Tag: Affordable Housing

Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

The Housing Crisis of Queens New York: Perpetuating Social and Economic Inequities

Post author By whc8
Post date Tuesday 6 January 2026
No Comments on The Housing Crisis of Queens New York: Perpetuating Social and Economic Inequities

Defining the community of Queens, New York

Queens is a borough of New York City located only seven miles outside of one of the economic and cultural capitals of the world, Manhattan. Within the boundaries of New York City, along with Brooklyn, Bronx, and Staten Island, Queens is home to over 8.8 million people overall with approximately 2.4 million residents making it one of the most ethnically diverse urban areas in the world (New York City Census, 2020,3). Queens has become a hub for multiple ethnic communities and immigration with 47% of its population being born outside of the U.S. (United States Census Bureau, 2021). A uniquely situated borough in New York City, the majority of its diverse immigrant population are middle-class families with the highest labour-force participation rate and lowest unemployment rates across New York (Malanga, 2004). The family-oriented nature of the community and the proximity to job opportunities are driving factors that caused Queens to continuously grow into a flourishing middle-class neighbourhood. The 345,000 people who live in this borough and also work in Manhattan provide an enormous contribution to New York’s largest vital businesses and economy (Malanga, 2004). Queen’s diverse reliable workforce provides vital skilled work and an economic boost in other areas of New York making Queens’ economy more stable than other boroughs and less likely to experience volatile swings (Malanga, 2004). The diverse middle-class population of Queens is crucial to the social and economic success of New York and is a backbone of the socioeconomic stability of the city, yet due to the lack of affordable housing, this community is suffering and being subjected to a lower standard of living.

Author Positionality

As a Queens resident, I have compassion for those who struggle with high rents and am grateful for being a homeowner in the area. My positionality takes self-awareness into account and my interest is in what would benefit the entire community to enjoy a balanced and healthy lifestyle. Throughout this research, I have discovered a panorama of what seems like an insurmountable problem that is linked to a systemic escalation of housing costs, that most of the population can only work to keep up with. There is a fundamental value system at play beneath our housing system where each entity offering housing is prioritizing profits over the quality of

life. From this, it would be important to communicate a more cooperative approach to the landlord/tenant relationship to maintain the property and cover the landlord’s costs while not exploiting the tenant. Overall, from my work volunteering in Queens, I’ve found the community is motivated by pursuing a personal livelihood to support their families and live the American dream of upward mobility and success. I hope the driving personal factor of improvement can be utilized to increase community support on a larger scale, especially by understanding the perspective of this overlooked borough. Recognising the community specifics that this population has limited time to engage in community initiatives will be vital to the success of any program.

Community Challenge

The high cost of living in New York City stems from the housing crisis and the need for additional homes and more specifically affordable homes. The lower-income communities disproportionately affected are spending over half their income on housing (Fitzsimmons et al., 2022). The increasing gap in New Yorkers’ ability to provide basic necessities is amplified in the borough of Queens which is a predominantly working-class family area. Current New York City Mayor Eric Adams and Governor Kathy Hochul’s push for building more affordable housing has failed in previous negotiations of the state budget still leaving over 80% of households in New York unable to afford the minimum cost of living (Shapiro, 2023). Data prepared by the Fund for the City of New York to advise governmental organisations regarding initiatives to improve livelihoods demonstrates that the median income in New York had risen 71% by 2023 while the true cost of living, meaning how much income is needed to afford necessities in Queens had risen 125% (Kucklick et al., 2023, 9). The city-wide median salary is stated to be $49,754 yearly while the true cost of living in Queens is shown to be $115,496 demonstrating the staggering income inadequacy and structural inequities that are causing increased poverty levels in this borough (Kucklick et al., 2023, 8). Based on the U.S. Census Bureau 2021 ACS report, households in Queens living below the true cost of living had risen to 49% which would support more people becoming unable to afford their needs as rent and prices increase and why factors such as food hardship have increased (Kucklick et al., 2023, 10). These downward adjustments in the median standard of living come from many people needing to move due to properties increasing rent and increasing cost for purchase along with rising interest rates for mortgages and the inability of people to qualify for bank loans.

Thus, affordable housing is consistently becoming too expensive and forcing families and individuals to cut back on other basic expenses to afford rent or mortgage payments. Renters are further disproportionately affected as rents continue to rise as they are not governed by legislation in small private homes with apartments. While Queen’s economy is stated to be the most stable due to the consistent workforce the highest rates of personal economic instability were found in predominantly immigrant or nonwhite neighbourhoods as demonstrated (Shapiro, 2023). Through statistics that will be discussed below, there are already examples of families in renting communities in Queens, such as Elmhurst and South Corona that have needed to compromise their standard of living to afford to live in their homes with one of the largest factors being increased risk of food insecurity. These factors create extreme risks to the well-being of families and children. If this community were economically forced to move due to the increase in housing prices, there would be a larger negative ripple effect over the entirety of New York City and the State due to the loss of essential workers in the infrastructure of the city. One of the greatest challenges to many communities, such as New York City which possesses some of the most expensive real estate in the world, is that the middle class is disproportionately affected by the rising cost of living (Malanga, 2004). The question becomes how the community itself can cope with these changes and respond to achieve a more equitable standard of living.

Many social factors can contribute to and provide an understanding of why Queens is demonstrating worse effects to housing price increase than other areas such as inequities regarding child care and amount of social programs. While the majority of households in Queens have dual incomes it was still found that having a child of any age in Queens pushes the monthly true cost of living over the official measure of poverty (Kucklick et al., 2023, 20). This income inadequacy is highest for households with younger children due to the high cost of childcare and the highest disparities are observed in homes with 86% of single mothers struggling to meet basic needs (Kucklick et al., 2023, 20). These calculations are estimated to be statistically higher than what is shown as the New York City true cost of living standard doesn’t consider factors such as education expenses, debt and monthly interest rates that are more prevalent in lower- income communities (Kucklick et al., 2023, 8).

Food hardship levels provide insight into the overall well-being of various neighbourhoods as we can understand communities that are economically struggling and what factors are causing this inequality. Through monitoring poverty rates in New York City it is found that neighbourhoods in Manhattan have the lowest rates of food hardship consisting of less than 10% of people identifying they have run out of food and have not been able to afford more throughout a year (Gordis et al., 2019, 3). While areas of Elmhurst and South Corona in Queens have the second highest rates across all the boroughs stating that 57% of their population have experienced some form of food insecurity (Gordis et al., 2019, 11). These are not the only areas in Queens facing hardship as children are hardest hit and organizations such as the Zara Charitable Foundation and La Jornada Food Pantry coordinate and distribute food daily at different locations in Queens, particularly because federal pandemic-era food relief programs have ended (Davick, 2023). The statistics and stories show that food hardship is a condition in specific areas that is directly tied to the factors of rent, income as well as accessibility. As prices increase due to inflationary factors the situation becomes only more dire. The economic gap in New York neighbourhoods with a high working-class immigrant population struggling to make ends meet has only been exacerbated as post-pandemic programs such as stimulus checks have been terminated (Shapiro, 2023).

Recomendations

The community organizations that exist operate based upon donations and provide educational tools and assistance in applying for government assistance but have not mobilized to make a direct impact on the increasing rental costs across the region. Part of the difficulty in restraining runaway rental costs is the perception that landlords may raise rates to stay in pace with extreme rising rents in New York City. The ever-increasing economic spiral is not sustainable for a working community. Unfortunately, the trend in the past has been for families to leave the State altogether. Another impact of rising costs is that more people live together in smaller spaces and in spaces that are not legislatively permitted such as basements of homes. The legal disputes arising from these arrangements further tax the antiquated system dealing with new socioeconomic pressures. Therefore, community activism should include community meetings where awareness and support can be made available to people. It requires that a ‘quality of life’ becomes a priority for communities.

