Power Differentials between Roma and Non-Roma in Europe.” Perspectives on European Politics and Society 15, no. 1 (2014): 106–19. https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2013.873260.

Martí, Teresa Sordé, and Fernando Macías. “Making Roma Rights a Reality at the Local Level: A Spanish Case Study.” In Realizing Roma Rights (2017): 187–99. https://doi.org/10.9783/9780812293876-011.

Martinez, Miguel A. “Bitter Wins or a Long-Distance Race? Social and Political Outcomes of the Spanish Housing Movement.” Housing Studies 34, no.10 (2019): 1588–1611. https://doi.org/10.1080/02673037.2018.1447094.

Miranda, Daniela E., Manuel Garcia-Ramirez, Fabricio E. Balcazar, and Yolanda Suarez-Balcazar. “A Community-Based Participatory Action Research for Roma Health Justice in a Deprived District in Spain.” International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health (2019). https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph16193722.

Oprea, Alexandra. “Re-Envisioning Social Justice from Ground Up: Including the Experiences of Romani Women.” Essex Human Rights Review 1 (January 2004).

Pialucha, Diane, and Justine Audrain. “Urban Community Land Trust in Europe: Towards a Transnational Movement.” (2020)

Piemontese, Stefano. “From Deviant Squatters to Moral Squatters? Social Protection, Empowerment and Participation of Romanian ‘Roma’ in a Spanish Anti-Eviction Assembly.” In Intersecting Mobilities and Social Protection: Looking out for a New Approach How to Do Research, edited by Eberhard Raithelhuber, Wolfgang Schroeer, and Nandita Sharma (2016): 80–92. Salzburg: University of Salzburg.

Plataforma, Khetane, Fakali, Kamira, Fagex, Kale Dor Kayiko, and Directorate General for Justice and Consumers. “Civil Society Monitoring Report on Implementation of the National Roma Integration Strategies in Spain.” (2018) Luxembourg.

provisionaluniversity. “SIX LESSONS FROM SPAIN’S ANTI-EVICTION MOVEMENT.” (2013). https://provisionaluniversity.wordpress.com/2013/11/14/six-lessons-from-spains-anti-eviction-movement/.

Ramos, José. “#INDIGNACIÓN EN ANDALUCÍA: ORIGEN Y ANDADURA INICIAL DEL MOVIMIENTO 15-M.” Si Somos Americanos 13 (December 2013): 15–32. https://doi.org/10.4067/S0719-09482013000200002.

Ring, K. 2019. “The Self-Made City—Urban Living and Alternative Development Models.” In The Palgrave Handbook of Bottom-Up Urbanism, edited by M Arefi and C Kickert (2019): 131–47. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan.

Talen, Emily. “DIY Neighborhoods.” In The Palgrave Handbook of Bottom-Up Urbanism, edited by M Arefi and C Kickert (2019): 99–112. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan.

Trehan, N. 2009. “The Romani Subaltern within Neoliberal European Civil Society: NGOization of Human Rights and Silent Voices.” In Romani Politics in Contemporary Europe, edited by N Sigona and N Trehan (2009): 51–71. London: Palgrave Macmillan.

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The impact of urban regeneration processes on segregation and stigmatization in Rosengård, Malmö.


Linda Eckefeldt: I wanted to look at this community since my whole family is from, and many still live in, the southern-most county of Sweden, Scania, which is where Malmö is located. It can be very disheartening to see the racially motivated stigma that exists in the country and the rapid rise of national populism. The case of Rosengård is particularly interesting and important due to the amount of media attention it has received. The current efforts made by the municipal and city authorities to alleviate segregation through regeneration processes merit a thorough analysis as it has been noted by scholars that these can easily turn into gentrification processes if the local population is not properly and genuienly involved in the development of the project.

Author bio

This community briefing looks at the neighbourhood of Rosengård in Malmö, Sweden. The city district has a complicated history of immigration, segregation, and stigmatization. Although Rosengård is often portrayed as a problem area, many important social and cultural networks exist in the community which are highlighted in this briefing. Some recent regeneration processes undertaken by the city of Malmö (Malmö Stad) in Rosengård are evaluated in terms of their utility and value for the current residents. Some worrying signs of displacement have been reported in the area surrounding the current urban regeneration process, Amiralsstaden, as well as a general lack of connection with the project. The process is also examined in the broader context of a general move towards the marketization and privatization of public housing stock, and public-private partnerships, in the Swedish public housing system. This points to a changing role for the Swedish municipal housing companies, Allmännyttan, and calls for stronger tenant organization and cooperation. Three recommendations are provided, which consider the current needs of the community concerning housing, language barriers and building back better after the COVID outbreak. These should serve as inspiration for the community to think of ways in which they can work together to improve their situation.

1. Background on the city of Malmö.

Malmö has become one of the most culturally diverse cities in Sweden due to both historic and more recent immigration patterns. Although Sweden has historically been an ethnically homogenous country, immigration in recent years has been marked by an increase in refugee and asylee populations. This has resulted in a shift in the racial, religious, and ethnic makeup of many urban areas, especially in the metropolises of Malmö, Gothenburg, and Stockholm, which has, in some cases, led to increased tension and stigma. One of these areas is Rosengård which has a complicated history of immigration, segregation, and stigmatization. Malmö could also be described as ‘post-industrial’ as it was home to a world-leading shipbuilding industry possessing a masculine working-class identity. However, the industry collapsed in the 1970s and Malmö went through a period of de-industrialization and out-migration (Gustafsson 2021). Since then, the public housing legal structure has changed drastically, and the city has seen multiple regeneration efforts as well as being re-branded as a ‘knowledge city’ (Smedberg 2019). I will look at some past and current regeneration processes, explore their value for the current residents and how they fit into a worrying trend towards the privatization and financialization of the Swedish public housing system. I value qualitative and subjective research as well as interviews and personal accounts above any other in this briefing since I believe that feelings and memories are valuable sources of information when investigating a community (Mack 2021).

2. Introducing the Community.

Figure 1. Rosengård from the east. Source: Fred J (Wikimedia Commons)

In English, Rosengård translates into ‘Rose Manor’. It is a city district of Malmö which is home to about 23,865 people, of which about 88.5% are first- and second-generation immigrants from the former Yugoslavia, Turkey, Syria, Somalia, among other countries. The mean yearly income is about 80,000 Swedish crowns (approx. £6,800) less than the Malmö average, and significantly lower than any other city district (Malmö Stad, 2020). In a survey conducted by Derakhati and Baeten (2020) it was also found that most households were generally of a larger size. 48% of the respondents declared that their household had four other people and 42% said they lived with two or three other people.

Figure 2. Reasons to live and stay in Rosengård. Source: Derakhati and Baeten, 2020.

Figure 3. Previous place of living before moving to Rosengård. Source: Derakhati and Baeten, 2020.

The study also shows that many residents in Rosengård have lived in the area for a long time and want to stay. 45% of respondents said the reason they want to stay in the area is the proximity to family and friends while 20% named low rent as the main reason (Figure 1). It ‘revealed that the concentration of immigrants does not just happen on its own’ (15) through highlighting the important social networks and self-supportive systems that have formed between the residents. Notably some residents’ ability to have their needs met without having to learn the Swedish language. 46% of respondents moved to Rosengård from a different district of Malmö and 11% had previously lived somewhere else in Rosengård (Figure 2). Another aspect that makes Rosengård unique is its cultural diversity. 29% of respondents reported having previously lived outside of Sweden (Derakhati and Baeten, 2020).

In terms of education levels, Rosengård also ranks lower than other parts of Malmö. 30% of adult residents have only finished elementary school, 38.5% have a high school diploma, and 23% pursued higher education, as compared to the Malmö average, which shows 12% of adults as only having finished elementary school and 48.5% pursue higher education (Malmö Stad, 2020). In a study made up of conversational-style interviews with immigrant youths in urban areas in Sweden, the term ‘Swedishness’ is used in the context of a pressure young migrants feel to ‘perform’ or ‘act’ in a Swedish manner, especially in school. This pressure is closely tied to language which imbues the Swedish education system where students are taught to think, speak and read in Swedish, reinforcing the ‘otherness’ of the migrant category. Other aspects of this ‘otherness’ that were identified and understood to affect the life choices young people make are the territorial stigmatization of areas such as Rosengård and the disadvantaged position of immigrants in Swedish society (Johansson and Olofsson, 2011).


Swedish Public Housing: A Quick Reader

The Swedish public housing system started developing during the late 1940s under the Socialist Democrat government as part of their ‘Folkhemmet’ (the ‘people’s home’) project. It was based on the principle of providing affordable, good public housing for all citizens, and placed the responsibility of this provision mainly on the municipalities. The State still had a central role through shaping housing policy for 40 years, in conjunction with housing subsidies, the regulation of loan interest rates and the use of highly regulated municipal housing companies (Allmännyttan). During this time, the Million Program, with the aim of building one million houses in 10 years was created. By the early 1970s, the housing shortage ended and the overall housing standard in Sweden was high (Grundström and Molina, 2016).

Since then, Swedish housing policy has started to veer more towards deregulation and privatization notably due to the economic crisis of the early 1990s. The right-wing government began dismantling the previous governments’ housing policy and introduced a strong focus on marketization by abolishing real estate taxes and replacing it with a lower municipal fee (Ionescu et al., 2019).

In 2011, a new law regarding Allmännyttan was introduced stipulating that these companies should operate along ‘business principles’. This law essentially removed all the regulations prohibiting the municipality to run the company for profit alongside other private housing companies and it removed their rental management role (Allmännyttan, 2021). Consequently, it has become harder for municipalities to keep rents affordable (Ionescu et al., 2019).

3. Segregation and Stigmatization in Rosengård.

Some of Rosengård’s housing complexes were built in the 1970s as part of the Million Program. The de-industrialization of Malmö in combination with middle-class populations moving to newer suburbs led to a rapid decline in the demand for Million Program housing and soon many apartments stood empty. Rosengård was especially scrutinized by the media as it had initially been praised as the future of modern living (Parker and Madueira, 2016). These housing areas have been dubbed ‘betongförorter’ (concrete suburbs) and their Modernist look has generally been discussed pejoratively in the media (see Figure 4). On top of this negative public perception, many of them are now in need of repairs. There has been much debate over how these buildings, which are built all over Sweden, should be maintained. Although ‘many residents consistently argue for minor maintenance and routine repair—for care—yet answers have come through either [as] complete neglect or extensive renovations.’ (Mack, 2021: 3).


Figure 4. Million Programme housing in Rosengård. Source: Ella Holttinen

The ‘stigmatization [of Rosengård] has complex roots. It seems in part a self-perpetuating process whereby stories may be seen as more newsworthy as they relate to previous stories’ (Parker and Madueira, 2016: 594). In 2017, a report was released by the Swedish Police titled ‘Vulnerable areas – social order, criminal structure and challenges for the police’. This report located different urban areas in Sweden and classified them as ‘especially vulnerable areas’, ‘risk areas’ and ‘vulnerable areas’. Rosengård along with Södra Sofielund in Malmö were classified: ‘especially vulnerable areas’. The report gained widespread public media attention and the areas were often misrepresented as ‘no-go zones’ in right-wing nationalist media all over Europe. As such, Rosengård has gained the reputation of being a dangerous area characterized by localized forms of social order, such as gangs and Islamic extremism. Consequently, some rather extreme securitization and policing methods have been adopted. Between 2015 and 2017, two security cameras were installed in Herrgården by the Police which marked the first time security cameras were allowed in a residential area in Scania (Fritze 2015). In 2019, the Malmö police started the ‘Sluta Skjut (Stop Shooting)’ project, inspired by the US ‘Group Violence Intervention’ method (Polisen 2019). It has been noted that ‘[r]eports from unrest in Rosengård tended to accentuate an ethnic dimension but often failed to see causes related to the labour market, housing market and media itself’ (Parker and Madueira 2016, 595).


A brief history of Racism, Xenophobia and Islamophobia in Sweden.

The Swedish Democrats, a nationalist and right-wing populist party with its roots in Swedish fascism and white nationalism, are now the third largest party in Sweden, securing 17.5% of the vote and 62 seats in parliament in the 2018 elections. Negative sentiments toward foreigners are not a new phenomenon in Sweden, however.


The first immigrants from countries and areas with a strong Muslim tradition came to Sweden in the early 1960s, mainly from Turkey and former Yugoslavia. However, it was not until the beginning of the 1970s that Islam started to hold a more permanent place in Swedish society due to the growing need for mosques, prayer rooms and the establishment of new Islamic organisations (Borell 2012).


During the 1980s, highly organized white power organizations committed many physical attacks against refugees, immigrants, religious groups, and queer people. These groups would also methodically harass ‘the most prominent representatives of antiracist movements and politicians, including constant telephone harassment, demolition of private property, graffiti, and physical assaults’ (Bunar 2007, 168).

Despite these areas continuously being portrayed pessimistically in much of national media, many residents feel a strong connection and attachment to Million Program housing and its green affects (Mack 2021). The area of Rosengård is also famously the birthplace of the famous Swedish football player, Zlatan Ibrahimovic. It houses the ‘Zlatan Court’, the football court where he learned how to play growing up. A notable characteristic of the area is the availability of many Islamic cultural places and mosques which not only serve as places of integration and worship but have contributed to building an interconnected cultural network (Derakhati and Baeten 2020).


Figure 5. Zlatan Court. Source: Kjetil Ree (Wikipedia Commons)

4. Regeneration (or gentrification?) processes in Rosengård.

Parker and Madueira (2016) identified five broad public housing management strategies that have been used to address socio-economic problems and unattractiveness in stigmatized and segregated housing estates: restructuring, upgrading, service-partnering, socio-economic empowerment, and image building.

  • Restructuring.

Attempting to transform an area by means of demolition, reconstruction and transforming forms of tenure, often with the stated aim of social mixing’ (591)

Projects with this approach have historically led to gentrification and the feasibility of the concept of ‘social mixing’ for fostering social interaction has also been discredited. Rather, it can have the adverse effect of breaking up important supportive social networks that have been formed within less advantaged communities.

  • Upgrading.

This approach addresses the maintenance of the physical environment through the creation of amenities and public spaces. It could lead to gentrification if these are geared and marketed toward middle- and upper-class citizens.

  • Service-partnering.

This refers to government departments, organizations and/or individuals working together to provide service delivery. Of main importance here is the focus on greater citizen involvement and it implies a changing role for both the residents and the municipal housing companies. This approach is promising in theory, but it may be difficult to produce results, especially without genuine bona fide community outreach. A bottom-up example is ‘co-production’ which requires a higher degree of community organization.

  • Socio-economic empowerment.

These are strategies that seek to empower people to become more involved in society e.g., information services for newly arrived migrants.

  • Image building.

This approach is a double-edged sword – improving the image of a stigmatized area might be beneficial though it may also distort or obscure the social challenges that are present.

Often, regeneration processes will include elements from a number of these strategies.


Figure 6. The Bokals in Rosengård. Source: Johan Wessman, News Øresund (Flickr)

In 2009, MKB Fastighets AB (Malmö’s municipal housing company) started offering rental units that were a fusion between residential and commercial, ‘bokaler’ (after the Swedish words for dwelling (bostad) and facility (lokal) – a dwellity if you will). The idea is to promote and harness the entrepreneurship that already exists in Rosengård. This approach fuses all the above strategies together. Some examples that have been realized since then are a greengrocer, a florist, a hairdresser, a travel agency, and a fast-food restaurant. The idea has now been replicated in other Swedish cities (Mäklarsamfundet 2020). The creation of the Bokal, could be seen as marking the beginning of MKB’s move away from mainly socio-economic empowerment strategies to other public housing management strategies (Parker and Madudeira 2016).

The main focus of Malmö Stad’s (Malmö’s municipal government) current social sustainability plan in Rosengård is the urban regeneration process ‘Amiralsstaden’. Although the plan concerns other city districts as well. The aim is to create an open and inviting, green pathway lined with cafés, stores, and green spaces going from the east to the west of Rosengård and linking it to the center of town. The overarching vision is creating a dense, green, and mixed-function city district (Malmö Stad, 2021). The hallmark stage of this process was the inauguration of Rosengård station in 2018. The opening of this new trainline (that cost 155 million Swedish crowns – approx. £13.3 million) would ‘bind Malmö together’. However, in a reportage, a journalist spoke to residents in the nearby apartments of Törnrosen and found that no one he asked said they used the trainline (Orange, 2019). Derakhatu and Baeten (2020) found similar responses in a 2019 survey as more than a third of respondents claimed they usually don’t use the train station.

Central to this process is the Culture Casbah, a Transit-Oriented Development – which will ‘[transform] Törnrosen and Örtagård to a vibrant, urban and green part of Malmö’ (Malmö Stad, 2021) – through densification and building a multi-story, mixed-use building which will include residential, commercial, cultural, institutional and entertainment services. The project was met with some resistance and there were some protests against its construction in 2016 (Derakhati and Baeten, 2020). The former CEO of MKB, Terje Johansson, stated that MKB’s tenants cannot stand for the financing and risks involved with the project and that collaboration with private actors would be essential. Thus, in 2016 MKB, quite controversially, sold 1,650 of their apartments in Törnrosen and Örtagård to a new company, Rosengårds Fastigheter AB, of which MKB, Victoria Park AB, Heimstaden AB and Balder AB all would share equal ownership (Sydsvenskan, 2016). In March 2020, the five CEOs wrote an opinion piece in the Scanian newspaper Sydsvenskan putting forth the idea that Malmö’s new art museum should be placed in the Culture Casbah. At the heart of this project lies the belief that ‘social mixing’ will counteract segregation and that improving the ‘image’ of Rosengård will counteract stigmatization.


Figure 9. Culture Casbah – designed by the Danish architecture firm Lundgaard & Tranberg which earned them the ‘Best Futura Project’ prize at the MIPIM-event in Cannes in 2013. Source: nosegregation.tilda.ws

[S]trategies of social mixing are basically ignoring that people choose to locate close to people that they can identify with, and that the intention to create heterogeneous housing areas is more of a planner’s myth than a socially-credible or desirable reality’

(Parker and Madueira, 2016: 591)

Increasing the feeling of safety is often used as an argument for restructuring Million Program housing. The paradoxical nature of this aim has been pointed out, as it can in many cases increase feelings of housing insecurity – producing stress and anxiety – for those who already live in the urban development area (Westin & Molina, 2011). Derakhati and Baeten (2020) made some worrying discoveries in their study on the Amiralsstaden project area. Local residents were asked about their thoughts on the Culture Casbah and reported a general skepticism and weak connection to the project. Some evidence of displacement pressure was also found as tenants reported serious unresponsiveness on behalf of the new landlords in addition to care services being cut off in certain cases. This has led to feelings of fear and anxiety about the uncertainty caused by the new development. More than 60% of respondents claimed that they would not afford rent increases. Mack (2021) has commented on the general reluctance of Swedish municipalities to incorporate residents’ views and opinions when they deviate from the expected answer, choosing not to hear them. It appears Malmö Stad is trying to operate the Amiralsstaden process through a network governance approach, however it lacks in transparency and has a questionable approach to public participation. Although the municipality has claimed that one of the central aspects of the process is building ‘knowledge alliances’ and improving the democratic process through early public involvement, the reality has been somewhat different (Smedberg 2019).

Figure 10. Governance of Amiralsstaden. Source: Ionescu et al. 2019.

The process is led by Malmö Stad and the city planning office (Stadsbyggnadsnämnden), along with nine municipal departments (förvaltning). Some EU funding for Amiralsstaden is granted through the Malmö Innovation Arena (MIA) – which was created for this very purpose – pointing to either the increased need for flexibility in urban regeneration processes or to the ‘projectification of usual public services to efficient use of the tax money’ (Ionescu et al. 2019). The process is still somewhat unclear though and it has been hard, even for scholars, to establish in what order smaller projects have been realized (Smedberg 2019).

[P]articipation without redistribution of power is an empty and frustrating process for the powerless. It allows the powerholders to claim that all sides were considered but makes it possible for only some of those sides to benefit. It maintains the status quo’

(Arnstein [1969] 2021, 216)

5. Community Recommendations.

The following recommendations have been formulated with the current signs of the gradual privatization of the Swedish housing sector in mind. As discussed above, the municipal housing companies used to be bound by stronger regulations concerning rent-setting and tenant protection, and therefore operated while keeping the community’s best interests in mind. The responsibility of taking care of the community now lies with the community.

Preserving community

Improving community organization

The creation of a Rosengård Tenants’ Association could improve the political leverage of Rosengård’s residents in negotiations with different actors. Additionally, the mobilization and organization of tenants would facilitate organizing a rent strike and amplify the community’s voice. It could prevent, or at least highlight, the increasing number of housing shares that are sold to private companies with a stronger interest in the area’s ‘image’ and profitability, than the people who live there.

Integrating community

Social entrepreneurships as a model for social and cultural integration

A social entrepreneurship is an economic approach which can be taken by groups or individual entrepreneurs to develop, fund, and implement solutions to social issues. It can be organized in many ways with organizations varying in size, aims, and beliefs. In 2009, the social entrepreneurship Yalla Trappan was founded with the goal of capitalizing on existing knowledges of migrant women, such as cleaning, cooking, and sewing, thus creating employment for those who tend to be furthest away from the labour market (Yalla Trappan 2021). It is a successful example of combining service-partnering and socio-economic empowerment approaches. The entrepreneurship recently signed a deal with Rosengård Fastigheter AB to provide general maintenance and cleaning for the up-coming renovated housing.

As mentioned earlier, social networks that exist in the community are threatened by potential rent increases brought on by the restructuring project (Parker and Madueira 2016). These invaluable social networks should be preserved. Therefore, creating a social entrepreneurship with the purpose of providing language and translation services could make use of some of the existing knowledge in these communities. This has great potential for the inclusion of young people and cooperation with the educational system through providing mentorship programs and employment references. Services could include translating official documents, writing sessions and public classes.

Re-building community

Strengthening community relations

The biggest challenge for the community right now is recovering from the COVID-19 outbreak. Rosengård and similar urban areas in Sweden were particularly affected and it highlighted a lack of communication between some of the populations and the authorities. In a segment of Aktuellt (Swedish news report), ‘In the tracks of the Pandemic – Rosengård’, Nicolas Lunabba, from the youth organization Hela Malmö, says that:

Early on, we started talking within the organization of this Corona-language – keeping distance or staying home from work – that, for many people in the service sector or people with insecure jobs, hourly employment here and there, don’t have that privilege. They’re recommendations that we can’t follow. And then that leads to, of course, more cases because the social mobility implies that we put ourselves at higher risk of being infected.”

(SVT Play 2020, own translation)

He also interviews an imam who criticized the government’s lacking communication and information to the members of their mosque. The mosque had delivered information to their members in multiple languages. These informal, yet essential, social networks and relationships must be preserved. I propose to organize ‘Post-COVID Comfort Walks’ and ‘Post-COVID Mourning Walks’ for anyone that has gone through loss or isolation during the pandemic.

6. Bibliography.

Allmännyttan. 2021. “Historiska epoker [Historical Epochs]”. Allmännyttan. Accessed on 15 March 2021. https://www.allmannyttan.se/historia/historiska-epoker/.

Arnstein, Sherry R. “A Ladder Of Citizen Participation.” Journal of the American Institute of Planners 35, no. 4 (1969): 216-224. DOI: 10.1080/01944366908977225

Borell, Klas. “Islamofobiska fördomar och hatbott: en kunskapsöversikt [Islamophobic prejudice and hate crimes: an overview].” SST Working Papers Nr. 1 (2012).

Bunar, Nihad. “Hate Crimes Against Immigrants in Sweden and Community Responses.” American Behavioral Scientist 51, no. 2 (2007): 166–181. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002764207306049.

Derakhti, Laleh and Guy Baeten. “Contradictions of Transit-Oriented Development in Low-Income Neighborhoods: The Case Study of Rosengård in Malmö, Sweden.” Urban Science 4, no. 2 (2020): 20. https://doi.org/10.3390/urbansci4020020.

Grundström, Karin and Irene Molina. “From Folkhem to lifestyle housing in Sweden: segregation and urban form, 1930s–2010s.” International Journal of Housing Policy 16, no. 3 (2016): 316-336.

Gustafsson, Jennie. “Spatial, Financial and Ideological Trajectories of Public Housing in Malmö, Sweden.” Housing, Theory and Society 38, no. 1 (2021): 95-114. DOI:10.1080/14036096.2019.1686061.

Holttinen, Ella. Rosengård – Welfare state ghetto. Photograph. Spotted by Locals. Last modified 23 May 2021. https://www.spottedbylocals.com/malmo/rosengard/.

I pandemins spår – Rosengård [In the wake of the pandemic – Rosengård], Aktuellt. Aired 17 Febrary 2021, on SVT (Sveriges Television). Accessed on 10 April 2021, SVT Play. https://www.svtplay.se/klipp/30181876/i-pandemins-spar–rosengard?id=e9VxVyE&position=294.

Ionescu, Ana Maria, Rüya Oral Özgün, and Marvin Sommer. “Amiralsstaden Malmö, Sweden. An experimental apprach to urban regeneration.” Group project for the course ‘Making Urban Studies’, Malmö University, (June 2019).

https://medium.com/@zgnn_/ami%CC%87ralsstaden-an-experi%CC%87mental-approach-to-urban-regenerati%CC%87on-f6f193066359.

J, Fred <https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/User:Fred_J.>. Rosengård från öster. Photograph. Wikimedia Commons. (21 August 2005). https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Roseng%C3%A5rd_fr%C3%A5n_%C3%B6ster.jpg.

Johansson, Thomas and Rita Olofsson. “The art of becoming ‘Swedish’: Immigrant Youth, school careers and life plans.” Ethinicities 11, no. 2 (2011): 184-201. https://doi.org/10.1177/1468796811398827.

Mack, Jennifer. “Impossible nostalgia: green affect in the landscapes of the Swedish Million Program.” Landscape Research (2021). https://doi.org/10.1080/01426397.2020.1858248.

Malmö Stad. “Rosengård.” Accessed on 3 March 2021.

https://malmo.se/Stadsutveckling/Stadsutvecklingsomraden/Rosengard.html.

Malmö Stad. “Statistikunderlag för Malmös områden [Statistical data for Mamlö’s regions] 2021-02-08.” Downloadable excel sheet. Accessed on 8 February 2021. https://malmo.se/Fakta-och-statistik/Statistik-for-Malmos-omraden.html.

Mäklarsamfundet. “Om det unika boendekonceptet bokaler [About the unique housing concept bokals]”. (February 2020).

https://www.maklarsamfundet.se/nyheter/om-det-unika-boendekonceptet-bokaler

Nosegregationtilda.ws. Culture Casbah. Digital rendering of the Culture Casbah. http://nosegregation.tilda.ws/culturecasbah.

Orange, Richard. “Ring to bind: Will Malmö’s new rail line fight segregation?” The Local. (27 February 2019). https://www.thelocal.se/20190227/ring-to-bind-malmo-hopes-a-new-rail-line-will-fight-segregation/.

Parker, Peter and Ana Mafalda Madudeira. “Housing context and legitimacy in the transformation of a stigmatized estate: the case of Rosengård.” Journal of Housing and the Built Environment 31 (2015): 589–604. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10901-015-9480-3.

Pedersen, Hermod. “MKB släpper bostäderna i Rosengård [MKB lets housing go in Rosengård]” Sydsvenskan, (6 October 2016). Accessed 14 April 2021.

https://www.sydsvenskan.se/2016-10-06/mkb-slapper-bostaderna-i-rosengard

Polisen. “Utsatta områden – social order, kriminell struktur och utmaningar för polisen [Vulnerable areas – social order, criminal structure and challenges for the police]” Report by the Swedish Police (December 2015). https://polisen.se/siteassets/dokument/ovriga_rapporter/utsatta-omraden-sociala-risker-kollektiv-formaga-och-oonskade-handelser.pdf

Polisen. “Sluta skjut [Stop Shooting]”. Accessed on 12 February 2021.

https://polisen.se/om-polisen/polisens-arbete/dodligt-vald/sluta-skjut/

Ree, Kjetil. “Zlatan Court.” 2019. Photograph. Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Zlatan_Court_(1._aug_2019).jpg.

Rosengårds Fastigheter. “Culture Casbah.” Map of Amiralsstaden. Accessed on 10 February 2021. https://www.rosengardfastigheter.se/culture-casbah.

Fritze, Gunilla. “Kameror mot kriminalitet i Rosengård [Cameras against criminal activity in Rosengård]”, SVT Nyheter, (22 May 2015).

https://www.svt.se/nyheter/lokalt/skane/kameror-mot-kriminalitet-i-rosengard

Smedberg, Matilda. “Multiple Knowledges and Participation in Planning: A Case Study of the Amrialsstaden Process.” Master’s thesis, Lund University, Sweden (2019). http://lup.lub.lu.se/student-papers/record/8993676.

Sörling, Petra, Patrik Hall, Marie Thelander Dellhag, Erik Selin, Per Ekelund. “Debattinlägg: ”Vi föreslår att Malmös nya konstmuseum blir en del av Culture Casbah i Rosengård. [Opinion: “We propose that Malmö’s new art museum become a part of the Culture Casbah in Rosengård]”, Sydsvenskan (4 March 2020).

https://www.sydsvenskan.se/2020-03-04/vi-foreslar-att-malmos-nya-konstmuseum-blir-en-del-av-culture-casbah-i-rosengard

Wessman, Johan (News Oresund). MKB Bokaler Ortagarden Rosengard Malmo 20140724_003. (24 July 2014). Photograph. Flickr. https://www.flickr.com/photos/newsoresund/14768797876/.

Yalla Trappan. “Yallah Trappan Verksamhet [Yallah Trappan Organisation].” Accessed on 13 March 2021. https://www.yallatrappan.com/verksamhet/.

Zan, Jin. Rosengårds station, Malmö, 100521, 1. (10 May 2019). Photograph. Wikimedia Commons. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Roseng%C3%A5rds_station,_Malm%C3%B6,_100521,_1.jpg.

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Environmental Justice Challenge in East Boston: Recommendations for Community Action

Georgina Steel is a fourth-year international student at the University of St. Andrews. She grew up on the outskirts of Boston and have seen first-hand some of the environmental injustices these low-income, minority communities face, so wanted to share these experiences through her community briefing.

Author bio

East Boston is an urban community located within Massachusetts, in the northeastern United States. The community is densely populated by primarily Latinx and working-class residents, and thus faces many socio-economic challenges and systemic injustices. As a result, many environmental burdens have been imposed on East Boston, such as noise and air pollution from the nearby airport and highways, and the storage of toxic products. Currently, Eversource is taking advantage of this disenfranchised community and adding to these burdens by building an electrical substation. The State classified East Boston as an Environmental Justice Population in 2010 to increase support and provide resources to low-income minority communities. However, even with these State laws to protect these communities, the substation was approved on February 22, 2021. To support the East Boston’s fight against the substation, this community briefing recommends they form a united activist group with a social media presence, and then translate all policy materials into Spanish and all campaign materials to English. Finally, they should hold high visibility community events and in-person activist meetings to share their stories. These recommendations aim to inspire action at the local scale by uniting and amplifying community voices to create change in East Boston.

1. Overview.

This Community Report aims to advise the people of East Boston on what actions they can take against the electrical substation Eversource is trying to build in the Eagle Hill neighbourhood.

  • East Boston suffers from Too Much In My Backyard (TMIMBY)
  • Community opposes the proposed Electrical Substation
  • Victims of environmental injustice – víctimas de la injusticia ambiental
  • Community excluded from the public process
  • What action can the community take? – ¿Qué acción puede tomar la comunidad?
Figure 1. Plane flying low over East Boston neighbourhood (Ramakrishna, 2019).

2. The Urban Community.

East Boston is an urban community located within Boston, Massachusetts, in the northeastern United States. Boston is well known for its sustainability achievements and progressive goals for carbon neutrality, but there is not enough focus on the involvement of social and environmental justice in the State’s goals and actions (Walsh, 2019). East Boston has acutely felt the consequences of these injustices. The urban community is situated on the coast, North-East of the city centre, adjacent to the Boston airport, and built on reclaimed land (Project Bread, 2020).

The community is a diverse residential area with a long history of immigrant and working-class residents (Ramakrishna, 2019). In the mid-nineteenth century, East Boston was mainly populated by Irish immigrants but towards the end of the nineteenth century, it became home to a majority Italian population (Gahan, 2018). However, more recently, beginning at the end of the twentieth century, the population shifted to become primarily Latinx in origin (Gahan, 2018). The 2010 government census confirmed that 53% of East Boston were “Hispanic or Latino,” which was significantly more than the “White” population, 37.2% (City of Boston, 2010). This urban community stands in contrast to the rest of Boston’s population demographics where the statistics were reversed with more people identifying as white, 47%, and only 17.5% identifying as Hispanic or Latino, which shows that East Boston’s high density of Latinx residents is unique (City of Boston, 2010).

Over the years, immigrants have built a community within East Boston and become important drivers of the local economy and culture. However, this community faces many socio-economic challenges due to the systemic and structural conditions built into the political economy of the State and the Nation, including:

  • Racial and ethnic inequity
  • Gender inequity
  • Social exclusion
  • Uneven distribution of income and wealth

(Project Bread, 2020)

Redlining is an example of a systemic unjust process. The process was established in the 1930s to demean and restrict upward mobility of racial and ethnic minorities, as it identified their communities as a financial risk for loans and insurance (Taggart and Smith, 1981). Even though this policy was banned 50 years ago, the consequences, like the increased income gap, can still be felt today by the affected communities (Project Bread, 2020). East Boston was identified as one such high-risk community.

Due to the restrictions and injustices imposed on East Boston, there is a high rate of poverty. As a result, this minority, low- income community is often excluded from the decision-making processes determining policies that impact their welfare (Huizer, 2018). This neglect of the community’s opinions and experiences by their representatives has cemented a deep-rooted distrust in the government (Huizer, 2018). The community’s exclusion from policy decisions has made them vulnerable and allowed the State to capitalise on the lack of resistance by building industrial and polluting infrastructure nearby. As a result, many environmental burdens have been imposed on East Boston (Figure 2), such as:

  • Noise and air pollution from the airport;
  • Jet fuel, heating oil and salt stored next to Chelsea Creek;
  • Noise and air pollution from truck traffic and highways.
    (Ramakrishna, 2019; Wasser, 2021a)
Figure 2. Locations of key burdens and sites in East Boston (Wasser, 2021b).

An increasing awareness around vulnerable communities in the State eventually resulted in the Massachusetts State Government identifying Environmental Justice Populations in 2010, which can be seen in the map in Figure 3 (Mass.gov, 2010). These communities were identified if they met one of the following criteria:

  1. When the annual median household income for a block group is less than or equal to 65% of the statewide median (2010: $62,072); or
  2. When “25% or more of the residents identify as a race other than white; or”
  3. When “25% or more of the households have no one over the age of 14 who speaks English only or very well (English Isolation)”
    (Mass.gov, 2010)
Figure 3. East Boston Environmental Justice Populations (Mass.gov, 2010).