The work remains to solve the issue of increased housing prices through community activism and establishing a political presence and influence by voting for candidates who can navigate the legislative processes necessary to protect middle-class families. In the past Queens voters have played a decisive role in the New York elections and through proper education this population can be used to make a substantial change (Malanga, 2004). The community’s role in drafting recommendations to fix the urban problem of overpriced housing can be explored in town hall-style meetings for community members to attend. As a member of the community, you are most aware of what programs will help improve your standard of living and by developing a deeper level of personal engagement you can ensure money from nonprofits in your area or government programs are supporting the correct resources. This engagement was demonstrated in the late ’90s as many families in uptown Chicago were facing housing increases due to gentrification and the local Organization of the NorthEast (ONE) implemented retention strategies on behalf of 78 neighbourhood members to purchase private housing and turn this into affordable housing (Levy et al., 2007, 289). Through social activism ONE was able to target the main problems to create affordable housing rather than wait for governmental support and campaign to retain affordable housing for senior care based on community recommendations (Ibid). By understanding the influence of civic participation on social urban issues you can mobilise your community towards the most important issues. And as in the cited case even take action as a group.

Currently, in Queens, besides a lack of affordable housing, there is also a lack of safe public affordable housing (Selby et al., 2022, 5). The New York City Housing Authority has been accused of breaking federal law by misusing government funds and neglecting to check housing for lead paint leading to other unsafe living conditions (Selby et al., 2022, 4). This has a direct effect on the community as North America’s largest housing project is Queensbridge Housing located in Long Island City, Queens (Jcrites, 2018). This issue has been spoken about in papers, but there hasn’t been engagement with the communities affected themselves, and we see the deeper aspect of immigrant and nonwhite families disproportionately affected. I recommend that by engaging and utilising social activism groups the community will be able to have their perspective expressed as an essential step towards representation. The expression and organisation would assist in explaining many issues including factors of racial justice and how this too has affected the housing crisis. Queens currently has nonprofit organisations such as Queens Community House of Forest Hills, Minkwon Center for Community Actions, Samuel Field YM and YMHA, Inc. among others devoted to community social support and community building. This sampling of community organisations was originally organized by the immigrant communities that founded neighbourhoods and have reached out to the larger communities, prioritizing health, social interaction and overall well-being. They have been successful in gathering the larger community of families from different backgrounds together. However, regarding systemic problems facing communities such as housing costs, more community engagement and organisation are necessary to find better ways of supporting the area.

Further improvement in quality of life can be accomplished by encouraging groups to implement social plans to lessen some financial burdens, as in community projects and food preparation. It is also crucial to lessen the burden specifically on women in the community and to make sure that children are being fed, particularly with recent cutbacks on federal aid to schools for food programs. As the borough of Queens has the highest rates of racial and ethnic variety compared to all other counties in the nation it would be imperative to look at other community programs in areas of diversity that have been successful (Algar, 2019). One method of this in another community was an intergenerational summer meal program that connected a privately funded summer meal program for children with a government-funded senior nutrition program and through this collaboration, there was increased accessibility and the implementation of no eligibility screening (Bruce et al., 2022, 904). By leveraging resources there was an increase in operational factors as this meal truck could now travel to hotspots in the community and besides feeding a population of children and the elderly were also able to reach other adult groups (Bruce et al., 2022, 905). By utilizing community-based food resources and making adjustments these programs can become accessible leading to an increase in participation.

I would recommend the collaboration of food resources from neighbouring areas, for example to the areas of Elmhurst and South Corona, as their community programs lack support. Neighbourhoods can also organize to create community services to support other working-class families who may be struggling, especially in some areas of Queens that are more affluent and stable but are close geographically to areas with a poorer standard of living. As factors of increased rent prices and poorer quality of life have been linked this can be demonstrated in areas with higher livelihood rates and increased rates of home ownership. This is shown as the neighbourhoods of Forest Hills and Elmhurst are only 2 miles apart and less than 10 minutes away from each other yet Forest Hills has one of the lowest rates of food hardship rates in Queens at 17% while Elmhurst and South Corona as stated earlier have one of the highest rates in Queens and the entirety of the city at 57% (Gordis et al., 2019, 11). These statistics would lead me to suggest that the communities of Elmhurst and South Corona should create a partnership with food pantries such as Commonpoint Queens, Jewish Community Council and Masbia of Rego Park – Soup Kitchen in Forest Hills. As Forest Hills has lower levels of food insecurity and these main food pantries and soup kitchens only are open for a few hours daily, if after closing this food were to be brought to Elmhurst and South Corona it would provide immense support due to a more accessible location and timing, and would be a benefit in terms of the conservation of previously wasted food. Focusing on the aspect of accessibility is imperative in the working- class communities of Queens, in areas such as Elmhurst and South Corona as personal working hours are often the same as business hours for community resource centres and the majority of these neighbourhoods rely on public transportation. This will also support the interaction of members of the community who value living in a diverse and stimulating community and family area as much as an economic consideration.

One of my final recommendations is in regard to New York’s economic interest in wanting these members of the borough to stay and thrive as initiatives to find affordable housing are positive for the entire community and can be achieved in terms of new construction. The problem has historically been that developers build and market to luxury buyers in areas with proximity to Manhattan, which is evident by the gentrification of neighbourhoods on the outskirts of Queens and Brooklyn. In Long Island City, a formerly industrial and working-class middle-class neighbourhood, luxury highrises are sprouting up and catering to a young workforce to support the businesses in Manhattan. The one-million-dollar base price of a one- bedroom apartment is pricing out middle-class families. Historically, citizen groups have had some success in stopping the building of huge complexes of offices and demonstrated that development had to be “compatible with existing communities” (Lueck, 1989). I would recommend as the borough of Queens makes up 45% of our city’s overall workforce that this community pressures large corporations to provide financial support and reinvest in housing as these workers are vital to their businesses (NYC Mayor’s Office of Immigrant Affairs, 2018, 9). As a community, forms of pressure can be placed on large corporations through political pressure, and at the voting booth by voting for candidates that support middle-class interests and programs, legally by engaging attorneys to lobby and to bring legal action in the form of lawsuits and with public community forums to give a voice to the community and the media to broadcast their protest and with fund-raising campaigns (Lueck, 1989). This is essentially an investment in the community and would yield greater benefits than its cost. Acts of goodwill have shown that they benefit businesses in many ways by raising morale in the community and easing some of the daily pressures of life as a working person.

Community organizations can assist in affordable childcare and after-school programs with contributions from each member for the meal preparation and engagement of the children in activities. The most important programs to establish would be the community programs such as communal food programs necessary to bridge the gap for members of this community to be able to afford rent which often disproportionately affects single mothers and families with children. As mentioned in the beginning, community organizations must begin with an education that these members of the community are not alone, and that services and support may be available to them. Ultimately, community organizations must take a political or legal pathway to demand change and improvements in the overall quality of life and better use of resources such as tax dollars for community members. The community recommendations must prioritize gathering to limit the shame of economic insufficiency.

Conclusion

While the factors of food insecurity, childcare and workforce population aren’t immediately tied to the housing crisis these issues are deeply connected and have various effects on each other. The housing crisis has disproportionately affected the borough of Queens due to the socio-economic factors, ethnic composition and single-parent family rates already creating an increased economic toll. Within this group, increased economic and psychological components such as family stress, lack of childcare and food insecurity affect middle-class working populations not eligible for government benefits. Also, immigrants and people of colour, are also more affected by the housing crisis. By recommending community support, and ideas tied to social and government factors, I hope to lessen some of the other life factors that have been threatened due to this overall increase in housing prices and risks to the overall well-being of Queens communities. Ultimately, community activism must interface with government agencies as costs are continually rising in multiple boroughs to sustain the infrastructure of the City of New York. These issues require a deeper review of budget allocation and expenses but one that would benefit from greater community participation and transparency to the citizenry. Housing needs to be considered on a more urgent yet vast scale in a multidimensional approach that can assess how other costs are continuously rising. This multi-dimensional approach would allow the government to understand that as costs rise this affects every community differently, as communities vary in wages, transportation costs, food and childcare costs, and these differences are apparent and very significant in the middle-class working community of Queens.

Citations

Algar, Selim. (2019) Queens is crowned nation’s most diverse large county. New York, US: The New York Post.