Every neighbourhood in East Boston fell under one of more of these categories, demonstrating their need for increased assistance. However, the classification itself does not help the community unless it is acted upon by the State. The glaring inequity between East Boston and some of the surrounding communities was recently exposed and exacerbated as the urban community was disproportionately affected by coronavirus and the pandemic’s economic outfall (Project Bread, 2020).

3. Urban Sustainability Challenge.

East Boston faces many urban sustainability challenges, both social and environmental, but one of the most recent challenges affecting the community is a struggle against the construction of the East Eagle Substation that Eversource proposed in the Eagle Hill neighbourhood of East Boston (Wasser, 2021a).

Electrical Substations

Electrical Substations are a necessary part of the energy infrastructure that provide communities with power. They convert high- voltage electricity, traveling quickly from generators to a lower voltage for local distribution (Eversource, 2020; Wasser, 2021a).

Environmental Burdens

Residents of East Boston are heavily opposed to the substation being built in their densely populated neighbourhood because the infrastructure is prone to fires and explosions, while there is also a high risk of flooding from Chelsea Creek (Wasser, 2021a). Also, the site location is across the street from one of the few community green spaces called an Urban Wild, a popular sports field, and a children’s playground (Ramakrishna, 2019). Eversource’s flood analysis claimed that the substation’s foundation elevation would exceed the flood elevation standards of the Federal Emergency Management Agency’s (FEMA) 500-year storm water levels (Figure 4) (Eversource, 2020). However, FEMA’s flood maps are notoriously controversial, as they only consider historic flooding and not the potential increase in future flooding, which is highly likely due to climate change and the location of East Boston (Ramakrishna, 2019).

Figure 4. Eversource flood analysis for the proposed substation (Eversource, 2020).

In response to Eversource’s technical claims and depictions that the substation is not at risk of flooding, a geography professor living in Eagle Hill, Dr. Marcos Luna, argued that the flood analysis they conducted did not actually confirm that it was a good location for the substation and that it was inaccessible to a non-expert audience (Ramakrishna, 2019). Therefore, Dr. Luna conducted his own analysis and distributed the representation (Figure 5) around East Boston residents (Wasser, 2021b).

Figure 5. Dr. Marcos Luna’s flood analysis considering future projections (Wasser, 2021b).

This map accounted for future flood projections and established that the substation location is within the city’s sea level rise predictions for 2050 to 2070, proving that the substation is at risk of future flooding (Ramakrishna, 2019). This debate over flood risk demonstrates Eversource’s lack of transparency and how data analysis can be distorted to obtain siting approval.

Some outsiders could see the substation debate as a case of Not In My Backyard (NIMBY), because this community wants electricity, but not the infrastructure to supply it (Hermansson, 2007). However, it is actually a case of Too Much In My Backyard (TMIMBY) due to the density of polluting sources around the community. Since East Boston is an overburdened urban community, battling both polluting sources and the effects of climate change, the construction of this substation is an environmental justice challenge.

Environmental Justice

The United States Federal Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) defines Environmental Justice (EJ) as the right of all people to be protected from environmental and health hazards and to have equal access to the decision-making process impacting their well-being, regardless of their race, national origin, or income (EPA, 2002). Under this definition Massachusetts has not provided East Boston with EJ.

The EJ Movement in America arose in the 1960s primarily from communities of colour who aspired to highlight the inequity of environmental protection since these communities face some of the nation’s worst environmental impacts (EPA, 2002). Activists have exposed that this was no accident as communities of colour and high poverty are habitually targeted to host polluting facilities, an act justly referred to by the movement as environmental racism (Skelton and Miller, 2016). The movement was catalysed by the Civil Rights Movement when people of colour started to protest the many ingrained systemic injustices they faced (EPA, 2002).

Massachusetts’ long history of environmental racism and exclusion of minorities from public processes is unjust and has left community members feeling like their health, wellbeing, and opinion are not a priority for the State (Wasser, 2021b).

4. The Current Policy.

This case is extremely technical, both in terms of its material components, but also the governing bodies behind the process that have allowed it to develop (Ramakrishna, 2019). To understand how the project has been systematically progressed through state approval, it is important to understand the policy and administrative groups behind the decisions. The Massachusetts State adopted an EJ Policy in 2002 which is maintained by the State’s Executive Office of Energy and Environmental Affairs (EEA) (Mass.gov, 2002). The policy seeks to provide the necessary resources to low-income communities and communities of colour to actively and aggressively combat the environmental burdens unduly placed upon them (Mass.gov, 2002).

In 2010, the State enhanced the policy by classifying EJ Populations with census data, which, as previously mentioned, all the East Boston neighbourhoods satisfied (Mass.gov, 2010). In this update the EEA committed to enhanced public participation in EJ Populations under the Massachusetts Environmental Policy Act (MEPA) (Mass.gov, 2017). This requires actions such as the translation of official documents and interpretation of public meetings in EJ Populations with primarily non-English speakers (Mass.gov, 2017).

Figure 6. Map of the original and new location of the proposed substation, with the surrounding sites highlighted (Wasser, 2021a).

EEA

The EEA is the parent agency of the two State bodies permitting the East Boston substation: The Department of Public Utilities (DPU) and The Energy Facilities Siting Board (EFSB) (Wasser, 2021c).

DPU

The DPU oversees electrical power, water, and natural gas companies in Massachusetts. In addition, the DPU provides administrative support for the EFSB, but the nine member EFSB makes their decisions independently (Mass.gov, 2021).

EFSB

The EFSB is run as an independent state agency that evaluates proposed large energy facilities. To obtain EFSB approval, a new facility needs to demonstrate that it would generate a reliable energy supply, at the lowest possible cost, with the least impact on the environment (Mass.gov, 2021; Ramakrishna, 2019).

With all of these state laws on EJ and administrative groups tasked with protecting the environment, it is surprising that the substation got approval on February 22nd, 2021 with a unanimous EFSB vote (Wasser, 2021a). However, this approval process was not simple as the substation was first proposed back in 2014. To understand how the process developed it is important to highlight the significant events leading up to the project’s recent approval.  

6. Policy Shortcomings.

1) The EFSB fail to acknowledge the residents’ grievances and the possibility that the substation’s location is flawed (Wasser, 2021a).

While Eversource claimed the substation was necessary to address the increasing energy demand, both in housing and industry development in the area. Many have questioned this, as seven years later there has still been no sign of any problems in the distribution of power (Edwards, 2020).

The Union of Concerned Scientists were also sceptical, so they collated data from the New England power grid operator showing that, even with development, the new efficiency in appliances and buildings has caused energy demand to plateau (Edwards, 2020).

2) Eversource fail to provide proof and transparency of their reports on whether the substation is actually needed (Ramakrishna, 2020).

Eversource supposedly ran an analysis to confirm that East Boston requires a new substation to manage demand. However, the utility has not made its analysis available to the public (Edwards, 2020). 

If the substation is needed, Eversource should have to share its analysis, and if the main energy demand is coming from the Airport, the substation should be built there instead (Wasser, 2020).

3) The EFSB fail to uphold the Civil Rights of the EJ communities by belatedly providing Spanish language translations and restricting their involvement in the so-called “public process”.

At the beginning of siting process, the state did not provide interpretation services, claiming that it would be “too disruptive.” Also, it was not until five years after the project was first proposed that the first meeting was held in East Boston (Wasser, 2021a).

This was challenged by the environmental NGOs when they filed a lawsuit against the EPA for violating the 1964 Civil Rights Act for not investigating the EFSB and the DPU due to their lack of jurisdiction, as they do not give money directly to those state agencies. However, this is an extremely narrow interpretation because the EPA provides substantial federal funding to the EEA, their parent agency (Wasser, 2021c). 

4) Eversource and the EFSB fail to address the EJ issues and try to buy off the community instead. 

Instead of listening to the community and reducing their environmental impacts, it was decided that Eversource would be required to engage with the community to compensate for its impacts (Wasser, 2021a). 

This is just a stopgap so they can say they are doing something for the community, while, in reality, nothing is going to happen as the circumstances have not changed. If there is no agreement in the next five months, Eversource can build the substation anyway, which provides them with no incentive to engage with and reimburse the community (Wasser, 2021a).

Ultimately, the East Boston substation debate demonstrates how technical public processes are incompatible with how residents see and experience their urban environment (Ramakrishna, 2019).

5. Timeline.

December 24, 2014

The project was first proposed by Eversource, citing that it was necessary to meet East Boston’s growing electricity demands due to rapid development, as the current Chelsea Substation was already experiencing capacity constraints (Eversource, 2020).

December 24, 2014
December 2, 2017

The EFSB tentatively approved Eversource’s proposal, contingent on Eversource moving the substation away from the fish processing plant next to the site as they were worried about electromagnetic radiation (Wasser, 2021a).

December 2, 2017
November 16, 2018

Eversource submitted a project change proposal after agreeing to exchange land with the city of Boston who owned the neighbouring plot (Eversource, 2021).

November 16, 2018
February 13, 2019


The EPA declined to assess the DPU and the ESFB as it does not directly give these State bodies money, so does not have the jurisdiction to investigate them
(United States District Court, 2021).The first public meeting held in East Boston was five years after the project was proposed (Wasser, 2021b).

February 13, 2019
June 2, 2020

The environmental non-profits GreenRoots, Lawyers for Civil Rights, and the Conservation Law Foundation submitted a complaint against the EPA, asking them to investigate discriminatory practices in the DPU and the EFSB (Sampson et al., 2020).

June 2, 2020
December 8, 2020

Sixteen Elected Officials challenged the State’s decision to move forward with plans for East Boston’s controversial substation by sending a letter to the EEA (Markey et al., 2020). 

December 8, 2020
January 15, 2021

The environmental groups escalated the issue by filing a federal lawsuit against the EPA for allegedly violating the Civil Rights Act of 1964 when it refused to address concerns about language access during the substation’s siting process (United States District Court, 2021).

January 15, 2021
February 23, 2021

The EFSB gave unanimous approval of the East Boston substation proposal. Part of the approval required Eversource to discuss with the community a way to compensate for the negative impacts of the project. However, if there is no agreement by July 2021, Eversource can start construction anyways (Wasser, 2021a).

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7. Recommendations For Action.

The State has a history of pushing through polluting infrastructure under the radar in low-income and minority communities, especially as Massachusetts likes to publicly promote its cutting-edge sustainability initiatives. However, urban sustainability cannot be reached with solely technological advances. Instead, a more holistic approach is needed that simultaneously progresses social change (Williams, 2010). While it sometimes seems like an impossible task to take on State agencies and large corporations, one of the most effective ways of combatting them is for communities to expose injustices and environmental impacts of new infrastructure and make it newsworthy. Therefore, building a collective force against the construction.

3 Steps For Success.

1) Form a united activist group with a social media presence.

This will unite residents’ voices, ultimately making their opposition more disruptive. One way the group can be initiated is through a community Facebook page, which can generate a wide virtual network throughout the community and can serve as a platform to streamline communication, share information, and organise events. It will also provide a basis for a wider coalition of support to grow from residents, non-profits, councillors, and senators. 

The success of this recommendation is evidenced by a nearby Massachusetts community activist group called Fore River Residents Against the Compressor Station (FRRACS) (FRRACS, 2021). FRRACS formed in response to the proposal of the natural gas compressor station in Weymouth, MA in 2015 and have fought the siting process for years with a significant social media presence and online community (FRRACS, 2021). They managed to garner support from surrounding towns and raise alarm bells in the news, ultimately gaining support from Senators Ed Markey and Elizabeth Warren (Wasser, 2019). While the compressor station was unfortunately built in 2020, due to a massive payout by Enbridge to politicians, it is currently not in use after three unplanned releases of harmful gas in just eight months (McKenna, 2021). The Massachusetts state Senators consequently re-introduced the federal Compressor Act, which bans the Weymouth station from operating and stops any others being built, calling for the Weymouth site to close (McKenna, 2021). Ultimately, the community group’s efforts to raise public awareness around the risks the compressor station poses to the community’s health was successful.

Figure 7. East Boston residents protesting the substation, with Spanish signs that translate to “Say No to Eversource” (Wasser, 2021b).Figure 7. East Boston residents protesting the substation, with Spanish signs that translate to “Say No to Eversource” (Wasser, 2021b).

2) Translate all policy materials into Spanish and all campaign material from Spanish to English to help residents’ voices be heard.

Throughout the substation siting process, the State has proved that it is ill-equipped to provide residents with the proper language translation services they require and are promised under the EJ Population policies (Mass.gov, 2017). Thus, the community must adapt and find their own translators, preferably residents with a scientific background, to understand both sides of the debate while prioritising the community’s understanding. Translation will go both ways: policy documents and decisions will be translated into Spanish so the community can be informed and included, while the community’s experiences will be translated back into English, amplifying their voices and impacts. This will help outsiders empathise with the community and support their fight. 

Every encounter between different cultural and social groups is centred around translation. However, translation has become increasingly politicised (Carcelén-Estrada, 2018). Historically, translation was used as an imperial tool for the colonisation of people as language was a weapon to assert dominance and reduce difference (Carcelén-Estrada, 2018). However, more recently, it has been used to preserve difference and encourage exclusion to assert dominance (Carcelén-Estrada, 2018). Minority communities can break through this oppressive cycle by taking hold of the power of translation through using community interpreters and translating their own stories back to the public. Ultimately empowering themselves. 

3) Hold high visibility community events and in-person activist meetings.

These in-person events will help the community gather to support each other, share their concerns, and empower residents to speak out. The community would benefit from holding events at the sports field and playground adjacent to the substation lot. Here they can share their personal stories about what this rare green space in their community means to them and why it is important to their mental and physical health (Ramakrishna, 2019). The community activists should invite all the local politicians, businesses, and news agencies to connect with a wider audience and encourage them to empathise with their fight against the substation.

Success of this recommendation can be seen through an initiative by a community activist group nearby in Massachusetts called Sustainable Weston Action Group (SWAG). The group aspired to expose the prevalence of gas leaks in their town to encourage the utility company, National Grid, to fix them (SWAG, 2018). SWAG actioned this initiative by identifying 292 unrepaired gas leaks and creating a map of their classification and location in town (SWAG, 2018). This analysis and map were presented at events hosted near the worst leaks, like the local public school and the town green (SWAG, 2018). Families could also look at the map to see if there were leaks near their house, which helped them realise their kids were breathing toxic gas in every day. These events and visuals brought the issue to the community’s doorstep causing an almost instantaneous outburst of support. This helped them spread the word and generate pressure on National Grid who, as a result, commenced fixing the leaks (SWAG, 2018).

These recommendations aim to inspire action at the local scale by uniting and amplifying community voices to create change in East Boston.

8. References.

Carcelén-Estrada, Antonia. “Translation and activism.” In The Routledge handbook of Translation and Politics, edited by Fruela Fernández and Jonathan Evans, 254-267. Routledge Handbooks, 2018.

City of Boston. “East Boston Data Profile: Population Demographics.” Last modified 2010. https://www.cityofboston.gov/images_docu ments/East_Boston_Planning_District_Profi le_tcm3-12989.pdf

Edwards, Lydia. “Eastie needs straight answers from Eversource.” CommonWealth, May 21, 2020. https://commonwealthmagazine.org/opinion/ eastie-needs-straight-answers-from- eversource/

Environment Protection Agency (EPA). “Environmental Justice.” Last Modified 2002. https://www.epa.gov/environmentaljustice

Eversource. “East Eagle Substation: Addressing the concerns of the Community.” Last modified March, 2020. https://www.eversource.com/content/docs/d efault-source/tranmission/addressing- community-concerns—meec-2-27-20-web- version.pdf?sfvrsn=5187d562_2

Fore River Residents Against the Compressor Station (FRRACS). ‘No Compressor Station’. Accessed February 20, 2021. https://www.nocompressor.com/

Gahan, Daniel. “Ethnic Identity in Boston Neighborhoods.” Irish Literary Supplement 37, no. 2 (2018): 10. Gale Academic OneFile

Huizer, R.T. “Building Bridges: Creation of linking social capital in East Boston.” Master thesis, Utrecht University Repository, 2018.

Markey, Edward J., Elizabeth Warren, Ayanna Pressley, Katherine Clark, Joseph P. Kennedy III, Adrian C. Madaro, Joseph A. Boncore, Sal N. DiDomenico, Jamie B. Eldridge, Daniel J. Ryan, Liz Miranda, Michelle DuBois, Lydia Edwards, Julia Mejia, Michelle Wu, and Annissa Essaibi- George. “Letter.” Congress of the United States. (December 2020): 1-4. https://d279m997dpfwgl.cloudfront.net/wp/ 2020/12/LETTER-Proposed-East-Boston- Substation-12.7.20.pdf

Mass.gov. “Environmental Justice Policy.” Last modified 2002.
https://www.mass.gov/service- details/environmental-justice-policy

Mass.gov. “Environmental Populations In Massachusetts.” modified 2010. https://www.mass.gov/info- details/environmental-justice-populations- in-massachusetts

Mass.gov. “Environmental Justice Policy.” Last modified 2017. https://www.mass.gov/files/documents/2017 /11/29/2017-environmental-justice- policy_0.pdf

Mass.gov. ‘Energy Facilities Siting Board’. Accessed February 21, 2021. https://www.mass.gov/orgs/energy- facilities-siting-board

McKenna, Phil. “Will a Recent Emergency Methane Release be the Third Strike for Weymouth’s New Natural Gas Compressor?” Inside Climate News, April 16, 2021. https://insideclimatenews.org/news/1604202 1/will-a-recent-emergency-methane-release- be-the-third-strike-for-weymouths-new- natural-gas-compressor/

Project Bread & Children’s HealthWatch. “The State of Hunger in Massachusetts: Massachusetts Trends & East Boston Community Snapshot.” Last modified May 2020. https://www.projectbread.org/uploads/attach ments/ckewxxld702k61c4lnirukepx-the- state-of-hunger-in.pdf

Ramakrishna, Saritha. “East Boston Substation Fight Exposes Inequalities in Public Sitting Process.” Conservation Law Foundation, March 5, 2020. https://www.clf.org/blog/language-justice- east-boston-eversource/

Skelton, Renee and Vernice Miller. “The Environmental Justice Movement.” NRDC, March 17, 2016. https://www.nrdc.org/stories/environmental- justice-movement

Sustainable Weston Action Group (SWAG). “Weston Gas Audit Analysis.” Last modified June 2019.

https://www.westonma.gov/DocumentCenter/View/20032/Gas-Audit-Analysis-Summary-PDF?bidId=

Taggart, Harriet Tee and Kevin W. Smith. “Redlining: An Assessment of the Evidence of Disinvestment in Metropolitan Boston.” Urban Affairs Quarterly 17, no. 1 (September 1981): 91-107.

Walsh, Martin J. “Climate Action Plan: 2019 Update.” City of Boston. Last modified October 2019. https://www.boston.gov/sites/default/files/e mbed/file/2019- 10/city_of_boston_2019_climate_action_pla n_update_4.pdf

Wasser, Miriam. “Confused About The Weymouth Compressor? Here’s What You Need To Know.” WBUR Earthwhile, December 2, 2019. https://www.wbur.org/earthwhile/2019/06/1 9/proposed-weymouth-gas-compressor- explained

Wasser, Miriam. “16 Mass. Elected Officials Challenge State Agency on East Boston Substation.” WBUR Earthwhile, December 7, 2020. https://www.wbur.org/earthwhile/2020/12/0 7/east-boston-substation-efsb-covid- reexamine-project-need

Wasser, Miriam. “In a Blow To Environmental Justice Advocates, State Regulators Approve Controversial East Boston Substation.” WBUR Earthwhile, February 22, 2021a. https://www.wbur.org/earthwhile/2021/02/2 2/east-boston-substation-final-approval- eversource-environmental-justice

Wasser, Miriam. “As Final Vote On Electrical Substation Nears, East Boston Residents Say State’s Approval Process Has Left Them Out.” WBUR Earthwhile, February 3, 2021b. https://www.wbur.org/earthwhile/2021/02/0 3/substation-east-boston-chelsea-greenroots- efsb-environmental-justice

Wasser, Miriam. “Environmental group sue EPA over alleged civil rights violations in East Boston and Chelsea.” WBUR Earthwhile, January 14, 2021c. https://www.wbur.org/earthwhile/2021/01/14/east-boston-chelsea-substation-greenroots- clf-epa-civil-rights

WikiWand. “East Boston.” Accessed March 2, 2021. https://www.wikiwand.com/en/East_Boston

Williams, Katie. “Sustainable cities: research and practice challenges.” International Journal of Urban Sustainable Development 1, no.1-2 (May 2010): 128-132.

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Community Action Against Transit-Oriented Displacement: The Long Branch Neighbourhood of Montgomery County, Maryland

Charlotte Caldwell had the opportunity to volunteer with the Montgomery Housing Partnership in 2019, an organisation that works closely with the Long Branch community, which sparked her interest in issues of equity and inclusion in the quest for sustainability in her own backyard. Thus having grown up in the Washington, DC Metropolitan Area, she was delighted by the opportunity to delve into an issue facing a community at home during the final semester of her undergraduate degree at St Andrews.

Author bio

In the pursuit of sustainable development and the search for low-carbon solutions there has been a recent push toward creating urban systems that accommodate mobility and accessibility with greater energy efficiency (Chapple and Loukaitou-Sideris 2019, 1). Transit Oriented Development approaches this objective through increased density and mobility via public transit. In spite of best intentions, these new urban systems can remain entrenched in existing systems that favour capital accumulation and economic growth above human needs, often exacerbating inequalities and pushing people further into the margins of society physically and socioeconomically.

This paper evaluates this emerging challenge and proposes two main recommendations for the Long Branch neighbourhood in Maryland, USA to maintain a vibrant, inclusive, and accessible community with the introduction of two light rail stops. Despite federal and local attempts to expand access to affordable housing, the lack of affordable housing is an epidemic that consistently excludes people from opportunity. Long Branch is a relatively low-income, multi-ethnic community in north of Washington, DC, making many members of the community vulnerable to displacement from TOD. To mitigate these effects, I propose the People of Long Branch Project and a community land trust to empower community ownership and foster social sustainability in tandem with environmental sustainability.

1. Introduction.

In the pursuit of sustainable development and the search for solutions to the climate crisis, there has been a recent push toward creating urban systems that accommodate mobility and accessibility with greater energy efficiency (Chapple and Loukaitou-Sideris 2019, 1). In recent decades this objective has become evident in the ‘smart growth’ and new urbanism approaches to development, which seek to prevent sprawl through compact urban centres that are mixed-use, walkable and accessible by public transit (Padeiro, Louro, da Costa 2019, 734). However, despite the best intentions of such approaches to planning, they often favour the production of capital above all else and exclude those who have been pushed to the margins of society due to racism and classism.

This briefing seeks to refocus the recipients of growth, questioning the equity implications of planning and proposing solutions for the community that prioritise the community’s social capital. It is my hope that in looking at the challenges and opportunities for the Long Branch neighbourhood in Montgomery County, Maryland as the Purple Line light rail is developed and proposing attainable solutions for the community, the residents of Long Branch will be empowered to shape the community’s future. With this briefing I hope to contribute to the development of community-led initiatives towards sustainable, equitable urban development. Therefore, I recommend the People of Long Branch Project (PLBP), a project for primary school-aged children to develop their civic identities and to contribute to the community’s bonding networks. I also recommend that the community start a Community Land Trust to develop permanent affordable housing and commercial spaces for members of the Long Branch community who are at risk of being priced out of the neighbourhood.

2. Challenge.

The approaches addressed in the introduction seek to address the environmental externalities of transportation as planners design to limit sprawl and increase density to move away from automobile-oriented development that contributes to emissions and impacts the short- and long-term health of humans and the environment. Thus, planners have increasingly pursued transit-oriented development (TOD) strategies that entail high-density, mixed-use zoning revolving around a central transit stop, emphasising walkability and improved accessibility of public transportation. Advocates highlight that they create public and private revenues from development, increase property values, and help businesses while also making neighbourhoods more desirable (Thaden and Perlman 2015, 1). However, critics have raised concerns that TOD could contribute processes of displacement and gentrification, as transportation determines the form of places and how it is developed contributes to outcomes for the neighbourhood (Dorsey and Mudler 2013, 66). The fear is that outcomes will not be equally distributed and that low-income residents, who are often in marginalised groups, will be negatively impacted (Lung Amam, Pendall, and Knaap 2019, 442).

As property values and taxes go up, there is the risk that residents and businesses will be displaced from neighbourhoods due to a lack of affordable residential or commercial spaces. This adds on to the existing housing affordability crisis experienced in the United States, as there is no state or county where a renter working full-time at minimum wage can afford to rent a two-bedroom apartment. The US Department for Housing and Urban Development (HUD) emphasises that households should not spend more than 30% of their incomes on housing costs, otherwise they are considered cost-burdened. In 2017, nearly half of renter households were cost-burdened, indicating a serious affordability problem (Schuetz 2020). This potentially places critical parts of the workforce farther away from their jobs and removes them from their communities (Larrimore and Schuetz 2017). The need to produce and preserve affordable housing is only expected to grow, especially as further investments in public transit potentially drive land values up (Thaden and Perlman 2015, 2). While displacement resulting from infrastructure and real estate development is nothing new, the need to consider equity in emerging systems is more important than ever with the looming climate crisis and increasing urbanisation (Chapple and Loukaitou-Sideris 2019, 1).

There is still little understood about what happens to communities as neighbourhoods transform with TOD and emerging settlement patterns, such as reversals of post-WWII white flight and suburbanisation (Chapple and Loukaitou-Sideris 2019, 2). Thus, there is a need to question who benefits from investments in TOD and who gets left behind. Further, if TOD is the future of sustainable, compact urban development, how can we ensure it is inclusive and provides equitable access to the city and to the benefits of growth?

3. Regional Context and the Community.

The community in question is the Long Branch neighbourhood, situated between Silver Spring, MD and Takoma Park, MD. The neighbourhood is located north of Washington, DC’s northern border and is in District 5 of Montgomery County, which is the state’s largest county and is part of the Washington metropolitan region, northwest of DC. The county was agrarian until the government sought to bring white collar workers to the capital area during the Great Depression, eventually creating white- and blue-collar employment opportunities despite the lack of industry in the DC metropolitan area. Montgomery County has a nationally ranked public school system, a community college, excellent community services, and affordable housing programmes, all of which have attracted in-migration that caused a population surge in the 1980s (Cheney and Cheney 1997, 41-42).

Map of Long Branch in Montgomery County. (Montgomery Planning 2020)

This population growth has diversified the county’s economic, ethnic and cultural composition, with the foreign-born population making up 20% of the county’s population in 1990 and 33% in 2016 (Montgomery Planning 2019, 4). While urban space is typically thought of as being relatively low income and densely populated, surrounded by more affluent, low-density suburbs, this line is becoming blurred in the DC area as we see changes in demographics, distribution of wealth, and the built environment through the expansion of rail and the creation of commercial centres in suburbs (McKenzie 2015, 5).

The DC Metropolitan area continues to experience economic and population growth, creating a high demand for housing and a tight housing market with a vacancy rate of 3% in 2000 (Vicino et al. 2004, 115). Further, incomes have not risen with housing costs and low- and very low-income populations in the county are growing faster than the supply of housing affordable to them (Montgomery Planning 2019, 65). Black and Hispanic people in District 5 have the lowest average incomes in the county and the countywide renters of these demographics are cost burdened at rates 122% and 139% higher than White residents respectively (Calma 2019, 16). Black and Hispanic residents in District 5 are among the least likely to own homes, which places them at a higher risk of being priced out of their communities (Calma 2019, 13).

The Long Branch neighbourhood is a site that has witnessed many of these trends and dynamics, but on a micro level. It was a part of the post-WWII boom of DC’s transformation into a metropolitan area with suburbs (MC Planning 2013). It saw an influx of Central American immigrants in the 1980s who continue to reside there alongside immigrants from Asia, West Africa, and the Caribbean. It is a distinct, multi-ethnic community with modest single-family homes and an urban place with densely populated multi-family dwellings and shopping centres (Montgomery Planning 2013, 1). The neighbourhood has not seen significant reinvestment or physical improvements in its built environment despite its relatively high population densities, lacking desired amenities (Montgomery Planning 2013, 7). Crucially, the neighbourhood has been selected as the site for two rail stops of the Purple Line, which is a light rail line intended to link metro lines in Maryland suburbs so that riders can avoid central DC. The Long Branch Sector Plan indicates that the neighbourhood should be developed with TOD in mind.

4. Policy Response.

The affordable housing policy response in the US is fragmented, with different levels of government implementing housing policies that target different audiences with different goals (Vicino et al. 2004, 10). The federal government devolved authority to local jurisdictions in 1974, creating block grants such as the Community Development Block Grant programme and other programmes and tools such as the Low Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC), the HOME Investment Partnerships programme, and the National Housing Trust Fund. However, there has been no significant new investment in making housing affordable to the lowest income people in the US in more than 30 years (aside from the National Housing Trust Fund), with federal investment in housing not increasing at the same rate as the overall federal budget and even seeing significant cuts (JCHS 2020, 38).

A barrier to the preservation of affordable housing is the lifting of affordability restrictions on subsidised units, as many are due to expire, incentivising for-profit owners to price units at the market rate (JCHS 2020, 37). The LIHTC is the predominant source of government investment in rental housing development for low-income households, helping to leverage private capital to finance housing units, as states can award the credit to non-profit and for-profit sponsors of housing projects (Weiss 2016, 524). However, Weiss argues that the reliance on for-profit developers and the incentives to capture residual value from the program when the thirty years of rent restrictions expires means the government spent billions on subsidies only to lose that affordable housing stock, possibly displacing tens of thousands of households (Weiss 2016, 525).

Montgomery County responded to calls from citizens for fair housing in the 1970s was met with legislation in 1973 easing zoning and density restrictions as well as the passing of the Moderately Priced Housing Law in 1974 that established the Moderately Priced Dwelling Unit (MPDU) programme (Cheney and Cheney 1997, 44). The law was one of the country’s first mandatory inclusionary zoning laws, requiring that 12.5% to 15% of units in every subdivision or high-rise development of 20 or more units are made affordable to households earning 65%-70% area median income (AMI). The law has been amended since, incorporating payments to the Housing Initiative Fund and lengthening the control period governing for sale units. The Housing Opportunities Commission (HOC) and other non-profits are required to purchase at least 25% of the MPDUs (Vicino et al. 2004, 118).

The HOC was created in 1974 as a response to the call for affordable housing, aiming to provide affordable housing and supportive services that enhance the lives of low- and moderate-income households in the county. Its main tool is the Housing Choice Voucher programme, administering vouchers that provide rent subsidies to relieve households of cost burdens (VIcino et al. 2004, 120). The county utilises federal financing tools as well as county-level financing tools such as the Housing Initiative Fund, which is a local housing trust fund that is funded mainly through the county’s property taxes and provides loans and grants to developers, non-profits, and the HOC to create and preserve affordable units (Vicino et al. 2004, 120). Despite these policies and programmes, Montgomery County has a significant affordable housing shortage that is likely to worsen as the county faces job growth and an ageing and growing population. Further, zoning remains an issue for the county as the majority of the county has single family zoning, pricing many out of high opportunity neighbourhoods and restricting density (English 2021).

A more holistic approach is taken in the Long Branch Sector Plan, which was adopted in 2013 and provides recommendations of guidelines for the use of public and private land. The plan accounts for the construction of the two Purple Line stations and seeks to pursue TOD around them. It outlines a vision of Long Branch that is multi-cultural, pedestrian-friendly, transit-oriented, and mixed-use (Montgomery Planning 2013, 1). There is an acknowledgement that the Purple Line may increase property values and drive rents up, which the plan addresses through a strategy that combines the MPDU programme, increased funding and programming for affordable housing, and introducing housing in historically commercial properties. The plan includes recommendations for changing the zoning to Commercial/Residential Town zoning, which is mixed use and provides incentives to developers to concentrate density, enabling housing and commercial redevelopment. However, there is the risk the developers will forgo incentives to operate at lower density.

5. Community Recommendations.

In this section I will outline my recommendations for the Long Branch community that I hope will add on to the existing government and civil society initiatives seeking to protect affordability and the preservation of Long Branch’s cultural and socioeconomic diversity. In order to mitigate the potential risks of TOD, such as increases in property values and thus the pricing out of the people that have defined Long Branch’s character for nearly half a century, I have two main recommendations that take different approaches and work on different levels within the community, but I believe they both will contribute to the long-term social sustainability of the community.

I must iterate my positionality relative to the Long Branch neighbourhood, as I have grown up in Washington, DC and Montgomery County, but as a white woman in a predominantly white part of the county. My integration with low- and moderate- income communities has been limited and thus my understanding of the experiences of Long Branch residents is limited to the research I have conducted for the purposes of this briefing. Any recommendations made here are ideas contributing to the conversation about Long Branch’s future, but come second to the voices for change within the community. The knowledge produced by residents of Long Branch must be considered first and foremost.

First, however, I would like to list some initiatives that members of the Long Branch community should seek involvement in, as they provide opportunities for participation in planning and community development:

5a. People of Long Branch Project.

The first recommendation seeks to contribute to the community’s social sustainability by investing in its social capital through the fostering of civic engagement and social development of the children in Long Branch. Social capital involves social organisation through networks, norms, and trust, facilitating coordination and cooperation for the mutual benefit of the community (Kamruzzaman et al. 2014, 146). Proponents of TOD highlight that it fosters the development of social sustainability, but there is little empirical evidence of such outcomes (Kamruzzaman et al. 2014, 146). Further, given the social and economic risks of pursuing TOD, there is a need to invest in the social capital of a community before its composition changes, rather than relying on TOD to deliver social sustainability outcomes.

By fostering civic engagement in young children, the community would be investing in the social development of its young people and in the development of their civic identities, which entail participation, acquisition of knowledge about the community, and the adoption of fundamental democratic principles that would enable toleration of views that is necessary in a multicultural community such as Long Branch (Nicotera 2008, 222). PLBP focuses on the acquisition of knowledge about the community in young children. I propose that primary- school-age students at Rolling Terrace Elementary School be assigned and guided through a project in which they interview a member of the local community (local business owner, teacher, clergyman/woman, etc.) who lives or works in Long Branch. I chose this school because of its physical proximity to Long Branch and the fact that many of the students in attendance live in the neighbourhood. Students should produce a visual component as well as a written component, telling the story of this person and their role in the community.

While I believe integrating the project into the curriculum at the school would be beneficial so as to include as many students as possible in the project, this might not be feasible and could be better suited for an after-care programme such as Horizon Childcare at Rolling Terrace Elementary, through one of MHP’s Homework Club at Greenwood Terrace Apartments or Glenville Road, or even through a summer camp. The project would be an excellent opportunity for collaboration with the University of Maryland’s National Center for Smart Growth and its Partnership for Action Learning in Sustainability (PALS) initiative that seeks to ‘provide innovative, low-cost assistance to local governments while creating real-world problem-solving experiences for University of Maryland (UMD) graduate and undergraduate students’ (Anderson-Watters et al. 2019, preface). Graduate students in the center recently produced a report for the Montgomery County Planning Department on tools to preserve the ethnically diverse, independent businesses of Long Branch, so there is an interest in the preservation of the Long Branch community. UMD students can assist the project’s execution by assisting the children with their interviews and organising the project’s presentation through a medium deemed appropriate, which could be a booklet collating the stories and images or an online format if a wider audience is the goal.