Bruce, Janine S. Lien, Tiffany N. George, Elizabeth. Puri, Vandana. Ramirez, Melanie. Merrell, Sylvia Bereknyei. (2022) Examination of an Intergenerational Summer Meal Program for Children and Older Adults. Journal of Community Health. New York, US: Springer Publishing.

Davick, Arnold. (2023) New report highlights food insecurity in Queens. New York, US: Spectrum News NY 1

Fitzsimmons, Emma G. Zaveri, Mihir. (2022) $2 Billion Development in Queens Approved Amid Housing Crisis. The Innovation Queens project will, after weeks of contentious negotiations, include 1,400 affordable units out of more than 3,000 new homes. New York, US: The New York Times.

Gordis, Sarah. Collyer, Sophie. Wimer, Christopher. (2019) Mapping Hunger in New York City: A Look at the Rate of Food Hardship in New York City Neighborhoods. New York, US: Columbia Population Research Center.

Jcrites (2018). 5 of the Largest Public Housing Properties in the USA. [online] Housing Futures. Housing Strategies for cities around the globe. Available at: https://housing- futures.org/2018/07/23/5-of-the-largest-public-housing-properties-in-the- usa/#:~:text=Queensbridge%20Housing%2D%20New%20York%20Housing [Accessed 26 Oct. 2023].

Kucklick, Annie. Manzer, Lisa. (2023) Overlooked and Undercounted struggling to Make Ends Meet in New York City 2023. NYC True Cost of Living. Center for Women’s Welfare.

University of Washington School of Social Work. Prepared for The Fund for the City of New York. New York, US: United Way of New York City.

Levy, Diane K. Comey, Jennifer. Padilla, Sandra. (2007) In the Face of Gentrification: Case Studies of Local Efforts to Mitigate Displacement.Journal of Affordable Housing & Community Development Law, Vol. 16, No. 3 pp. 238-315. Chicago, IL: American Bar Association.

Lueck, Thomas J. (1989) Citizens Gain in Anti-Developer Wars. New York, US: The New York Times.

Malanga, Steven. (2004) Why Queens Matters.The Social Order, States and Cities, Economy, fiance and budgets. Manhattan, US: City Journal. Manhattan Institute for Policy Research.

NYC Mayor’s Office of Immigrant Affairs (2018) State of Our Immigrant City. MOIA Annual Report March 2018. New York, US: NYC Mayor’s Office of Immigrant Affairs

NYC planning. (2020) 2020 Census Results for New York City. Key Populations and Housing Characteristics. NYC Gov Planning. New York, US: New York City Department of City Planning.

Selby, Julia. Schneider, Courtney. (2022) Home is Where the Harm Is: Corruption, Fraud, and Abuse in NYC’s Public Housing. New York, US: Cornell Policy Review.

Shapiro, Eliza. (2023) Half of N.Y.C. Households Can’t Afford to Live Here, Report Finds. The study is the latest piece of evidence to demonstrate the depth of New York City’s affordability crisis, which is reshaping local demographics and culture. New York, US: The New York Times.

United States Census Bureau (2021). U.S. Census Bureau QuickFacts: Queens County, New York. [online] www.census.gov. Available at: https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/queenscountynewyork.

Tags Affordable Housing, Cost of Living, Income Inequality, SD4116

Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

Homelessness and The Housing Crisis in Toronto

Post author By whc8
Post date Tuesday 6 January 2026
No Comments on Homelessness and The Housing Crisis in Toronto

Introduction

A global housing crisis is occurring in full force. Many kinds of urban environments are experiencing disproportionate homelessness due to the lack of affordable housing, which has been exacerbated by COVID-19. Major metropolitan cities are experiencing the highest housing costs in history, making this issue especially relevant within these areas. This briefing will focus on the city of Toronto, Canada, in exploring issues of housing and homelessness. A call to action is targeted at municipal, provincial, and federal governments together to reverse the effects of structural inequities in housing markets and take short-term and long-term projects seriously in addressing the crisis.

This report seeks to inform these groups on the crisis from the ground level, using stakeholder perspectives and case study analyses to create a comprehensive picture of homelessness in Toronto. The ending of the pandemic presents a unique opportunity for governments and private funders to reevaluate their profiles and redirect funds to new beneficiaries, and it therefore must be capitalized on. The scope of this briefing includes the Greater Toronto Area, focusing on the downtown core and programs within it. The history of homelessness and the housing crisis is observed to contextualize contemporary approaches, and recommendations presented consider possibilities for both the present and coming decades. Personal bias is considered in a statement on positionality to offer a reflexive body of work. This briefing seeks to contribute to the global crisis and the existing body of literature through an analysis of this major city, providing reflections and recommendations that may apply to a wider context.

Background and History

The current population of Toronto is 3,025,647, with its metro region accommodating 6,471,850 people (City of Toronto, 2023). These statistics have placed Toronto as one of the top five largest cities in North America. Alongside the population growth rests a complex history of (in)access to affordable housing, and associated homelessness. The current average price of all home types in Toronto is 1,140,647 Canadian Dollars. Accordingly, there were 84,583 individuals on the centralized waiting list for social housing in the spring of 2023, with an average time of 13 years spent on waiting lists (City of Toronto, 2023).

The recent history of the housing crisis can be traced to the 1980s when the term ‘homelessness’ underwent a conceptual change, previously thought of as males residing in certain areas, and displaying certain characteristics (Barker, 1977). It wasn’t until an extreme lack of housing in the 1980s that the term was redefined as those un-housed (Baumohl, 1996). It was a global social problem; no longer was the UN’s “Year of Shelter for the Homeless” reserved for the global south (Greene, 2014). The crisis was predominantly blamed on urban restructuring, encompassing gentrification, neo-liberal welfare state reform, economic and occupational change, and urban entrepreneurialism (Greene, 2014).

The crisis was not addressed until increased visibility of the homeless population; a movement was catalyzed by the passing of a homeless woman found frozen to death in December 1985 (Snarr and Jasper, 2000). Nonetheless, cuts to social assistance continued, prompting participation and creation of several community groups. The collapse of the Toronto real estate market in 1989 accelerated negative effects of post-Fordist urban development, enabling more neo-liberalization in governance (Greene, 2014). The number of deaths in the streets of Toronto increased dramatically, along with the number of individuals staying in homeless shelters each

night. The City Council finally labeled homelessness a “national disaster” in 1998. However, the label was more powerful in theory than practice; its effectiveness was drowned out by municipal mismanagement (Greene, 2014), leaving the issue to community programs and initiatives.

Toronto is recognized as one of the most multicultural cities in the world. Immigration makes up a large sum of this; 51.2% of the population was born outside of Canada. This demographic may experience increased disadvantage when seeking housing. Difficulties can be exacerbated by language barriers, insufficient and inaccurate information, discriminatory practices by landlords, neighbors, and others, and an unawareness of rights and responsibilities as tenants or renters (Halliday and Teixeira, 2010). Indigenous groups similarly face discrimination in housing markets. This can be traced back to historical strategies to eliminate Indigenous Peoples; Canada’s history of colonization and exploitation of Indigenous land and populations has had lasting effects, continuing into present-day governing policies.

Central to understanding Toronto’s homelessness emergency is the impact of COVID-19. Toronto is considered to have experienced the longest lockdown of any city in the world (Cathcart-Keays, 2022). With the ongoing emergent state of unaffordable housing and homelessness, the pandemic exacerbated distress. In complying with public health directives, many shelters and services had limited capacities or closed altogether. People experiencing homelessness were hence more vulnerable to infection due to the lack of safe housing. On top of that, in the absence of regular services, they faced increased risks related to intimate partner violence and unsafe substance use, highlighting the importance of housing as a social detriment of health (Perri, Dosani, and Hwand, 2020). Like other major metropolitan cities, in April 2020, Toronto leased 1,200 hotel rooms to assist the shelter system. A factor that triggered this response was the increased visibility of street homelessness, like that of the 1980s when the crisis became inescapable. Nevertheless, the city is more aware of homelessness than ever (Cathcart- Keays, 2022), making it an important time to review and re-evaluate current approaches to affordable housing in Toronto.