5b. Community Land Trust.

My second recommendation in response to potential displacements from the Purple’s Line introduction is the development of a Community Land Trust (CLT), which are non-profit corporations that retain ownership of land, that develop and steward it to serve the community’s needs. Thus, instead of private owners who are heavily influenced by market pricing and would potentially increase rents with land value enhancements, ownership is in the hands of the community (Anderson-Watters et al. 2019, 40). A CLT can sell or rent units on the land to individuals, non-profits, or small businesses on an affordable ground lease (typically 99 years), which makes the CLT a tool in preserving affordable housing, civic buildings or commercial spaces (Hickey 2013, 2). Homeowners receive a significant subsidy when buying the property and are contractually obligated to resell their homes below market-rate prices to income-qualified households, foregoing some of the financial value of the appreciating value of the property (Kelly 2010, 348).

The creation of a CLT would enable the Long Branch community to create permanently affordable housing and commercial properties, avoiding the displacement of the people and businesses that are essential to the character of the community. CLTs are a flexible tool that develop to fit the needs and goals of the community, enabling the pursuit of community interests as well as broader challenges of distribution, affordability, and sustainability (Engelsman, Rowe, and Southern 2018, 105).

If the community is interested in the idea, it should first gauge interest from the community at large and identify the scope of its inclusion. Once parties express interest, the community should create a steering group of individuals to spearhead the process and develop a shared vision of the goals of the CLT. At this stage it can consider collaboration with non-profits, Community Development Corporations, Community Development Financing Institutions, etc. to gain advice and assistance for redevelopment efforts and any capacities outside of the community’s expertise (Anderson-Watters et al. 2019, 41). Further, the CLT board should source funding mechanisms, which can come from non-profits, individual or institutional sponsors, government financing tools such as HOME or the Housing Initiative Fund, and local businesses or banks. It must also identify a suitable governance structure that enables inclusive and accountable management of the CLT once it is established. One option for the CLT’s board composition is one third elected by leaseholders, one third elected by non-leaseholders, and the final third is elected by the two thirds already elected, enabling the balancing of the short-term interests of the current CLT leaseholders and the wider community’s interests (Engelsman, Rowe, and Southern 2018, 106).

6. Conclusion.

In this briefing I outlined challenges that the Long Branch neighbourhood in Montgomery County, MD faces and offered actions that the community can take to mitigate potential negative effects of the Purple Line’s development in the neighbourhood. The public sector has failed to make housing affordable for the people who most need it, indicating a need for different approaches to the housing problem. On top of this, the government’s expansion of public transit, while delivering benefits for communities and contributing to sustainable development, risks driving up property value in ways that could price out people and businesses that are essential to the character and vibrancy of the community. Thus, I suggest that Long Branch and other communities focus on the attributes of the community that make it unique and worth protecting; Long Branch is part of Montgomery County’s ‘international corridor,’ with a multi-cultural and multi-generational population and a plethora of small businesses. However, many of Long Branch’s residents are low-income and cost-burdened, making them vulnerable to displacement if affordability is not preserved.

I offer an approach that fosters Long Branch’s social sustainability and permanent affordable housing/commercial spaces through the PLBP and the creation of a CLT. The goal of the PLBP is to foster the civic engagement of children and bonding in the community to create connectedness within the community that contributes to its social capital. The CLT would act as a mechanism to create permanently affordable housing in the community, insulating it from market influences by creating collective ownership of land. While these recommendations may not solve the affordable housing shortage or displacement of low-income peoples, they have the potential to contribute to the creation of sustainable, equitable urban development.

7. References.

Anderson-Watters et al. 2019. A Long Life for Long Branch: Tools to Preserve Independent Retailers. College Park: University of Maryland National Center for Smart Growth. Accessed 16 Apr. 2021 https://drum.lib.umd.edu/handle/1903/25582.

Calma, Emilia. 2019. Racial Equity in Housing in Montgomery County. Rockville: Office of Legislative Oversight.

Chapple, Karen and Anastasia Loukaitou-Sideris. 2019. Transit-Oriented Displacement or Community Dividends? Understanding the Effects of Smarter Growth on Communities. Boston: MIT Press. https://doi.org/10.7551/mitpress/11300.001.0001.

Cheney, Susan A. and Charles C. Cheney. 1997. “Adaptation and Homebuying Approaches of Latin American and Indian Immigrants in Montgomery County, Maryland.” Cityscape 3, no. 1: 39-61. http://www.jstor.org/stable/20868449.

Dorsey, Bryan, and Alice Mulder. 2013. “Planning, place-making and building consensus for transit-oriented development: Ogden, Utah case study.” Journal of Transport Geography 32: 65-76. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0966692313001646.

Engelsman, Udi, Rowe, Mike, and Alan Southern. 2018. “Community Land Trusts, affordable housing and community organising in low-income neighbourhoods.” International Journal of Housing Policy 18, no. 1: 103-23. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14616718.2016.1198082

English, Mike. 2021. “Here’s a look at how zoning in Montgomery County can impact a neighborhood block by block.” Greater Greater Washington, January 26, 2021. https://ggwash.org/view/80202/how-zoning-in-montgomery-county-can-impact-a-neighborhood-block-by-block.

Hickey, Robert. 2013. The Role of Community Land Trusts in Fostering Equitable, Transit-Oriented Development: Case Studies from Atlanta, Denver, and the Twin Cities. Cambridge: Lincoln Institute of Land Policy. https://smartnet.niua.org/sites/default/files/resources/2243_1579_hickey_wp13rh1.pdf

Joint Center For Housing Studies of Harvard University. 2020. The State of the Nation’s Housing 2020. Cambridge: Harvard University. https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/sites/default/files/reports/files/Harvard_JCHS_The_State_of_the_Nations_Housing_2020_Report_Revised_120720.pdf.

Kamruzzaman, Md, Lisa Wood, Julian Hine, Graham Currie, Billie Giles-Corti, and Gavin Turrell. 2014. “Patterns of social capital associated with transit oriented development.” Journal of Transport Geography 35: 144-155. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0966692314000271?casa_token=tdTHzLT8VUYAAAAA:W_xUM033EjivVVoD5-2RiccTmvGbcwBPtJss4CYtw7-wxmUvraNYwbVYIdkccV0TEMGoMS7kwS0.

Kelly Jr., James J. 2010. Maryland’s Affordable Housing Land Trust Act. Journal of Affordable Housing & Community Development Law 19, no. 1: 345-365. https://ssrn.com/abstract=1728066.

Larrimore, J. and Jenny Schuetz. 2017. “Assessing the Severity of Rent Burden on Low-Income Families.” Washington: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. https://www.federalreserve.gov/econres/notes/feds-notes/assessing-the-severity-of-rent-burden-on-low-income-families-20171222.htm.

Lung-Amam, Willow, Rolf Pendall, and Elijah Knaap. 2019. “Mi Casa no es Su Casa: The Fight for Equitable Transit-Oriented Development in an Inner-Ring Suburb.” Journal of Planning Education and Research 39, no. 4: 442-455. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0739456X19878248

McKenzie, Brian. 2015. “Transit Access and Population Change: The Demographic Profiles of Rail-Accessible Neighborhoods in the Washington, DC Area.” Washington, DC: US Census Bureau. https://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/working-papers/2015/demo/SEHSD-WP2015-23.pdf.

Montgomery Planning. 2013. Long Branch Sector Plan. Riverdale: The Maryland-National Capital Park and Planning Commission.

Montgomery Planning. 2019. Montgomery County Trends – People, Housing, Jobs. Wheaton: Montgomery County Planning Department. https://montgomeryplanning.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/MP_TrendsReport_final.pdf.

Montgomery Planning. 2020. Long Branch. [image] Available at: https://montgomeryplanning.org/planning/communities/downcounty/long-branch/.

NCSG. 2020. Maryland Housing Needs Assessment & 10-Year Strategic Plan. College Park: National Center for Smart Growth. https://dhcd.maryland.gov/Documents/OtherPublications/Report.pdf.

Nicotera, Nicole. 2008. “Building Skills for Civic Engagement: Children as Agents of Neighborhood Change.” Journal of Community Practice 16, no. 2: 221-242. https://doi.org/10.1080/10705420801998045.

Padeiro, Miguel, Ana Louro, and Nuno Marques da Costa. 2019. “Transit-oriented development and gentrification: a systematic review.” Transport Reviews 39, no. 6: 733-754. https://doi.org/10.1080/01441647.2019.1649316.

Schuetz, Jenny. 2020. “To improve housing affordability, we need better alignment of zoning, taxes, and subsidies.” Brookings Institution. January 7, 2020. https://www.brookings.edu/policy2020/bigideas/to-improve-housing-affordability-we-need-better-alignment-of-zoning-taxes-and-subsidies/.

Thaden, Emily, and Mark Perlman. 2015. “Creating & Preserving Reasonably-Priced Housing near Public Transportation.” Oakland: National Community Land Trust Network. https://community-wealth.org/sites/clone.community-wealth.org/files/downloads/paper-thaden-perlman.pdf.

Vicino, Thomas J., Steve Sharkey, Audrey South Regan, Effie Shockley, Billy Hwang, Laura Gottlieb, and Juanita Pang Wilson. 2004. “Affordable Housing in Metropolitan Maryland: A Policy Analysis.” Graduate Capstone, University of Maryland, Baltimore County. https://thomasvicino.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/Vicino-AffordableHousing.pdf.

Weiss, Brandon M. 2016. “Residual Value Capture in Subsidized Housing.” Harvard Law and Policy Review 10, no. 2: 521-563. https://harvardlpr.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/20/2016/06/10.2_8_Weiss.pdf.

Categories
Blog

Flooding and Storm Resilience in Downtown Jersey City, New Jersey

Charlotte Silverman is from New Jersey and grew up close to Jersey City, going there often with her parents who worked there. She loves the city and is really passionate about sustainability from an urban standpoint, so this report was very fitting for her. 

Author bio

Jersey City, New Jersey is the second largest city in the state and is extremely diverse and densely populated. As Jersey City is located on the coast of two rivers, it is very vulnerable to storms and flooding. Downtown Jersey City is 2.2 square miles, has a population of 84,000 – around 30% of the city’s total population, and is one of the wealthiest areas in Jersey City. Despite being a wealthier neighbourhood, Downtown Jersey City’s waterfront geography makes it very vulnerable to flooding. The policy so far in the city on flooding and storm resiliency consists of two policy documents created in 2019. Through these documents, the government aims to build resilience by using innovative design and infrastructure solutions to protect the valuable social, historical, and economic assets of the city from flooding and storms. My recommendations for the community include ways to strengthen the social resilience in Downtown Jersey City on top of strengthening physical resilience among residents.

Introduction.

This briefing for Downtown Jersey City, New Jersey will give an overview of storm resilience and flooding, an analysis of current policy in the city on storm and flood resilience, and recommendations for action to be undertaken by the community. The hope for this briefing is to give the Downtown Jersey City community actionable ways to make the city more resilient to future storms and flooding alongside government-backed plans, by building physical resilience through infrastructure and green spaces and building social resilience in the community through volunteering and joining neighbourhood associations.

2. Storm and Flood Resilience.

Major storms and flooding are a global issue affecting communities more and more each year. Extreme weather events are becoming more intense and frequent as sea levels rise and temperatures increase. This is driven by an increase in greenhouse gases in the atmosphere and the consequent melting of icecaps, causing higher water levels and temperatures (Jacob 2015). This leads to stronger storms and increased rainfall and flooding. This rise in natural hazards brings with it increasing risks for communities and devastating impacts, including financial losses and damage to infrastructure and homes. This issue is especially prevalent for coastal communities, as they experience frequent flooding and the effects of sea level rise more due to their geography. Because of this, coastal communities need to build storm and flooding resilience in order to thrive in the long term.

Resilience is defined by Colten, Kates, and Laska (2010, 38) as “a community or region’s capability to prepare for, respond to, and recover from significant multi-hazard threats with minimum damage to public safety and health, the economy, and national security”. While there are many definitions of resilience, this definition was chosen as it includes anticipation, response, and recovery to disasters, which are all important when grappling with the increasing threat of storms and flooding. Beyond this baseline definition, there are many debates in the sphere of defining storm resilience. Many of these debates centre around a tension between being reactive and resistant to storms versus being proactive and adaptive (McCylmont et al 2019). McCylmont et al argue that resilience is about robustness, adaptability, and transformability and that communities can learn from past disasters to become resilient in the future. They assert that we need to move away from resistance-based approaches towards resilience-based approaches. Similarly, Jacob (2015) argues that there is an overall need to be proactive instead of reactive when it comes to storms and sea level rise. There is also a debate around what builds resilience in a community. Laurien et al (2020) argue that resilience is built upon a community having a balance between social capital and financial capital. Cagney et al (2006) argue that there should be more focus paid to social capital, such as trust and connectivity among the community, and that too much focus is currently paid to physical infrastructure. This briefing will focus on building both physical and social capital for the Downtown Jersey City community.

3. Jersey City.

Jersey City, the second largest city in New Jersey, is a diverse, densely populated city known as Wall Street West due to its proximity to New York City and lower living costs. The median household income is $81,693 and the population is 262,075 (City Data 2021). The cost of living index in Jersey City is 122.5, which is high compared to the US average of 100 (City Data 2021). The city has been experiencing a large growth in population and development and is on track to “soon becoming the largest city in the state” (Resilient Jersey City Summary Doc 2019, 36). The city sits between the Hackensack River and Newark Bay to the west, and the Hudson River and Upper New York Bay to the east and has 21.7 miles of waterfront (Resilient Jersey City Summary Doc 2019). As Jersey City is located on the coast of two rivers, it is very vulnerable to storms and flooding.

Downtown Jersey City is 2.2 square miles, has a population of 84,000 – around 30% of the city’s total population, and is one of the wealthiest areas in Jersey City (City Data 2021). It is comprised of nine neighbourhoods, includes three subway stations and six light rail stations, and is directly across the Hudson river from New York City. Its population density is high compared to the total city density, and the household income in 2019 was $97,189 (City Data 2021). Despite being a wealthier neighbourhood, Downtown Jersey City’s waterfront geography makes it very vulnerable to flooding, as most of the special flood hazard areas, as identified by the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), are along the coastline. This wealth also makes it one of the most promising neighbourhoods in terms of creating and funding solutions to make the area more resilient to storms and flooding. As Laurien et al (2020) say, having financial capital is particularly important for building flood and storm resilience.

The city experiences three types of flooding, including coastal, surface water, and combined sewer overflow. Coastal flooding is experienced in Downtown Jersey City as a result of extreme tidal conditions from severe weather and storm surges. Surface water flooding occurs from rainfall since the city is covered in impervious surfaces such as pavement and rooftops that cannot absorb water (Resilient Design Handbook 2019). This causes flooding and pollution to be carried into the rivers. Because of the combined sewer system in Jersey City where wastewater and stormwater enter into the same pipes underground, sewer overflow can happen when the pipes are overfilled (Ibid). When this happens, storm and wastewater spill from the sewers into nearby rivers.

In 2012, Superstorm Hurricane Sandy hit the East Coast and flooded over 38% of the land in Jersey City (Ibid). Sandy had severe impacts on the city, including social impacts, as it forced many in low-lying properties to evacuate, and financial impacts, as the storm caused tens of millions of dollars in damage. It caused damage to buildings and infrastructure, disrupted critical infrastructure, caused power blackouts, contaminated stormwater, disrupted public transportation, and overall “revealed a region-wide exposure to multiple hazards and risks” (Resilient Jersey City Summary Doc 2019, 19). Although devastating, Hurricane Sandy revealed to Jersey City its need to be prepared for future storms and sea level rise. As Jacob (2015) says, Sandy can be an opportunity for urban renewal, and as McCylmont et al (2019, 1159) similarly say, “learning from these disturbances leads to genuine adaptation to floods and an opportunity for resilience”. This is because resilience is built through learning from and adapting to extreme storms and floods over time.

4. Policy.

The Jersey City government created a “Resiliency Master Plan”, an “Adaptation Master Plan” and an “Urban Environmental Green Infrastructure Plan” in 2019, based on two studies done by the city after Hurricane Sandy. Two policy documents convey these plans, including the Resilient Jersey City Summary Doc and the Resilient Design Handbook. Through these documents, the government aims to build resilience by using innovative design and infrastructure solutions to protect the valuable social, historical, and economic assets of the city “against the changing environment and increased risk of storms” (Resilient Jersey City Summary Doc 2019, 6).

The Resiliency Master Plan focuses on defining priority areas for resiliency efforts. It first identifies the different risks in the city stemming from rising temperatures and rainfall, including social, economic, and physical risks. The social risks identified are areas with higher elderly and youth populations, low income populations, and non-English speakers who may struggle to communicate. The economic risks stem from local universities and employment hubs that may be damaged. Lastly, the physical risks are from crucial facilities and infrastructure like hospitals and power stations being damaged. The Resiliency Master Plan also identifies priority areas in the city that are more at risk, since each neighbourhood is different and requires different approaches. One of the vulnerable areas identified is Downtown Jersey City.

The Adaptation Plan identifies strategic implementation efforts for each area, with a focus on infrastructure. For Downtown Jersey City, various adaptation measures are recommended, including building a street levee, a waterfront boardwalk levee, a rail yard flood protection barrier, and a wet weather pumping station. For each of these infrastructures, the policy document outlines where it should be built, in what order, and what effect it might have on the city. The street levee, which is the most affordable recommendation, is recommended to be implemented on Dudley and Washington Streets, which would be raised three to four feet above ground. They say this would have no impact on the historic character of the area or its eastern views. The boardwalk levee is suggested to be placed at the Hudson River Waterfront Walkway with a height of up to 14 feet. This would also give space for more outdoor recreation and would hopefully be accepted by the public. A flood protection barrier is recommended for the Rail Yard, a critical facility for the community. Lastly, a wet weather pumping station is recommended to be placed in North Downtown Jersey City for when the combined sewer system overflows. Additional recommendations in the Adaption Plan include enhancing sewer maintenance, wet and dry floodproofing, disconnecting downspouts, backwater valves, and lastly green infrastructure. Wet floodproofing is making a building able to withstand submergence for short periods of time, where electrical and mechanical utilities are elevated or protected. Dry floodproofing is sealing a building to prevent water from entering using watertight barriers, however this requires ongoing maintenance and adequate warning time to prep (Resilient Jersey City Summary Doc 2019).

The Green Infrastructure Plan outlines potential green infrastructure for the city in order to capture stormwater and reduce localized flooding. Green infrastructure can be simple or complex and employed by the government or by citizens. As previously mentioned, the city is covered in impervious surfaces like pavement and rooftops that cannot absorb water (Resilient Jersey City Summary Doc 2019). Green infrastructure is a solution to this problem as it mimics “the natural hydrological cycle by capturing, treating, and/or using stormwater” (Resilient Jersey City Summary Doc 2019, 37). Through this plan, the government says its goal is to capture the first inch of rainfall through green infrastructure, which according to the document could have a significant positive impact during major storms and flooding. For Downtown specifically, the plan recommends levees, revetments, and embankments, all which are essentially walls made up of natural materials. The Resilient Design Handbook goes more in depth into green infrastructure recommendations for the city. This handbook starts by saying that major changes are needed, including modifying the design of the city and investing in major infrastructure through creative solutions. This handbook appears to take on a more radical change-oriented approach than the other, although both written by the same branch of the government. The document defines green infrastructure as pervious soft surfaces that act to divert and retain stormwater. The green infrastructures covered in this document are green roofs, rain gardens, stormwater planters, eco-friendly landscaping, bioswales, rain barrels, street trees, pervious paving systems, and underground storage. The document describes each including who can install them, how they can be installed, and how they act to intercept stormwater. The document also outlines resilient design techniques, including wet and dry floodproofing, modular panels, and elevation of critical systems. These design techniques are targeted towards residential, commercial, and public properties, all of which can implement these resilient designs.

5. Analyses of Policy.

The policy responses above fall short for several reasons. While the policy does a good job of covering physical infrastructure and stormwater management suggestions, it fails to give actionable ways of building social resilience. One of the objectives in the Resiliency Master Plan is to create a socially resilient community, but it fails to mention how. The specific recommendations for Downtown Jersey City completely fail to recognize a need to build social resilience in the community and it focuses solely on what physical attributes can be implemented. To have a more complete and holistic approach, which is necessary in building storm and flood resilience, social resilience recommendations are needed (Laurien et al 2020). Some ways to address this are to build infrastructure that facilitates social interaction or support more activities that encourage sociability in the community (Cagney et al, 2016).

The policy also fails to touch upon addressing the root cause of worsening flood and storms: climate change and greenhouse gases. The policy should make a point of highlighting the need to burn less fossil fuels and switch to renewable energy in Jersey City. The fact that this is not mentioned suggests that the government is still in denial of the long-term consequences of burning fossil fuels or does not want to admit that the root cause of the issue is also what drives profits for many in the city. The policy needs to recognize the financial potential of renewable energy and natural capital, as well as the long-term financial benefits of halting the burning of fossil fuels. The documents could link Jersey City’s plan to have 100% clean energy by 2050 to this document, noting the connection between this goal and the objectives in the resiliency plans.

Lastly, the policy seems to have a disconnect between humans and natural systems, as it focuses on fighting and resisting water, flooding, and storms with physical barriers. Instead, literature suggests moving away from fighting the water towards living with the water, where humans integrate the natural world into the urban environment (McClymont et al 2019). This stems from “a lack of human knowledge of how to integrate the natural world into the urban environment” (McClymont et al 2019, 1166). Beyond green infrastructure, which is a solid start, policy recommendations could suggest ways to use flooding as an opportunity for resilience instead of a disaster. One way to do this is to implement water turbines, taking advantage of the Hudson River and its tide to generate renewable tidal energy for Downtown Jersey City. Jacob (2015) agrees with McClymont that communities should steer away from resistant structures towards working with the water and natural resources. In a more radical approach, Jacob recommends that to sustainably accommodate to rising waters, cities could build floating houses and buildings and waterborne transportation like a modern Venice or Amsterdam. This is not to say that the policy needs to take such a radical approach, but it could aim to work with the water instead of resisting its effects.

6. Community Recommendations.

As a community, there are many ways that citizens of Downtown Jersey City can help build storm and flood resilience without involving the government. As Laurien et al (2020) say, much effective action to build flood resilience occurs at the community level. It is important to note however, that these actionable plans work best when done in parallel with government plans such as the infrastructure mentioned before. This is because protective adaptation options like levees and pumping systems are costly and need maintenance and upgrades which the government can provide. There is also a need for community-based action beyond these physical barriers to build more long-term resilience, since infrastructure to protect against sea level rise and storms are often seen as short term solutions and not sustainable in the long run (Jacob 2015). Nonetheless, these recommendations will start with ways to build physical resilience then move towards ways to build social resilience.

There is large potential for building developers in Downtown Jersey City to have a positive impact on the city’s resilience in terms of building physical capital. Those working in real-estate, architecture and design, and in building development can start by thinking long term when designing and planning new buildings. They can flood-proof their buildings by implementing wet or dry floodproofing. To wet-proof, they can make the building able to withstand water submergence for short periods of time and move electrical and mechanical utilities higher up. They can dry-proof by sealing their buildings to prevent water from entering by using watertight barriers. They can elevate critical systems like gas and electric, which is easy for architects to implement. Lastly, they can shift development away from the waterfront and Hudson River towards areas in Downtown Jersey City with higher elevations and out of the FEMA 100 year flood line. This is a good financial move for the long-term as well because “any high ground in the city is safer and more valuable real estate than unsafe waterfronts” (Jacob 2015, 46). Developers can add green infrastructure to their buildings and outside which would benefit the community in many ways, making it a valuable investment. For any developers hesitant due to the cost of implementing these resilient designs, these investments are worthwhile for the long term financial, physical, and social benefit of the city. As Jacob (2015, 48) says, “for every dollar spent on disaster risk mitigation and resiliency, we earn an average of four dollars by avoiding losses”.

There are also many actionable steps that can be taken by individual property owners. Raising a house’s elevation can help increase short-term resilience. Implementing green infrastructure such as rain gardens, rain barrels, or even pervious driveways is a great option for homeowners. Households, as well as renters, can switch to using renewable energy in their homes such as solar panels or using energy from green providers. Anyone in the city who pays their own electric bill can choose where their electricity is coming from and choose a provider that uses renewable energy sources. In terms of installing solar panels, the price of solar in New Jersey has decreased by over 50% in the last 5 years, so it is becoming a more affordable option. Both of these actions address the problem at the root cause, since avoiding greenhouse gases can slow down the rate of climate change and sea level rise (Jacob, 2015).

Locals can crowd-fund to raise money to make community-led green spaces and infrastructure such as levies, street trees, bioswales and green roofs. For help initiating this, residents can turn to organizations like Sustainable Jersey City, which has a green infrastructure program and resources for the community to incorporate green infrastructure in their neighbourhood. This organization also has a Community Garden Network that residents can reference to help locals increase the number of community gardens. Residents can get involved with Sustainable Jersey City by signing their charter, donating, and using it as a platform to fund-raise.

Building social resilience and social capital is also important for building flood and storm resilience (Cagney et al 2016). Residents can join one of six local neighbourhood associations in Downtown Jersey City. These associations help build social resilience by fostering community among residents in the area and giving residents a forum to voice their opinions on local matters. They also help keep the community informed on local news and offer resources on different local issues. Other ways to build social resilience are through activities in the community that encourage social interaction. Residents can organize events to increase interaction, sociability, and support in the community. Having social cohesion and social exchange is really important for building storm resilience, because feeling a sense of trust and community helps encourage residents to volunteer and help out the vulnerable in disaster situations like Hurricane Sandy (Cagney et al 2016). As Cagney et al (2016, 14) say in reference to Superstorm Sandy, “facilitating social connections and harnessing the capital that arises from them may create resilience at the community-level that is comparable to, or exceeds, an investment in physical infrastructure.”

Residents can also volunteer through local organizations to help out throughout Downtown Jersey City in several ways. For example, residents can volunteer with non-profits such as Friends of Van Vorst Park and Hamilton Park Conservancy to help maintain gardens and other green infrastructure essential to retaining flood and stormwater. This is called greenspace volunteering and has many community benefits including strengthened resilience, increased mental health, and increased environmental awareness (Miller 2019). After storms, residents can volunteer to help restore damaged housing, help provide essential services, and volunteer at shelters. An excerpt from Miller (2019, 3) explains why greenspace volunteering is important for strengthening social resilience: “from the community resilience side, community greening can help facilitate social contact and improve the social network and multicultural relations… and help foster a sense of community that can include more neighbour to neighbour assistance” (Miller 2019, 3). As previously mentioned, social resilience is vital to storm and flood resilience. Overall, greenspace volunteering and volunteering post-storm increases both social resilience and physical storm and flood resilience.

7. Conclusion.

The coastal city of Jersey City faces many challenges due to climate change, with storms and flooding arguably the most pressing. Eight years after Hurricane Sandy the city government opened an office of sustainability and released two policy documents to strengthen the cities’ resiliency. The policy is a strong start and does a good job of explaining flood and storm-related issues and the vulnerabilities in the city as well as makes solid recommendations in terms of infrastructure. However, the plans could be more comprehensive by suggesting ways to strengthen the social resilience in the city and by taking a more adaptive approach. The suggestions in this community briefing aim to fill this gap in the policy by strengthening the social resilience in Downtown Jersey City on top of strengthening physical resilience among residents.

8. References.

Cagney, Kathleen, David Sterrett, Jennifer Benz, and Trevor Tompson. 2016. “Social Resources and Community Resilience in the Wake of Superstorm Sandy”. Plos One. https://journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0160824

City-data.com. 2021. “Jersey City, New Jersey (NJ) profile: population, maps, real estate, averages, homes, statistics, relocation, travel, jobs, hospitals, schools, crime, moving, houses, news, sex offenders”. <https://www.city-data.com/city/Jersey-City-New-Jersey.html>

City of Jersey City. 2019. “Resilient Jersey City”. https://jcmakeitgreen.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/191029_Resilient-Jersey-City_Summary-Doc.pdf

City of Jersey City. 2019. “Resilient Design Handbook”. Available at: https://jcmakeitgreen.org/resilient-design-handbook/ (Accessed 02/04/21)

Colten, Craig, Robert Kates, and Shirley Laska. 2008. “Three Years after Katrina: Lessons for Community Resilience”, Environment: Science and Policy for Sustainable Development. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.3200/ENVT.50.5.36-47?casa_token=-xDJQGEjv_QAAAAA:Kq9C6dD52ng9RLcZ3YTwl0s2C9EB9JpP-X52iLAG9kQJhjKq4Wvz5L5s-IuIMFmKABtXtt9FANc

Jacob, Klaus. 2015. “Sea Level Rise, Storm Risk, Denial, and the Future of Coastal Cities”. Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/0096340215599777

Laurien, Finn, Stefan Hochrainer-Stigler, Adriana Keating, Karen Campbell, Reinhard Mechler, and Jeffrey Czajkowski. 2020. “A typology of community flood resilience”. Regional Environmental Change. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10113-020-01593-x

McClymont, Kerri, David Morrison, Lindsay Beevers, and Esther Carmen. 2020. “Flood resilience: a systematic review”, Journal of Environmental Planning and Management. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/09640568.2019.1641474?needAccess=true

Miller, Shaleen. (2020. “Greenspace volunteering post-disaster: exploration of themes in motivation, barriers, and benefits from post-hurricane park and garden volunteers”, Journal of Environmental Planning and Management. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09640568.2019.1700942

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The Homeless Community in Portland, Oregon

Moriah Hull studied Sustainable Development and Arabic at the University of St Andrews, Scotland, but was born and raised in Portland, Oregon. She has lived at the same address in the Kerns neighborhood of Northeast Portland since birth and has watched the area change over the years, becoming more gentrified. She has also lived in Southeast Portland and in the suburb of Lake Oswego, and went to school in Southwest Portland, so she is intimately familiar with the city of Portland and the changes it has experienced over her lifetime.

Author bio

Portland, Oregon has been struggling to care for its growing homeless population for decades, especially since the Great Recession. The homeless population consists of many people from disenfranchised and marginalized communities, such as people of color, the elderly, women, the disabled, those with mental illnesses and addiction, and children. Additionally, those experiencing housing insecurity face increased health problems, lower life expectancy, stigma from general public, increased stress, and tend to seek less medical care, which exacerbates these issues.

Portland’s policy response to homelessness is slow, inefficient, and under effective. The city spends large amounts of money on the homeless population, but these actions do not reduce, prevent, or solve homelessness. Portland has two approaches to homelessness reduction: shelters and emergency services, mostly used by the chronically homeless, and requiring some low-income housing units in new buildings, which is a slow and insufficient process.

Instead of waiting for the city to take effective action, the housing insecure community can work together for themselves to create spaces for the homeless that are equitable, sustainable, and accessible. Using the model of Dignity Village, a village of 60 homeless people living in micro-houses in a parking lot near the airport who have organized into a nonprofit to support each other out of homelessness. By becoming a nonprofit, an organization can collect donations, hire volunteers, and be tax exempt. Suggestions include establishing community gardens, upcycling centers, craft spaces, daycares, community centers, and DIY home building using half-built houses, with each suggestion tailored to a specific subset of Portland’s housing insecure population.

1. Introduction.

As a Portland resident from birth to university, I have watched the city change and adapt over the years. I watched as the Great Recession befell the country and I saw the impact it had on people across the city. I watched the tent cities spring up everywhere. I saw more permanent communities establish themselves downtown. I mourned the homeless man who did magic tricks in a white suit by the on-ramp to the Hawthorne Bridge when he died; I would smile and wave at him every day on my way home from school and he would play his plastic horn for me. In more recent years, I have seen my own neighborhood rapidly gentrified, and in tandem with it I saw the number of vans and cars housing people parked permanently on those streets soar. I am fortunate and privileged to not have any personal experience with homelessness, but I have interacted with it my whole life, and increasingly feel shame that my city of Portland allows so many people to live without a home. In this briefing, I will outline the issue and the community to the best of my ability, summarize Portland’s past and present approaches to homelessness, and put forth some suggestions for the homeless communities of Portland on how they might be able to alleviate and address the issues and stresses surrounding and due to homelessness, without relying solely on policy change and government-led solutions.

2. The challenge.

The City of Portland has faced tremendous growth in recent years, with building projects and businesses popping up everywhere. Mirroring this growth is the increase in Portland’s homeless population, especially since the financial crisis of 2008. Portland has struggled with homelessness for over twenty years, as in the early 2000s there was another homelessness crisis in the city, which was met with a housing-first policy response. However, these measures were only temporarily effective because of the financial crisis a few years later. Since then, the rapid gentrification, increased immigration, stagnating wages, increased cost of living, and rising housing costs have all compounded and forced many people into homelessness, including families. It is important to note that around 12% of homeless people are employed (Citizens Commission on Homelessness, 2004), and that many others receive at least one form of social welfare funding, but these funds are not enough to keep people out of homelessness (van Wormer and van Wormer, 2009).

Homelessness—or houselessness or housing insecurity—can be defined in several ways. It is not restricted to people living on pavements, in shelters, or tent cities. Homelessness extends to people living in cars, living doubled up with friends or family, living in motels, and experiencing spells of homelessness over periods of time; chronic homelessness is defined by the Department of Housing and Urban Development as someone who experiences homelessness at least four times during a three-year period or as has been homeless for a year and is living with a disability (Department for Housing and Urban Development, 2021). However, other working definitions of chronic homelessness are less strict and tend to include those who have been homeless for an extended period or for multiple episodes of homelessness over a couple of years (Citizens Commission on Homelessness, 2004). Those who are chronically homeless, especially those who meet the official definition of homelessness, are particularly vulnerable and underserved, while also using a disproportionate amount of the services offered to the general homeless population (ibid).

On any given night in Portland, there are 4,000 people needing shelter, while over the course of the year there are between 16,000 and 18,000 people considered homeless (Citizens Commission on Homelessness, 2004). While most of these people are not defined as chronically homeless, the chronically homeless use 50% of homeless services, with the city paying approximately $40,000 per homeless person per year for the whole homeless population (Citizens Commission on Homelessness, 2004), meaning that the services are provided ineffectively and inefficiently for both the city and the homeless community, as many people remain homeless despite the money spent by the city. Because of chronic illness, lack of health insurance, the heightened prevalence of substance abuse, mental health issues, and domestic abuse, the homeless community faces more trips to the emergency room, an increased risk of illness, and lowered life expectancy (down to 42-52 years from the national average of 78) (King et al, 2020). This all compounds to lower health outcomes and poorer quality of life for those dealing with housing insecurity, while costing the services and the city significant amounts of money without lessening the severity of the problems facing this community.