Positionality

In approaching this subject, it must be recognized that I have not had any firsthand experience with housing insecurity. Furthermore, as a member of a Caucasian Canadian family having lived in Toronto for generations, I have not been subject to the inequities and discrimination that some individuals have faced in the housing market. My experience with the homeless community in Toronto is from a removed standpoint, however, from a young age, I have been aware of the crisis, thinking back fondly to the man who sat outside of a grocery store by my elementary school and became a friend of many students. For this briefing, I have grounded my knowledge in academic journals, news articles, and interviews with key stakeholders such as people experiencing homelessness themselves. This was done to minimize bias and reflect a comprehensive understanding of the crisis. However, bias is inevitable, and I will therefore remain dedicated to transparency in my work to ensure a high level of integrity. This is especially critical in my recommendations section, as it is dangerous to speak for a community that one is far removed from, which is why a key component of my approach is community participation and government transparency.

Policy and Legal Framework

The housing crisis stems from a range of interconnected policy decisions at municipal, provincial, and federal levels framed around neoliberal ideologies. This shaped socioeconomic transformations across Canada in the 1990s, following cuts to federal social assistance in the 1980s, feeding the crisis. The Canadian government canceled its National Housing Strategy in 1993, with a turn to market forces to solve the problem (Gaetz, 2013). The conservative government continued to cut other benefits for those living in poverty, disproportionately affecting people experiencing homelessness.

The current legal framework focuses on emergency mechanisms, such as emergency shelters, which disregard the permanence of homelessness for many Torontonians trapped in a vicious cycle. Homelessness has consequently become more visible, acting as a source of mobilization for community initiatives. However, the policy response focuses on punitive justice, criminalizing homelessness, outlawing begging, and restricting the use of public spaces (Gaetz, 2013). Within the shelter system, though, the City of Toronto has in place the Toronto Shelter Standards, ensuring just living conditions including social environments, most recently updated in 2022. The city council has also extended the openings of emergency shelters, such as the example of lowering the threshold for opening warming centers in the cold winter months (Draaisma, 2023). Although emergency shelter mechanisms may be effective in the Toronto case, this must couple with affordable housing policies and recognition of transitional phases of homeless individuals to make a meaningful impact.

A dominant policy plan in place is the Housing TO 2020-2030 Action Plan, created by the City of Toronto, published in 2018. This blueprint outlines actions across the housing spectrum from homelessness to housing rentals and ownership. This master plan guides many others within it and calls groups to action in reaching various indicators. Reports in 2021 recognized great progress towards the Housing TO plan but pointed out that enhanced federal and provincial investments are key to ensuring continued success. Fluid communication between these three levels of government must be incorporated into present and future action plans to support their shared objectives in conquering the homelessness and affordable housing crisis, and therefore this briefing is targeted towards this collective.

Community Initiatives and Programmes

Community involvement is central to Toronto’s history of battling homelessness. A large part of this involvement has taken the form of activism and protests. A notable example is from the 1999 Toronto International Film Festival, where the Ontario Coalition Against Poverty (OCAP) panhandled guests and chanted about the homelessness crisis, forcing Hollywood stars to use a back door. This was only one part of their fall Campaign for Economic Disruption, calling attention to the invisibility of homelessness (Greene, 2014). Theirs was a more visible, radical approach, but other community programs that work to support people experiencing homelessness every day may go unnoticed in the city.

Toronto’s Shelter Support and Housing Administration (SSHA) is the city’s division that manages homeless services in Toronto, following a Housing First and human rights approach, working closely with over 200 community service providers (City of Toronto, 2021). Community service providers in Toronto support general homelessness, but some are also geared toward more specific groups. Street to Homes (S2H), for example, supports people experiencing homelessness through street outreach 24 hours, seven days a week. They also connect individuals with housing-related follow-up support and work with other city-funded partners to broaden their reach (City of Toronto, 2021). The United Way Greater Toronto similarly supports best practices in addressing homelessness. They focus on preventing and reducing the occurrence and duration of homelessness through early intervention. This group calls for a regional approach, emphasizing the importance of this greater network (United Way Greater Toronto, n.d.). These wide-reaching programs are supported by others with more niche targets.

COSTI Immigrant Services works with the United Way in supporting settlement and citizenship services for those new to Canada. This is especially important for newcomer women at risk of or facing intimate partner violence. Another community group is the 519, working with LGBTQ2S individuals among others, to create a safe and accessible environment. This group rose out of a Toronto study which found that 20% of youth in the shelter system identify as LGBTQ2S (Homeless Hub, n.d.).

Case Study: Fred Victor Organization

Fred Victor is a charity organization providing social services across Toronto. They run two emergency shelters open 24 hours a day, seven days a week, which provide laundry and hygiene supplies, in addition to information, referral, and supported housing access and advocacy. They also offer affordable and transitional housing for individuals and families, including services for women transitioning to the housing market. Their focus on community impacts helps people find sustainable employment (Fred Victor, n.d.). This dual focus, which incorporates the Housing First approach, supports both immediate needs of people with emergency shelters, while also providing affordable housing, and facilitating the transition between the two. Fred Victor received 5.4 million CAD in donations and 38.1 million in government funding in 2023. Fred Victor published a 2019-2024 Strategic plan in which they outlined goals and their associated indicators. A review in 2022 checked in with the indicators that were to be met by the fall of that year where it was established that they were on target for 21 out of 26 indicators (Fred Victor, 2022).

A shock to the existing system was COVID-19, dramatically exacerbating the needs of communities. Nonetheless, Fred Victor persevered. Throughout the pandemic, emergency shelters remained safely open. In March 2021, the women’s shelter moved into a newly renovated building. Fred Victor also worked with the City of Toronto in repurposing the Edward Village Hotel in North York into a safe shelter. They continued meal services, adapting and growing to meet increased demands, and developed an enhanced PPE policy and screening protocol. They were also among the first to host COVID-19 testing sites, and later, vaccine pop- up clinics (Fred Victor, 2021).

Fred Victor, as a four-star-rated charity, has an above-average result reporting grade, low overhead costs, and is financially transparent. In 2023, they have helped 263 people secure housing, helping 174 individuals move from transitional to permanent housing, and 176 more from shelters into permanent housing. Their safe injection sites have helped to reverse 460 overdoses, and they have diverted 652 people from the criminal justice system to mental health

services (Charity Intelligence Canada, n.d.), actively putting a wrench in the vicious cycle of homelessness.

Stakeholder Perspectives

In a 2019 interview with CBC News, individuals weighed in on their experiences with homelessness. Paul, 43, who was homeless for 6 years at the time from hurting his back and losing his job, explained that “You have nothing, [be]cause people think you’re nothing, you end up thinking you’re nothing.” The psychological side, and the social stigma around homelessness, are outlined here as a barrier to success. Paul also explained that there are “… so many types of homelessness in this city…it’s not just the bums you see on the street, we’re everywhere now,” highlighting the sense of invisibility. At the time, Paul was on an 11-year waiting list for housing, “for a white male 43 years old,” suggesting that it can only be harder for others due to racial injustices. Another individual named Kevin explained that he wants the city to create more shelter beds. Kevin says “It boils down to real humanity. We know what to do, we’re just not doing it. We’ve got to start caring about people” (CBC News, 2019). Shelters were supposed to be temporary, emergency solutions, but as demonstrated here, individuals have been living in them for years, highlighting a systemic issue.

Many people who have been supporting community initiatives are fed up with inaction from the city. Cathy Crowe, a street nurse in Toronto, has worked with people living in poverty for over three decades. Cathy reiterated Kevin’s statement, exclaiming that “we have all been saying, for years through the pandemic, what needs to be done…but in the last six months, politicians and medical officers of health will not touch the recommendations that need to happen,” in referencing continued health measures around the end of the pandemic, and in stopping bill 124 which caps public workers’ salaries. Cathy claimed that “There needs to be a wartime effort to house people,” because “The conditions are literally catastrophic.”