As rents rise and wages stagnate, many people have found themselves homeless. Conversely, many people have come to Portland in that period as either tourists or residents, leading to a growing, flourishing tourism industry and rapid gentrification. This has compounded the issues of homelessness and has a negative impact on tourism and housed Portland residents. Seeing the homeless population surge ubiquitously in Portland makes the general population uncomfortable (Biswas-Diener and Diener, 2006). Additionally, the presence of the homeless detracts tourists from the city, therefore potentially reducing the benefits that tourism brings to the city. Above all else, the reason homelessness in Portland must be addressed is because everyone has a right to shelter, both morally and legally, as set out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in Article 25 (United Nations, 1948). As policy and governmental responses are often slow, bureaucratic, and insufficient, the best way to alleviate the stresses of homelessness is, arguably, for the homeless community to act.

3. The community.

The housing insecure community is diverse by every measure. However, the least privileged populations are overrepresented in Portland’s homeless population. For example, black, brown, and indigenous populations are overrepresented in Portland’s homeless community (Citizens Commission on Homelessness, 2004). People from all walks of life are found on Portland’s streets, with a sizeable portion of the community lives with some combination of mental illness, disability, chronic illness, and addiction, with half reporting post-traumatic stress disorder (King et al, 2020), 30% living with substance abuse disorders, 18% with mental illness, and 10% with disabilities (Citizens Commission on Homelessness, 2004).

According to more recent data from King et al, nearly half of Portland’s homeless people are mentally ill, asserting that homelessness is “an independent risk factor for worse health outcomes” and “housing as health” are important steps towards better serving homeless people (King et al, 2020). The authors note that stigma against the homeless and addiction from medical professionals prevent those in need from seeking and receiving proper medical care (ibid). Homeless people tend to delay seeking medical services, be undertreated for pain, and do not often receive the ‘longitudinal’ care—meaning a receiving medical treatment from a team of medical providers—from which they benefit (ibid). The stigmatized and disenfranchised nature of the homeless population has led to a variety of consequences for this population, so that they have worse health outcomes and are less able to receive treatment because they are met with distrust, judgement, misunderstanding, and prejudice by the wider community, including those who are supposed to be providing them services (ibid).

Some subsets of the homeless population are difficult to house under the current system. This is especially true for those with addiction and co-occurring mental health problems. The typical current model of housing requires that residents abstain from substances and uphold zero tolerance policies for those that break these rules (van Wormer and van Wormer, 2009). This leads to a high dropout rate for individuals with addiction and mental illness (ibid). This abstinence-based housing policy does not work for many people, especially people with addictions, causing them to be homeless once again (ibid). There is a need for non-abstinence-based housing, though this idea is unpopular politically and to the general public who impose a type of moral failing onto people living with these co-occurrences (ibid). Moreover, those with disabilities and chronic illnesses need housing that supports their expanded needs and more limited abilities (Carder et al, 2016). This extends to the elderly population as well, given that the elderly are overrepresented in Portland’s homeless population and they require more care and tend to prefer age-restricted housing (ibid). These populations would benefit from housing with in-built care.

Families face unique challenges when dealing with housing insecurity. Approximately 14% of homeless families are survivors of domestic violence, often women and their children who have fled from their unsafe homes (Citizens Commission on Homelessness, 2004). This process of escape can be complicated when there are teenagers seeking refuge in domestic violence shelters, as many shelters do not allow teenagers, especially male teens (ibid). Additionally, homelessness and abuse often lead to the involvement of social services, and sometimes to the removal of a child from the home to enter the foster care system (Pergamit, Cunningham and Hanson, 2017). An estimated 20% of homeless families have at least one child in the foster care system (Citizens Commission on Homelessness, 2004). Due to homeless families and low-income families relying on services provided by the government or nonprofits, these families may experience higher rates of child removal because of the fishbowl effect, which is the idea discussed by Pergamit et al that abuse is more likely to be seen and reported in underprivileged families because of their proximity to mandatory reporters (Pergamit, Cunningham and Hanson, 2017). They assert that these families unduly bear the trauma and stress of child removal, especially if the basis for removal is on homelessness and not on abuse or neglect (ibid). Conversely, there are very few housing options for families and couples without children. This means that families are either forced to separate to be accepted into shelters or they must remain in need (Citizens Commission on Homelessness, 2004). The image of homelessness is often portrayed as a single person dwelling on the streets, but this is not an accurate depiction of the crisis or people’s needs.

The emotional and psychological stressors associated with homelessness should not be overlooked or undervalued. Homelessness is an extremely stressful existence, but it is not entirely without joy or freedom. Biswas-Diener and Diener conducted a study of the subjective well-being of the homeless across three cities, one of which was Portland. They noted that despite what they, academic researchers, had presumed, the homeless people they interviewed rated their quality of life relatively highly, especially in areas of morality, friendship, and intelligence (Biswas-Diener and Diener, 2006). However, they rated their quality of life poorly in the areas of privacy and personal possessions, perhaps unsurprisingly (ibid). This community also faces exclusion and stigmatization from the general community, as well as being grossly underserved and undervalued as citizens of Portland, both by their city and their communities. In combination with the increased physical and mental health issues, family separation policies and behaviors, addiction and disability, the homeless community faces many challenges, often overlapping, and all of which would be mitigated by proper and affordable housing.

4. Past policy responses and their shortcomings.

In the late 1990s and early 2000s, there was a surge of homelessness in Portland, resulting in the city creating new policy to address the crisis. The policy, published in 2004, shifted policy towards a housing-first initiative (ending homelessness) and away from traditional models of shelter and transitional housing (managing homelessness) (Citizens Commission on Homelessness, 2004). In essence, this policy meant that the main goal is to house people as soon as possible, especially for the chronically homeless who use a disproportionate amount of services, as to allow a more efficient distribution of services to the rest of the homeless and housing insecure community (ibid). Nationally, there has been a shift towards housing-first policies, which are often seen as the most compassionate and effective course of action (van Wormer and van Wormer, 2009). The city and county strategy had two other aspects included in it: streamlining access to services for alleviating homelessness, and funding programs that yield quantifiable results (Citizens Commission on Homelessness, 2004). This meant reducing redundancies in programs and making them more accessible to those that needed them and reducing the amount of people entering homelessness from government or institutional care (ibid). Before 2004, teens in the foster care system who were ageing out would often end up homeless, without the agency helping them to find suitable housing (ibid). This was also the case for prisoners ending their sentences and hospital patients being discharged (ibid). The new policy discouraged this practice and proposed that institutions could not discharge people into homelessness, but instead help them find housing (ibid).

In the first few years of this policy shift, it was considered a success. The average cost per person per year fell from $40,000 to $16,000 if they were housed, as they no longer needed sheltering services and were less likely to be in the hospital or in prison (Citizens Commission on Homelessness, 2004). Within nine months of the policy shift, five hundred chronically homeless individuals were housed, as were three hundred families (ibid). Unfortunately, the homeless population grew significantly after the financial crisis of 2008 and the program was likely overwhelmed, and the need for housing increased once again.

Portland’s new housing policy focuses on creating more affordable housing in new builds. The policy requires new builds with over twenty units to make a certain percentage of the units affordable—based on median income percentages—and on par quality-wise with the market-rate units (Inclusionary Housing, 2021). This requirement of ‘reasonable equivalent’ protects low-income tenants from poor quality housing and it does not identify them as low-income tenants to their neighbors. It also facilitates class integration and accessibility to school districts, the city center, and safer neighborhoods. The policy outlines that 15% of units in a new build must be affordable to people making 60% of the median income for the area, or that 10% of units must be affordable to people making 30% of the median income for the area (ibid). While the policy upholds class integration and provides affordable housing, the need for housing is great. The city has identified the need for at least 23,000 affordable housing units (ibid), so the small percentages of affordable units required per building project will take a long time to meet the needs of the community, who will be homeless or in substandard housing until that point.

5. Recommendations.

The need for affordable housing cannot be met without government intervention, but that does not mean that there is nothing the community can do. As have been laid out in the preceding sections, there are a multitude of complex issues that face the homeless community besides lack of housing, although that is often the root cause, or it exacerbates other problems. From my research and background in Sustainable Development, my recommendations for homeless people of Portland center on building community, forging connections with the greater Portland community, self-sufficiency and cooperation, and urban beautification. An example of a strong homeless community acting together to provide housing and support for themselves is the residents of Dignity Village, a community of sixty individuals living in an urban village in a parking lot near the airport. Starting in its most basic form in 2000, it grew and became more established, eventually solidifying its status as a registered nonprofit organization—a 501(c)3—in 2001, with outside help (Dignity Village, 2021). The village can house up to sixty people in micro-houses built and rebuilt by residents, as well as up to ten people in the greenhouse in the winter for temporary shelter (ibid). Dignity Village is intended as transitional housing; thus, the organization has a strict policy that residents can live there for up to two years (ibid). The expectation, as set out in their bylaws, is that members contribute their time and labor for tasks like security, fundraising, sanitation, and outreach (Biswas-Diener and Diener, 2006). They also have communal areas for cooking, gardening, bathrooms, and recreation (ibid). However, the main social goal of the urban commune is to facilitate peer support and community among the homeless, and through these interactions help people gain life and job skills to move on to long-term housing (ibid). Dignity Village uses an abstinence-based model and has been sanctioned by the city (ibid), though its status was nearly terminated in the beginning due to the amount of police calls to the area (Gragg, 2002). The subsequent recommendations for the homeless community are based on the Dignity Village model of nonprofit organization, community, and radical urban spaces.

The first recommendation is based on the idea that fostering good relations between homeless individuals is critical for building social capital, and that fostering good relations between the homeless community and neighborhood communities is vital for allyship and social cohesion. The best way to do this is for the homeless community to provide something for the neighborhood in which they live or plan to establish themselves. Groups of homeless individuals can congregate—and register as a nonprofit organization if they so choose—and form a cooperative for community gardening or for recycling in a makerspace, to provide a space for sustainable community development. By registering as a nonprofit, the cooperative would be able to receive donations and grant funding, so that a plot of land or a space can be bought by the cooperative. If this is not feasible, using the space as a community garden regardless is a valid form of guerrilla infrastructure, as in building green and sustainable spaces within the city to provide food, regardless of consent from the city. Bremer and Bhuiyan assert this principle in relation to informal settlements in Egypt, borrowing Neuwirth’s idea that “American and European cities shows [sic] a progression from squatter communities with ad hoc, illegally-accessed services to formal service provision” and that squatting has had positive outcomes in the realm of urban development (Bremer and Bhuiyan, 2014). As such, the homeless community has a right to pursue its own needs in informal ways, especially when formal channels have failed them. This ethos spans each recommendation.

For the makerspace, which is a place where people can come to craft art, furniture, and the like, the homeless cooperative could use the model of Scrap, an upcycling business in Portland that sells used wood, tiles, and other sorts of building and crafting materials. A facility like this could invest profits into job training and employment for its workers, the cooperative members. The emphasis on recycling is good for the planet and it makes supplies more affordable to the wider community, thus providing more sustainable materials to the local community. In both this venture and the community garden are ways of building trusting and cooperative social dynamics between different peoples of Portland, and therefore decreasing the stigma, fear, and disenfranchisement that homeless people face.

Another approach that uses this cooperative model is one focused more on women, children, and families. For this, registering as a non-profit organization would be beneficial, so that it can get donations and have volunteers. One of the main inhibitors to mothers, especially those with small children, to accessing employment opportunities is a lack of childcare. Therefore, a cooperative day-care and preschool would allow mothers to find employment and know that their children are being cared for. This day-care could use a rotation of mother volunteers to watch the children, as well as having volunteers. The facility could double as a shelter at night, too, for children, teens, and families, or it could function as a community space in which parenting classes, baby classes, and after-school activities could be held. The cooperative could also receive and hand out baby and school supplies to those in need. The multi-faceted nature of this space could address some of the issues plaguing housing insecure families like lack of childcare, neglect, and abuse by way of parenting classes, strong community ties, and access to necessary material goods.

To address the issue of abstinence-based housing, non-abstinence-based housing must be introduced. Again, this suggestion follows a cooperative and non-profit model where homeless individuals dealing with substance abuse problems come together to help each other build housing and get clean. This idea is based off a Chilean approach to public housing, in which the government provided low-income workers with half a house (Day, 2018). This half-house had the shell structure, kitchen, and bathroom essentials, but left the rest for the residents to design and craft (ibid). This cost the government less than building completed structures and allowed for residents to make it their own and have it fit their individual needs (ibid). Because non-abstinence-based housing is unpopular amongst the general public, any action to provide it will have to be cheaper. Therefore, providing micro-house ‘shells’ following the Chilean example by way of donor funding and Habitat for Humanity-style volunteering would lessen the cost of housing to those struggling with addiction. In this community model the members would be able to support each other as they build their homes, and perhaps find this process therapeutic. By building their own homes, individuals would learn useful skills, gain a sense of accomplishment, and show the wider Portland community of what homeless—and addicted—people are capable.

6. Conclusion.

Throughout this community briefing I have outlined some of the most pressing issues facing Portland’s homeless community. By outlining these issues, I hope they can be addressed by the government, the Portland community, and the homeless community. However, the housing insecure community in Portland should act for themselves towards establishing a place for themselves in the Portland community through social and sustainable means for a sustainable, community-focused future. Before the pandemic hit Portland, an affordable housing complex was built for Siletz Tribe by the tribe, using government funding designated for tribal use—this was the first use of these funds off reservation land—and supplemented with HUD funding (Morrison, 2020). This model could be extended to other tribes, too. Radical and community-guided action empowers communities, and the homeless community is one of the most disenfranchised communities in the country. Power, voice, and action come from getting together, making change, and demanding a place in society.

7. Bibliography.

Bachega, Hugo. 2018. “Homeless In US: A Deepening Crisis On The Streets Of America”. BBC, 2018.

Biswas-Diener, Robert, and Ed Diener. 2006. “The Subjective Well-Being Of The Homeless, And Lessons For Happiness”. Social Indicators Research 76 (2): 185-205. doi:10.1007/s11205-005-8671-9.

Bremer, Jennifer, and Shahjahan H. Bhuiyan. 2014. “Community-Led Infrastructure Development in Informal Areas In Urban Egypt: A Case Study”. Habitat International 44: 258-267. doi:10.1016/j.habitatint.2014.07.004.

Carder, Paula, Gretchen Luhr, and Jacklyn Kohon. 2016. “Differential Health And Social Needs Of Older Adults Waitlisted For Public Housing Or Housing Choice Vouchers”. Journal Of Aging & Social Policy 28 (4): 246-260. doi:10.1080/08959420.2016.1156507.

Day, Meagan. 2018. “We Can Have Beautiful Public Housing”. Jacobin, 2018.

Department for Housing and Urban Development. n.d. “Flowchart Of HUD’s Definition Of Chronic Homelessness”. Washington, D.C.: HUD.

Gragg, Randy. 2002. “Guerrilla City”. Architecture: The AIA Journal, 2002.

King, Caroline, Cameron Fisher, Jacob Johnson, Arum Chun, David Bangsberg, and Paula Carder. 2020. “Community-Derived Recommendations For Healthcare Systems And Medical Students To Support People Who Are Houseless In Portland, Oregon: A Mixed-Methods Study”. BMC Public Health 20 (1). doi:10.1186/s12889-020-09444-4.

Morrison, Erica. 2020. “A 1st-of-its-kind Affordable Housing Community For Native Americans Opens In Portland”. Oregon Public Broadcasting, 2020.

“Origins”. n.d. Dignity Village.

Pergamit, Michael, Mary Cunningham, and Devlin Hanson. 2017. “The Impact Of Family Unification Housing Vouchers On Child Welfare Outcomes”. American Journal Of Community Psychology 60 (1-2): 103-113. doi:10.1002/ajcp.12136.

Portland City Government. 2004. “Home Again: A 10-Year Plan To End Homelessness In Portland And Multnomah County”. Portland: Citizens Commission on Homelessness.

Portland City Government. 2021. “Inclusionary Housing”. Portland: Portland City Government.

United Nations. 1948. “Universal Declaration Of Human Rights”. New York: United Nations.

van Wormer, Rupert, and Katherine van Wormer. 2009. “Non-Abstinence-Based Supportive Housing For Persons With Co-Occurring Disorders: A Human Rights Perspective”. Journal Of Progressive Human Services 20 (2): 152-165. doi:10.1080/10428230903301394.

Williams, Dilafruz R. 2016. “Service-Learning And The Hungry And Homeless: Tangible Sensibilities Of Care Among Young Urban Adolescents”. Children, Youth And Environments 26 (1): 164. doi:10.7721/chilyoutenvi.26.1.0164.

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Drumchapel’s health inequalities

Yvonne Smith is an Hons Sustainable Development student at St Andrews. Yvonne chose Drumchapel in Glasgow, UK, due to the huge disparities between the area’s residents and their affluent neighbours in Bearsden.

Author bio

Drumchapel, locally known as ‘The Drum’, is a post-war social housing scheme and an area on the periphery of Glasgow with mass unemployment and social deprivation and a child poverty rate of 49%. Youth mental health is a big issue, with high suicide rates and substance abuse. People in Drumchapel live on average twelve years less than their affluent neighbours in Bearsden. Health disparities require a wide range of policies, but the austerity measures have antagonised matters. Successful policies include a minimum unit price alcohol policy, the smoking ban in public areas and free bus travel for under 18 year-olds and the Community Empowerment Act of 2015. Drumchapel has been going through a period of regeneration and recommendations in this report include working with Thriving Places and other groups and to partner up with Transition Towns, which have extensive experience in making communities more sustainable and resilient, sharing best practices through global connections. The community could set up projects such as community gardens, markets, community renewables, lets money and solidarity schemes. It could also set up a community kitchen and provide after-school dinners, or include community-led, hands-on projects in the woods for children’s health and well-being. Last but not least it could skill up adults, so they can be entrepreneurial and create work locally.

1. Introduction.

In this community briefing I will give some background into the city of Glasgow and the outskirts, to understand how health inequalities have occurred. Among the huge health disparities between some of the richest and poorest areas in the city, Bearsden and Drumchapel have some of the most noticeable such disparities, as they are next door to one another. The difference in life expectancy can average twelve years between these two places. Life expectancy is not just related to health but social inequalities such as social class, geography, ethnicity, income, and deprivation. Exploring current policy for health inequalities therefore cannot be just looked at under health: it needs to be examined from a more holistic approach. The Scottish government have noticed this and set up a ministerial taskforce to try and tackle the health inequalities by looking at economic and fiscal issues and social security, among others. The problem is a lot of these are out of the Scottish Government’s hands and are down to the austerity measures put in place with the UK government (Walsh et al, 2021). Drumchapel has got an amazing community spirit and people there really want the best for their neighbourhood. There are many community initiatives to try and combat the health disparities and in 2016, Thriving Places was introduced. They have done a lot of work with the community and the different groups to try and improve things such as health and wellbeing, the local environment and help with getting people back into employment. My recommendations would be to work with the people who are already doing an amazing job in Drumchapel and build on that. Other suggestions are made to see if it would be something Drumchapel would be interested in, and I am interested in finding out what ‘The Drum’s’ vocation is and hopefully set the motions in place to fulfil it.

2. Background to Glasgow and its urban sustainability challenge.

Glasgow used to thrive, with the shipping industry being a huge employer for the city. It now thrives with the financial industry in the city centre and there are plenty of designer shops and top hotels. However, the periphery of the city looks slightly different, with post war social housing schemes collectively known as the ‘Big Four’. These consist of Easterhouse, Drumchapel, Castlemilk, and Greater Pollock and all tend to have the same social issues. The health inequalities between the richest and poorest areas in the city can vary drastically with a life expectancy difference of twelve years between neighbourhoods, that are right next door to one another (Patterson, 2019). This is the case between Bearsden and Drumchapel. Bearsden is an affluent suburb of Glasgow, ranked as one of the top ten wealthiest places in Britain, with lots of green space such as a country park and golf club and plenty of amenities (Taylor, 2019). Next door and part of a different council is Drumchapel, better known as The Drum. It was built in the 1950’s next to contaminated land and there were no amenities in the immediate area. Most people had to travel to the city centre for jobs and some of the main employers were the Singer Sewing Machine Factory, Beattie’s Biscuit Factory, Goodyear Tyre and Rubber Company and the shipyards. With all these now closed, it has created massive unemployment and social deprivation in the area, which had been neglected for years. Drumchapel is going through a regeneration period, where new homes are being built and there is a social inclusion partnership, so the people of Drumchapel have greater optimism for its future (The Glasgow story).

3. Drumchapel’s health Inequalities.

The women in Drumchapel live on average five years longer than men, while the estimates of male and female life expectancy are slightly lower than the Glasgow average. Below in figure 1 are statistics issued in 2019 for Drumchapel, which show the different health inequality indicators to try and get an understanding of where the issues lie. Drumchapel has a very high proportion of children and has one of the highest rates of child poverty in Glasgow at 48%. Single parent households make up 56% of all households with dependent children and there is a significant amount of child pregnancy. The neighbourhood has a relatively low employment rate and deprivation is linked to health inequalities (Glasgow centre for population and health, 2016)

Figure 1 Understanding Glasgow Neighbourhood Profiles: Drumchapel Health Inequality Indicators.

Figure 1 Understanding Glasgow’s Neighbourhood Profiles: Drumchapel Health Inequality Indicators (source).

Our health can be affected by the conditions of where we are born, grow, live, and work and our age. Mental health is a major issue and Drumchapel has a lot of suicides in youths. Drink and drugs issues, loneliness and isolation and money problems can all have a knock-on effect on premature mortality and elevated blood pressure. There is growing UK policy consensus for mental health to address social costs to people due to the economic downturns and social employment instability. Inequalities can occur due to several issues such as income, social class, geography, ethnicity, and deprivation (Public Health Scotland, 2021).

4. Current policy responses.

Improving health has been attempted in many ways in Scotland such as the smoking ban in public areas put in place in 2005, which was implemented to help provide cleaner air and to prevent passive smoking and hopefully have a knock-on effect on health in general (Scottish Parliament, 2005). Other policies such as a minimum unit price on alcohol which was successful in reducing alcohol purchases and by inference, alcohol consumption (O’Donnell et al, 2018). The Scottish Government have realised that health inequalities cannot just be looked at under the health sector and that they need action instead from different agencies including the NHS, Employers, Schools and Colleges and the third sector, as there are so many other determinants that affect it. (Walsh et al, 2020). They decided to set up the ministerial task force on health inequalities to ensure these inequalities could be tackled along with achieving sustainable economic growth, supported by increases in health life expectancy. They realised that it was not just income that influences inequalities: it can be race, age, disability, gender to name but a few, however the main reason was to look at the socioeconomic circumstances to try and improve health inequalities (Scottish Government, 2007).

Current policy therefore would have to look at a wide range of policies such as economic and monetary, employment, social security and fiscal, to see how they affect health inequalities (ScotPHO, 2021). The issue is a lot of these lie with the UK government, not just the Scottish one (Walsh, et al, 2020). One of the biggest issues which has a large effect on poor communities is the austerity measures originating from the banking crisis of 2008 (Walsh, 2020). This, along with globalisation under the current capitalist system, has widened inequalities around the globe – not just in Drumchapel. The Task Force’s approach refocuses and redesigns public services through community partnerships, to try and make improvements locally, to then share good practices, track the progress and influence change (Scottish Government, Corporate Report). The Scottish Government has been praised for some of its policy areas such as public sector pay policy which has committed to paying minimum of the real living wage to devolved public body employees in Scotland (Mackay MSP, 2018 Scottish Government). This appears to have had a positive impact on the gender pay gap and earning inequalities (Walsh et al, 2020). For people under the age of 18 they are providing free bus travel (BBC News, 2020). Free nursery places policy for 3 and 4 year olds, to almost double the hours to 1140 per year and they are looking to reduce child poverty by 2030 to 10% (Child Poverty (Scotland) Act 2017) (MacDonald, 2018 Scottish Government). In contrast the UK government have abolished targets altogether for child poverty (Walsh, 2020). Unfortunately, due to COVID 19 a lot of these policies have been postponed such as the extra hours free childcare, the free bus travel – while 50,000 new affordable homes have been delayed (Walsh, 2020).

5. Drumchapel community responses.

Before making potential recommendations, I wanted to see what has been done in Drumchapel previously, to try and combat some of the area’s health inequalities. There are many occasions in the past where communities have reports done but not enough action is put in place to take things forward. I have looked at the Thriving Places programme which was done in Drumchapel in 2016. They interviewed 299 residents and put a survey on their community Facebook pages to find out what was needed in the local area and what some of the challenges and opportunities were. They then organised a participatory day with lunch included to hear the results of the research and to help consider a way forward, based on the themes that came out of the results. These themes included financial hardship, health and wellbeing, isolation, exclusion, participation and power across Drumchapel, community Hub and Drumchapel Shopping Centre. There are limitations to what I can touch on in this particular topic, however I have tried to take these themes into consideration when making recommendations. So, rather than starting something from scratch, I would recommend that we build upon the Thriving Places programme, evaluate what is working well from that programme and what still needs to be done moving forward (Thriving Places report).

Thriving Places have established Drumchapel as having a great community spirit and there are generations of people who want to participate in making it a better place to live, so there is a real sense of community there (McMillan and Chavis 1986). They now have a community hub and there are several groups and charity organisations working out of the area, doing amazing things for health and well-being. The Yorker Centre is a community centre managed by the community which tries to deliver services that suit the community needs. The common issues are exclusion and financial challenges so it is a money and advice centre, where they can get debt counselling; in addition it provides services such as credit union, DRC addictions forum, voices for change and much more all under one roofThe G15 youth project, which works with people aged 12-25, helps combat issues with unemployment, homelessness, gang-fighting, territorialism, drug, and alcoholism to name but a few, and they organise diversionary activities all year round which include go-karting, quad-biking, paintballing etc. They also help them with CV writing, job searchers and support on what is worrying them. Additionally, they have street-workers who walk the streets, speaking to youths in their own environment. There is the 3D Drumchapel charitable organisation which provides support for vulnerable children and families to make positive changes in their lives. They provide support in the schools and nurseries, provide baby massage and toddler activities, they do parenting programmes, asylum seeker dedicated support for families and they organise family trips and outings.

Drumchapel has also just got an army cadets base for youths to join and learn new skills with the hope they will find a career path in the forces. There are many other schemes too, but this was just to highlight some of the excellent work already being done in Drumchapel. What came up as the main challenges that still need to be tackled are addiction issues, anxiety, isolation, job prospects and the shopping centre for not feeling safe and not well lit. It was also brought up that years ago you would have been able to speak to people in power and get things done in the area if needed. Now they feel like there is a disconnect between themselves and the politicians (Thriving Places report). Scotland has centralised its local authorities as this is supposed to increase efficiency, but it can take away the localised personal touch, which seems to be the case in Drumchapel (Hollenbeck et al, 2011; Scottish Government, 2021). We could learn from the Norwegian decentralised structure, which has 356 municipalities compared to our 32 local authorities: this helps create a more localised, adaptive approach to governance (Bang, 2016).

6. Recommendations.

My main recommendation would be to work with Thriving Places and all the amazing community groups to get them to work together to see if they can help each other, which can also help with connections, skills, and resources. It would be my intention to find out where the community is with their 2016 plans and where they would still like to be.

The following are suggestions that the community may want to consider as options moving forward.

There are a lot of brownfield sites surrounding Drumchapel that could possibly be taken over and used by the community. It would be worthwhile finding out who this land belongs to and try and get this to be community owned. Drumchapel could potentially become a garden city (Howard, 1902) and the council could help with this procedure through the Community Empowerment Act 2015. This could be turned into sustainable farming land and the food that is grown could help provide for the community. We could try and get one of the many centres in Drumchapel to double up as a community kitchen and we could try and seek grant funding to make these changes.

There are places like this (in Japan, for example) that provide somewheree for school children to go after school and they are given their dinner each day; parents can then collect them after their work. This ensures that children have a nutritious healthy meal each night, which in turn helps with child poverty (UN SDG Roadmap). We could team up with other groups such as 3D Drumchapel to see if people could help with looking after children and making the food. If there were any budding chefs or nursery teachers, this could be an opportunity for them to get skills in these fields. The land could also be used for people to have their own allotments and there could be a park there so children can play and hopefully encourage them to come along with their parents and learn how to grow nutritious food (Transition Towns Network).

Transition Towns Network is an organisation that think of alternative methods of making communities more sustainable and resilient by working with them, building relationships and cooperation’s and helping them come up with social innovations. Some of the innovations they have done so far include communities having their own money like the lets schemes; they also have bike repair schemes, community renewables, community allotments, local markets and they promote local trade. They get you to reimagine your community and help you connect with other Transition Towns across the UK and across the globe. They have a support network set up, which links you to expertise at your fingertips. They do webinars and you can learn from others, get advice, and choose what would be right for Drumchapel. The founder did a PhD in permaculture and would be very good at giving advice on the subject if the brownfield sites were able to be used (Transition Network).

The Singer factory used to be a big employer for Drumchapel so it would be interesting to find out if there are people still in the area with those skills (The Glasgow Story), either to teach others sewing machine skills or how to make or repair them. It would then be useful to see if there were any budding fashion designers in the area who could come along and work as a team. In the town of Paisley, just east of Glasgow, they get clothes from the local charity shops and redesign them to give them a different look. It has taken off really well and they now have two boutiques, and they also sell their sustainable designs online (ReMode Youth Paisley). This is a way of making a circular economy, having fun, learning new skills, and meeting new friends along the way. They have the older generation teaching the younger generation new skills. If there are any people who can still repair the machines it would be good to open a section in one of the hubs so that this could be a small business and hopefully a way of helping train up others too.

Community woodlands are excellent for health and well-being and the Drumchapel woods at the west side is owned by the council and run by the forestry commission. They already do work such as the Forrest school which encourages children back to the outdoors through doing activities such as den building, walking the forest, tracking the animals, and learning how to use forest tools. They also have the green gym where people are encouraged to help clear cycle pathways, overhanging branches, and plant new trees. Considering there are so many young children in Drumchapel, it might be worthwhile looking at Taft Woodland Project in Crossgates. They have a community woodland which they have turned into a fairy glen and the children and parents love to go there and find all the different fairy hiding places. They tend to bring a picnic with them and make a morning or afternoon of it. This would be a way of getting people back into nature again which is excellent for mental health but also a free way of entertaining children and getting exercise. This could be a project that the community could work with the forestry committee to do. The high school could get involved in helping make it, with the woodwork department. Another idea would be to see if they could get a GoApe project going, which would be an excellent opportunity for getting the teenagers out in nature, keep them fit and be good for well-being.

Finally, if Drumchapel could get a weekly market going, the people could sell the food and clothing at the market stalls too.

It needs a good facilitator and connections through facebook pages and the community newspaper this could be pulled together. Thriving Places and the other community groups could possibly help facilitate this.

7. Conclusion.

In conclusion, there may be health inequalities that mark quite a substantial difference from the neighbouring communities, but it does not have to be that way. Life expectancy is not just related to health: it is also related to income, deprivation, social inequalities, social class, ethnicity, and geography.

However, if you make your place a better place and you bring solidarity into the equation, then you can eliminate some of these through being a collective and looking out for one another. It is about re-imaging what you want from your community. Drumchapel has an amazing community spirit and people want the best for it, so it is about deciding what Drumchapel’s vocation is and making it happen as a community. There are loads of different grants and pathways and thriving places is a great asset to Drumchapel along with the other community groups who are doing fantastic work. Transitions Towns has a network of communities all trying to find ways of being more sustainable and resilient and there is a lot that can be learnt from them – whether it be permaculture, urban farming, allotments, or a community market. They can give support, advice and links to other communities doing similar things. With the new Community Empowerment Act that came out in 2015 there are real opportunities for communities to take over brownfield sites and community buildings to be able to have community hubs and kitchens. The Japanese idea of having the children go there after school and all the ‘bairns’ being fed before the parents come in from work, can really help with the child poverty situation and provides a baby-sitting service which the ‘bairns’ enjoy, because they are with their friends. It is about making connections between the right people to get things done. Hopefully through having a sense of community and including as many different people as possible, it will give people a sense of purpose and belonging. This is good for happiness, health, and well-being, which in turn can hopefully raise the life expectancy.

8. References.

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Buchanan, C. 2021. “Amazing efforts are sprucing up historic village woodland”. Central Fife Times.

Craig, A. 2021. “Neighbourhoods Drumchapel Modern Times:1950 to the Present Day”. The Glasgow Story.

Drumchapel Thriving Places. 2016. “Drumchapel”. Glasgowcpp.org.uk.

Howard, E. 1902. Garden cities of to-morrow. 1st ed. London: Swan Sonnenschein & Co., Ltd.

Glasgow Centre For Population and Health. 2016. “Neighbourhood profiles | The Glasgow Indicators Project”. Understandingglasgow.com.

McDonald, M. 2017. “A Blueprint For 2020: The Expansion Of Early Learning And Childcare In Scotland – 2017-2018 Action Plan – Gov.Scot.”Gov.Scot.

Mackay MSP, D. 2018. “Public sector pay policy 2019-2020 – gov.scot”. Gov.scot.

McMillan, David W., and David M. Chavis. “Sense of community: A definition and theory.” Journal of community psychology 14, no. 1 (1986): 6-23.

O’Donnell, Amy, Peter Anderson, Eva Jané-Llopis, Jakob Manthey, Eileen Kaner, and Jürgen Rehm. “Immediate impact of minimum unit pricing on alcohol purchases in Scotland: controlled interrupted time series analysis for 2015-18.” bmj 366 (2019).

Paterson, S. 2019. “Glasgow’s ‘Unacceptable’ Life Expectancy Gap Revealed In Latest Figures”Glasgow Times. Paterson, S., 2019.

Public Health Scotland. 2021. “What Are Health Inequalities?”Public Health Scotland. 2021.

ReMode. 2021. “Remode | Sustainable & Up Cycled Fashion | Renfrewshire”Remode.

Scotland Forestry Commission Scotland. 2021. “Case Study: Drumchapel Woods”. Scotland Forestry Commission.Gov.

Scottish Parliament. 2021. “Scottish Parliament, 2005. Smoking, Health And Social Care (Scotland) Act 2005”Scottish Parliament.

Scottish Parliament. 2017. “Child Poverty (Scotland) Act 2017”.

The Scottish Public Health Observatory. 2021. “Policy Context“.

Taylor, Craig. 2021. “Bearsden The Posh Place In East Dunbartonshire Near Glasgow”Five Minutes To Spare.Com.

Transition Network. 2021. “Transition Network | Transition Towns | The Circular Economy”Transition Network.

Walsh, D., Lowther, M., McCartney, G. and Reid, K., 2020. Can Scotland achieve its aim of narrowing health inequalities in a post-pandemic world? Public Health in Practice1, p.100042.