At a political level, federal NDP leader Jagmeet Singh pushed Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to assist mayor-elect Olivia Chow in July 2023 in solving the city’s affordable housing issue, asking him to re-evaluate federal taxes and use any vacant federal land for affordable housing (City News, 2023). The city itself has declared homelessness an emergency at the Federal level, signaling this need for a strong partnership. The City Council decided to ask provincial and federal governments to add 20 million CAD to the Canada-Ontario Housing Benefit (COHB) in 2023-2024 to support permanent housing.

Challenges and Barriers

There are a range of barriers to ending homelessness and creating affordable housing, which is why so many major cities struggle. Toronto faces complex social, economic, demographic, and governmental barriers. Social stigma against affordable housing and renters is a big player here. Many people present a not in my backyard syndrome, fearing that affordable rental housing will increase crime and decrease property value (Fung, Parikh, and Zulauf, 2020). People experiencing homelessness feel the effects of this stigma, as was explained by Paul in the previous section, taking a psychological toll.

Some perceived economic barriers are socially constructed as well. Many people believe that providing shelters and services is too expensive when the truth is that subsidizing social housing is a more economical approach. The monthly cost of a shelter bed and services in Toronto in recent years was 2,250 CAD, whereas the monthly cost of subsidizing a unit of Toronto’s social housing was 306 CAD. Nevertheless, true economic barriers remain. Affordable housing is rented or sold at below-market value, making it difficult without government investors (Habitat for Humanity, 2018). Additionally, government tax policies add massively to the costs of development, and uncertainties of long-term government commitments create risk (Habitat for Humanity, 2018). Additional barriers in government practices, as previously established, lie in municipal, provincial, and federal disconnects. In terms of demographics, the province has reportedly been behind on the housing supply because of labor shortages, making development especially difficult. This poses difficulties with the influx of newcomers expected to arrive in the present and future (Balintec, 2023).

Recommendations

An action plan must consider both immediate and long-term strategies for reducing homelessness and creating affordable housing. There are serval keys to success that must remain present in all developments. First is transparency with data and the measuring process to enable community involvement. The second is to address the stigma around homelessness and affordable housing units. Third, and has underlined much of this briefing, is fluid communication and partnership between all levels of government. These elements are simplified for this report but are key to the following actionable recommendations.

In the short term, the city and community partners must continue with the Housing First initiative, prioritizing housing as a human right. This initiative is already at play in both community and government programs and must continue to be enforced, such as employed by Fred Victor. This can be facilitated through government-funded community outreach programs and the creation of more emergency shelters. However, emergency shelters must be supplemented with permanent housing to fulfill their short-term purpose. A short-term permanent affordable housing project to be implemented is the mass production of modular homes. These homes bring project costs down while speeding up development and completion (Balintec, 2023). Construction company BECC Modular is a great partner for this project.

Another approach, discussed by the Wellesley Institutes Blueprint to End Homelessness in Toronto, is to immediately move up to half of the sheltered individuals into permanent homes through enhanced rent supplements, as funding for shelter beds is much more expensive than rent supplements in Toronto (Wellesley Institute, 2011). With less strain on shelters, they can better perform their emergency function.

Longer-term approaches are essential to the sustained housing of individuals across the city. The funding of new and renovated homes in mixed-income neighborhoods can be enabled by increased provincial and federal funding. Inclusionary zoning policies requiring new developments to include affordable housing units is another promising approach, as was successful in the Vienna housing model, destigmatizing and decommodifying affordable housing (Fung, Parikh, and Zulauf, 2020). The government must also activate surplus public land, as suggested by Jagmeet Singh in July 2023, using this vacant land in Toronto to build affordable homes (City News, 2023). An innovative approach for Toronto, which has been gaining traction in recent years, is laneway housing. Toronto uniquely has a network of almost 2,400 laneways stretching 300km through some of Toronto’s most sought-after neighborhoods (Lanescape, 2017). This untapped resource may prove extremely promising but must follow a participatory approach, working together with current neighborhood residents. Creating more productive housing means prioritizing a humanitarian, intersectional, and inclusive approach. A large part of this is advancing reconciliation with indigenous peoples by creating culturally appropriate shelters and housing units, on top of addressing anti-black racism.

Conclusion

This briefing has explored homelessness and issues with affordable housing in Toronto, calling various levels of government to take action in improving the existing emergency shelter system and long-term affordable housing solutions. Urban restructuring in Toronto’s history along with racial discrimination has left structural inequities that must be addressed. Legal frameworks have been assessed, exposing the history of cuts to social funding and the criminalization of homelessness, but recognized the just Toronto Shelter Standards in place. Activism and community initiatives have played a critical role in supporting people experiencing homelessness, assessed through a case study of the Fred Victor organization which sets an example for others and employs elements further emphasized in the recommendations section. A stakeholder analysis of people experiencing homelessness, community program members, politicians, and the City of Toronto is compiled to consider a range of opinions and ideas on the matter. Social, economic, governmental, and demographic barriers are evaluated followed by a list of both short-term and long-term recommendations. These are namely the importance of Housing First initiatives and modular housing, alongside newly renovated affordable housing through activation of surplus public land and inclusionary zoning, and the possibility of laneway housing. This is underscored by the need for transparency in data and measurement, education around the stigmas of homelessness and affordable housing, and a nexus of government involvement and interaction at all stages of the process.

Reference List

Balintec, V. (2023). How to fix the housing crisis? Experts, mayors bring ideas to annual Ontario summit. [online] CBC. Available at: https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/ontario-housing-annual-summit-2023- 1.6993867.

Baumohl, J. and National Coalition For The Homeless (U.S (1996). Homelessness in America.

Phoenix, Ariz.: Oryx Press.

Canadian Observatory on Homelessness (2021). Community Services | The Homeless Hub. [online] www.homelesshub.ca. Available at: https://www.homelesshub.ca/about- homelessness/service-provision/community-services.

Cathcart-Keays, A. (2022). Homelessness and the pandemic: Toronto. www.homelessnessimpact.org. Available at: https://www.homelessnessimpact.org/news/homelessness-and-the-pandemic-toronto [Accessed 26 Oct. 2023].

CBC News (2019). What it’s like to be homeless in Toronto. [online] www.youtube.com.

Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=w- s1p5z_W5E&ab_channel=CBCNews%3ATheNational.

Charity Intelligence Canada (n.d.). Fred Victor. [online] Charity Intelligence. Available at: https://www.charityintelligence.ca/charity-details/204-fred- victor#:~:text=Fred%20Victor%20received%20%245.4m [Accessed 26 Oct. 2023].

City News (2023). Feds pushed to help Toronto build affordable housing. [online] www.youtube.com. Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bBIhY_vzQ5k&ab_channel=CityNews [Accessed 26

Oct. 2023].

City of Toronto (2018). HousingTO 2020-2030 Action Plan. [online] City of Toronto. Available at: https://www.toronto.ca/community-people/community-partners/housing- partners/housingto-2020-2030-action-plan/.

City of Toronto (2019). Toronto at a Glance. [online] City of Toronto. Available at: https://www.toronto.ca/city-government/data-research-maps/toronto-at-a-glance/.

City of Toronto (2021). Streets to Homes Street Outreach & Support Program. [online] City of Toronto. Available at: https://www.toronto.ca/community-people/housing- shelter/homeless-help/streets-to-homes-street-outreach-support-program/.

City of Toronto (2022). Toronto Shelter Standards. [online] City of Toronto. Available at: https://www.toronto.ca/community-people/community-partners/emergency-shelter- operators/toronto-shelter-standards/.

Draaisma, M. (2023). Toronto city council declares homelessness an emergency. [online] CBC. Available at: https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/toronto-homelessness-emergency- changes-warming-centres-1.6842031#:~:text=On%20its%20shelter%20system%20flow.

Draaisma, M. and Glover, C. (2022). Toronto street nurse calls for ‘wartime effort on homelessness’ as she closes book on long career. [online] CBC. Available at: https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/cathy-crowe-street-nurse-homelessness-nursing- 1.6686637.

Fred Victor (2021). Fred Victor – A Year In Review. [online] www.youtube.com. Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CU5S2sOdyHI&ab_channel=FredVictor [Accessed 26 Oct. 2023].

Fred Victor (2022). 2019-2024 Strategic Plan Results. [online] Available at: https://www.fredvictor.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/Strategic-Plan-Results- September-2022-Condensed.pdf.

Fred Victor (n.d.). Housing and Shelters in Toronto. [online] Fred Victor. Available at: https://www.fredvictor.org/what-we-do/housing/.

Fund, C., Parikh, S. and zulauf, P. (2020). Mapping the crisis of affordable rental housing in Toronto. [online] Toronto Metropolitan University. Available at: https://www.torontomu.ca/social-innovation/news/spotlights/2020/05/Mapping-the- Crisis-of-Affordable-Rental-Housing-in-Toronto/ [Accessed 26 Oct. 2023].

Gaetz, S. (2013). The Criminalization of Homelessness: A Canadian Perspective . European Journal of Homelessness, [online] Volume 7(No. 2), pp.357–362. Available at: https://www.feantsa.org/download/sg_response7772916537698278481.pdf.

Greene, J. (2014). Urban Restructuring, Homelessness, and Collective Action in Toronto, 1980– 2003. Urban History Review, 43(1), pp.21–37. doi:https://doi.org/10.3138/uhr.43.01.02.

Habitat for Humanity (2018). Obstacles to Affordable Housing in Ontario. [online] Habitat for Humanity Halton-Mississauga. Available at: https://habitathm.ca/obstacles-to-affordable- housing/#:~:text=First%2C%20uncertainty%20due%20to%20lack [Accessed 26 Oct. 2023].

Halliday, B. and Teixeira, C. (2009). Immigration, housing and homelessness: introduction. The Canadian Geographer / Le Géographe canadien, 53(3), pp.265–267. doi:https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1541-0064.2009.00262.x.

Homeless Hub (2012). Indigenous Peoples | The Homeless Hub. [online] Homelesshub.ca. Available at: https://www.homelesshub.ca/about-homelessness/population- specific/indigenous-peoples.

Lanescape (2017). Laneway Suites: A new housing typology for Toronto. [online] Available at: https://www.toronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/2017/10/97ac-Laneway-Suits.pdf.

Perri, M., Dosani, N. and Hwang, S.W. (2020). COVID-19 and people experiencing homelessness: challenges and mitigation strategies. Canadian Medical Association Journal, 192(26), pp.E716–E719. doi:https://doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.200834.

Shelter, Support and Housing Administration (2021). Homelessness Solutions Service Plan Executive Summary. City of Toronto.

Snarr, C.M. and Jasper, J. (1999). The Art of Moral Protest. Sociology of Religion, 60(1), p.96. doi:https://doi.org/10.2307/3711816.

United Waye (n.d.). Housing and Homelessness. [online] United Way Greater Toronto. Available at: https://www.unitedwaygt.org/the-work/housing-and-homelessness/.

Wellesley Institute (2011). The Blueprint To End Homelessness In Toronto. [online] Available at: https://www.wellesleyinstitute.com/wp- content/uploads/2011/11/TheBlueprintfinal.pdf.

Tags Affordable Housing, Demographic Change, Homelessness, SD4116

Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

Infrastructure to combat the Affordable Housing Crisis in Fort Myers, Florida

Post author By whc8
Post date Monday 5 January 2026
No Comments on Infrastructure to combat the Affordable Housing Crisis in Fort Myers, Florida

Introduction

Coastal cities must prepare for more substantial and detrimental hurricanes due to worsening climate change. Southern Florida has experienced multiple hurricanes over the past two decades, leaving communities with millions of dollars in damages (FEMA, 2020; Lee Board of County Commissioners, 2023). Hurricane relief funding will only get more expensive as hurricanes will likely begin to “produce larger storm surge levels in more concentrated areas” (Guttman et al., 2018, p. 13). As climate change continues, these hurricanes will not be slowing down. Coastal communities need to recognize their vulnerability and begin long-term plans.

Southwest Florida is particularly at risk for feeling the brunt of the worsening hurricane seasons. In 2022, Lee County was hit hard by Hurricane Ian. Specifically, Fort Myers, a coastal city located along the Caloosahatchee River. Fort Myers has a population of 95,949, with an average household income of $51,682 (in 2021), with 16% of the city living in poverty (U.S. Census, 2022). For reference, the median household income in Florida was $59,730 in 2021 (FRED Economic Data, 2021). When Hurricane Ian struck Fort Myers, much of the city was unprepared for the storm’s intensity. Many low to medium-income households struggled to recover, specifically mobile home park owners (Lee Board of County Commissioners, 2023). Unlike higher-income residents, these families do not have the luxury of being able to move to a new place when their home gets flooded. Protecting mobile homes in Fort Myers and providing alternatives to those who do not have housing is essential to the success and longevity of the city.

Providing infrastructure plans to protect the coastline, the city, and the residents is urgent, as the climate crisis will continue to damage Fort Myers. Additionally, Florida continues to gain popularity, and Lee County is America’s 9^th fastest growing county (Lee Board of County Commissioners, 2023). The needs of the Fort Myers community will continue to grow with population increase and climate change. It is essential to spend time and money investing into the future of Fort Myers before it is too late.

For a city to continue to thrive, residents need to feel safe and welcomed. Sustaining Fort Myers requires immediate action to protect infrastructure and provide safe, affordable housing for all current and future residents. There are large mobile home communities within the city that need help. The present community briefing primarily focuses on mobile home parks and recommends two infrastructure projects to protect the future of Fort Myers:

(1) Implementing Nature-Based Solutions through protecting and promoting mangrove forests and (2) building affordable, hurricane-resistant apartment complexes to combat the current crisis.

Positionality

I am a fourth-year student at the University of St Andrews enrolled in a Joint Honours Degree studying Sustainable Development and Psychology. I am from the United States, and my work this past summer sparked my interest in Fort Myers, Florida. I was a research assistant for the Center for Contemporary Documentation, an organization dedicated to documenting climate injustice across the U.S.. I provided support to various photographers across the country who focused on documenting different instances of climate injustice. I became invested in one project in particular: the aftermath of Hurricane Ian in Southwest Florida. I was asked to research different counties’ homeless populations, mobile home communities, hurricane relief projects, and government funding. It quickly became clear to me that many low-income community members were at an increased risk of experiencing the adverse effects of natural disasters. Additionally, a limited number of infrastructure plans were in place to help protect these community members.

As an outsider who has never visited Fort Myers, I cannot begin to understand the hardship and tragedy the people of Lee County experienced following Hurricane Ian. I also know that I lack any in-group experiences, so my recommendations may be missing key perspectives. Due to my extensive research over the past few months, I believe I will be able to propose various recommendations that will both recognize the current needs of community members while also preparing Fort Myers for the inevitable long-term climate-related disasters they will face as a coastal city.

Fort Myers Background & Context

Mobile Home Parks and the Affordable Housing Crisis

Mobile homes began as “travel trailers” in the mid-1920s and were primarily used for vacations. These began evolving into more permanent affordable housing options from the 1950s to 1970s (Berger, 1993). As these mobile homes became more popular, the government started recognizing them as permanent homes, which led to more “standardization, categorization, and regulation” (Berger, 1993, p. 453). These homes have gained popularity in Florida to avoid high real estate pricing while still living in desirable neighborhoods (Jacobsen Homes, n.d.).

Now, mobile homes are mobile homes are found throughout Florida but are much less ‘mobile’, and are instead a more affordable housing option for many low-income familes. Florida is home to more than 1,600 mobile home parks, with 131 existing in Lee County alone (Home Nation, n.d.; MobileHome, 2023). Within Fort Myers, there are at least 400 individual mobile homes, most located in parks that are age 55+ (Lee Board of County Commissioners, 2023). This suggests the demographic is primarily retired community members who fall below the median household income. The report formed by the Lee County Commissioners found that “areas with more mobile homes may be an indication of underlying social vulnerability or greater recovery needs” (Lee Board of County Commissioners, 2023, p. 89). Outwith these socioecomic tensions, mobile home parks are located in areas at high risk for natural disasters, as these coastal communities are desirable locations. Additionally, mobile homeowners often do not own the ground below their homes, making it difficult for them to receive government funding in the event of a natural disaster (Levin, 2023). Mobile homeowners are thus placed at greater risk of hurricanes and flooding due to their homes’ immobility and coastal location.

Hurricane Ian

A map of a city

Description automatically generated Text Box 6, Textbox Hurricane Ian made landfall in Fort Myers on 28 September 2022. This Category 4 hurricane was “the costliest hurricane in Florida’s history and the third-costliest in United States History”, causing $109.5 billion in damages in Florida (Bucci et al., 2023, p.1). The storm surges were 10 – 15 ft above ground at the storm’s peak (Lee Board of County Commissioners, 2023). The community in Fort Myers did not have ample time to prepare for the storm as it started as a tropical depression, then increased to a tropical storm, and finally, within 24 hours, strengthened to a Category 4 hurricane (Karimiziarani & Moradkhani, 2023). In the days and months after Hurricane Ian, 20,452 mobile home residents registered for the Federal Emergency Management Agency’s (FEMA) Individual Assistance, demonstrating the severity of the damage (Lee Board of County Commissioners, 2023).

Figure 1 above show the area that flooded during Hurricane Ian and the location of some of the mobile home parks in Fort Myers. These images illustrate that many mobile home parks fell within the extreme flooding area.

Hurricane Ian was not a ‘freak accident.’ Over the past two decades, Fort Myers has been hit with other costly hurricanes. Government funding from FEMA and HUD granted the whole state of Florida almost $3 billion after Hurricane Charley in 2004, and in 2018, after Hurricane Irma, Lee County alone received $1.9 million (FEMA, 2020; Office of the Press Secretary, 2004). Additionally, there was considerable concern about Fort Myers being at risk for another detrimental storm before Hurricane Ian hit. An article published in 2021 argued that Fort Myers was disproportionately at risk for “storm surge damage from hurricanes,” as the city is located on the Eastern Seaboard of the Gulf of Mexico and is “home to nearly 322,000 residential structures” in a high-risk area (Stebbins, 2021). Stebbins estimated that the “total potential reconstruction cost value of these homes is $67.0 billion for storm surge damage and $72.2 billion for wind damage” (2021). Other researchers have warned Florida that if they do not start to prioritize developing flood and hurricane-resistant infrastructure on the coasts, “damages could exceed $38 billion by 2070” (Majumder, Kelly, Garcia, 2021). Hurricane damage will not stop, and Florida must prepare for the future of climate change and long-term damages.

The Effects of Worsening Climate Change on Hurricanes

It is well known in the sustainable development field that climate change is getting worse, and with it, so are natural disasters. Julie Wraithmell, a member of Audubon Florida, an organization dedicated to conserving and restoring natural resources, explains that “as carbon accumulates in the atmosphere and the planet warms, we face more extreme storms, rising sea levels, drought, and intense heat” (Audubon Florida, 2021, p. 4). As climate change worsens, these events will only become more frequent and more harmful. Ballard discusses the hard truth about the worsening climate issue, recognizing that “sadly, storms of Ian’s magnitude and strength are becoming increasingly common, and our housing must be resilient and better able to weather the flooding and wind that devastated communities like Fort Myers” (Ballard, 2022). Despite this knowledge, there is a lack of action regarding climate change at the state level (Majumder, Kelly, Garcia, 2021).

Fort Myers’ location, along the Gulf of Mexico, is a particularly vulnerable area. Hurricanes in the Gulf of Mexico often produce harsher than normal impacts on land due to the shallow water and shallow ocean floor (Jacobo, 2022). Additionally, the U-shape of the gulf traps storms inside so that no matter where they go, they will likely hit populated land (Jacobo, 2022). The Southwest coast of Florida is even more at risk for stronger storm surges because hurricanes often change direction before landfall. This change in direction slows the storm down and allows for waves to get bigger (Jacobo, 2022). All research demonstrates the urgent need for action to protect against the worsening state of the climate, but plans are short term and mostly reactionary rather than long-term proactive plans.

Current Issue

Government Funding

After Hurricane Ian, Lee County received $1.1 billion in government funding from the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) to help them recover (Lee Board of County Commissioners, 2023). HUD outlines certain requirements for using the fund, which are limited to: “disaster relief, long-term recovery, restoration of infrastructure and housing, economic revitalization, mitigation” and planning (Lee Board of County Commissioners, 2023, p. 253). It is also required that at least 70% of the grant be used for projects that benefit low to moderate-income households, defined by HUD as families at or below 80% of the area’s Median Income (Lee Board of County Commissioners, 2023).

Mangroves

Mangroves are an effective way to protect coasts when properly maintained. Investing in these coastal wetlands should be included in the long-term recovery aspect of Lee County’s plan for action. There was limited mention of mangroves, but they did include “restoration of mangroves, dunes, and sea grass” under the voluntary residential buyout section of their Action Plan (Lee Board of County Commissioners, 2023). However, there is no long-term monitoring of these mangroves to ensure they regenerate properly. Additionally, they have funds dedicated to restoring the shoreline but do not outline how they plan to restore mangroves. Without an explicit breakdown of an implementation strategy, it is difficult to ensure they will follow through with their proposed plan. Cities often include climate and sustainability projects in their outlines as a way to please the community and government entities; however, this does not guarantee they will follow through with implementation. There is currently no evidence of Lee County or Fort Myer’s efforts to restore local mangroves, but instead much of the focus seems to be on beach restoration. The only mangrove restoration projects that seem to be active are organized by local schools and sustainability groups. These community-led initiatives are important, but they cannot fund long-term maintenance or extensive regeneration of mangroves.

Affordable Housing and Mobile Homes

Affordable housing is not a new issue in Fort Myers, but Hurricane Ian exacerbated the problem. Many mobile home parks were destroyed, and the county has limited plans for relocating or rebuilding houses for these community members. Additionally, developers see the destruction of mobile home parks as an opportunity to transform Fort Myers to a “playground for the rich” (Moore & James, 2023). The lack of planning from the County and eager developers moving into the city is causing Fort Myers’ affordable housing crisis to increase drastically.

The Lee Board of County Commissioners do not have a plan for assisting mobile homeowners within the budget provided from HUD. In the report outlining their plan for the $1.1 billion they received, they admitted that “specific solutions for mobile homeowners have not yet been identified” (Lee Board of County Commissioners, 2023, p. 260). Their general ideas include replacing or elevating mobile home units (Lee Board of County Commissioners, 2023). Additionally, FEMA has regulations requiring homes, being built or rebuilt in flood areas to elevate their bottom floor to at least one-foot above flood level to receive adequate flood insurance (FEMA, n.d.). Most homeowners cannot afford to elevate their homes in line with new regulations, and even so that is a temporary solution. Sea levels will continue to rise, and with that hurricanes will become more damaging. Although FEMA did provide some temporary trailer homes to those displaced by Hurricane Ian, this is not a suitable long-term solution (Lee Board of County Commissioners, 2023). More hurricanes will continue to come, and the same destruction will happen again. Investment in long-term affordable housing options must be considered, rather than temporarily attempting to ‘patch up’ the problem. As an affordable housing alternative, mobile homes require more attention than they currently receive.

Without government funding many people will have to abandon their houses. Many Fort Myers residents do not have the “means to rebuild” and are watching as surrounding lots are being sold (Kaye, 2022). There is concern that these mobile home lots are being bought by developers who plan to implement unaffordable large luxury complexes (Kaye, 2022). Many developers have seen the destruction of mobile home parks as an opportunity, and many parks are being bought by corporations to be renovated, leaving long-term community members with limited housing options (Hartman, 2022). This increase in luxury buildings will also likely increase the value of the surrounding area, making much of Fort Myers unaffordable to longtime residents. The government needs to provide more adequate support and planning to those displaced and struggling to find housing. The current infrastructure plans active in Fort Myers primarily involve privately owned projects prioritizing luxury housing and tourism, showing no consideration for the needs of the present community.

Recommendation

There is no obvious long-term plan for preparing and protecting the city and the current and future population from natural disasters. The current proposal recommendation will provide possible solutions to prepare Fort Myers for the future of climate change, by providing long-term infrastructure that will not need to be rebuilt year after year. This will save costs for the majority of people in the city who fall below or at the median income level, and do not have the ability to rebuild houses year after year while also helping to prepare the city for the worsening climate crisis.

Nature-Based Solutions

Julie Wraithmell perfectly explains the importance of nature-based solutions, pointing to their “co-benefits that cannot be matched by traditional infrastructure” (Audubon Florida, 2021, p.1). Fort Myers sits on the Caloosahatchee River, home to various mangrove forests and salt marshes. These are two examples of wetlands that can be implemented as nature-based solutions that help protect Fort Myers’ coastline. Coastal wetlands, like these, “act as buffers against incoming storms and hurricanes… by slowing storm surge and absorbing stormwater” (Audubon Florida, 2021). Mangroves located along the Caloosahatchee River and by Sanibel Island can help protect Fort Myers from Hurricane damage, if properly maintained.

These mangrove forests have deteriorated over the past few decades (SE CASC, 2022). J.N. Ding Darling, a National Wildlife Refuge located on the inner coast of Sanibel Island, is home to various mangrove forests and other wetlands. There has been growing concern over the health of these mangroves due to increased nutrients in the Caloosahatchee River causing algae blooms (SE CASC, 2022). Healthy mangroves are able to bounce back from hurricanes and other natural disasters quite easily and naturally adjust to rising sea levels. However, the mangroves located in Ding Darling have not been rebounding or adjusting as expected, since Hurricane Charley in 2004 ((Krauss et al, 2023). A study that monitored their growth over a 10-year period following the hurricane found that there was a lack of recovery (SE CASC, 2022). The deteriorating health of the mangroves has been credited to excess nutrients caused by “agriculture discharge into the Caloosahatchee River, which [elevates] soil phosphorus levels” (Krauss et al, 2023). The Caloosahatchee River is known for being ‘unregulated’ to some extent, which may be the cause of the excess nutrient flow (SE CASC, 2022).

To help protect Fort Myers’ coastline, it is necessary to employ plans that prioritize managing and monitoring mangrove forests along the Caloosahatchee River and regulate runoff from farming. This requires government action effective enforcement of runoff regulations. Plans discussed for maintaining mangroves include monitoring their soil elevation, ecosystem metabolism, and “aboveground and belowground productivity” (SE CASC, 2022). Monitoring these indicators will help researchers understand what causes issues with mangrove regeneration and if regulating runoffs and nutrients in the Caloosahatchee River promotes mangrove health. Mangroves in J.N. Ding Darling can help lessen the impact of hurricanes on Fort Myers and neighboring areas, if appropriately maintained (Port Sanibel Marina, n.d.).

Regeneration efforts should focus on areas where mangroves previously thrived, rather than implementing them in new areas, as they are more likely to be successful in habitats where they naturally occurred (Primavera & Esteban, 2008). The focus on regrowing mangroves will be most successful right after hurricane season, when they have a full year to regenerate before experiencing harsh weather conditions. Additionally, there needs to be a protection of these areas from illegal fishing and other harmful activities. All of this requires funding but will be beneficial to the long-term protection of Fort Myers vulnerable communities. This takes time and resources that should be set aside from the budget sent by HUD. Fort Myers will promote economic success in the future by using the funding for more long-term planning.

Affordable Housing Recommendation

The second recommendation is to provide affordable, hurricane-resistant housing in sturdy apartment complexes. These apartments would provide safe, affordable housing for those currently homeless or struggling to repair their homes after Hurricane Ian. Various plots around Fort Myers offer plenty of acreage to build affordable apartment complexes (Property Shark, n.d.). This project would be an investment in the future of Fort Myers.. The project should be far enough from the coast that it does not need to be elevated within the next two decades and allow local residents to vote on which location they prefer.

There are various options for affordable building materials. Concrete, although not aesthetically preferred, is a cheap, sturdy, and hurricane-resistant material (Concrete Construction, 2015). Separately, the University of South Carolina has been experimenting with different natural disaster resistant materials that are more affordable than the typical materials used; researchers found a strong need for affordable “hazard resistant houses” after reviewing the 2020 HUD report (Woodley, 2021). After experimenting with different materials, they found that plastic-reinforced, compressed earth bricks are affordable and hurricane and tornado-resistant (Woodley, 2021). Another study by Mohamed & Mahmoud found that using plastic-reinforced compressed earth bricks cut the cost of walls by half the typical price, making them economically advantageous (2023). These are two possible affordable building materials that could be used to build a large-scale apartment building to combat the current housing situation in Fort Myers.

Implementing affordable housing can be costly. CLEO Institute proposed a statewide fund for Florida to provide funding for “flood protection, resiliency and clean energy and transportation projects” (Majumder, Kelly, Garcia, 2021). Creating funds like this can collect donations and government grants while encouraging public and private infrastructure plans to think more long-term with the incentive of receiving monetary support. In addition to the obvious benefits of implementing stronger infrastructure in Fort Myers, these projects will positively impact the broader community by creating more jobs and providing a stronger sense of security and community (Majumder, Kelly, Garcia, 2021).

Conclusion

Fort Myers needs to prepare for the future by implementing infrastructure that is sustainable in the long term. The recommendations provided target the mobile home and affordable housing crisis. Mobile homes are at increased risk for hurricane damage, leading to worsening affordable housing crises when hurricanes hit. Government funding should be put towards the city’s longevity rather than temporary fixes that will continue to need repairing. The cost to implement these infrastructure recommendations will be paid off in the future by protecting and producing sturdier infrastructure that does not need to be replaced after each natural disaster. These recommendations will require funding and support from local and national government entities.

Reference List

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Kaye, D. (2022). On Florida’s Gulf Coast, developers eye properties ravaged by Hurricane Ian. Available at: https://www.npr.org/2022/12/21/1143088346/on-floridas-gulf-coast-developers-eye-properties-ravaged-by-hurricane-ian. (Accessed 12 October 2023).

Krauss, K., Conrad, J., Benscoter, B., & From, A.. (2023). ‘Soil surface elevation change data from rod surface elevation tables (rSET) from mangrove forests at Ding Darling National Wildlife Refuge, Sanibel Island, Florida.’ U.S. Geological Survey. Doi: https://doi.org/10.5066/P9UJFBX8.

Levin, J. (2023). Idalia Shows Need to Protect Manufactured Homes. Available at: https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2023/09/01/hurricane-idalia-shows-need-to-protect-manufactured-homes-from-storms/b9e64a16-48ad-11ee-b76b-0b6e5e92090d_story.html#:~:text=For%20all%20the%20threats%20posed%20by%20climate%20change%2C%20curbing%20manufactured,include%20negligent%20and%20unscrupulous%20operators. (Accessed 23 October 2023).

Lee Board of County Commissioners. (2023). ‘Action Plan: Community Development Block Grant Disaster Recovery Funds.’ Equal Housing Opportunity. Available at: https://www.leegov.com/recovery/Documents/Lee%20County%20Final%20CDBG-DR%20Action%20Plan%20-%2010.18.2023.pdf.

Majumder, B., Kelly, C., & Garcia, S.. (2021). Securing a Safe, Just, and Climate-Ready Future for Florida. Available at: https://www.americanprogress.org/article/securing-safe-just-climate-ready-future-florida/. (Accessed 25 October 2023).

MobileHome (2023). 131 Mobile Home Parks in Lee County, FL. Available at: https://www.mobilehome.net/mobile-home-park-directory/florida/lee-county. (Accessed 25 October 2023).

Mohamed, N. & Mahmoud, I. (2023). ‘Cost-effectiveness and affordability evaluation of a residential prototype built with compressed early bricks, hybrid roofs and palm midribs.’ Frontiers in Built Environment, 9. Doi: https://doi.org/10.3389/fbuil.2023.1058782.

Moore, K. & James, P.. (2023). Developers see Fort Myers Beach as a “modern luxury flip-flop community”: Moore about Business. Available at: https://news.wgcu.org/section/business/2023-02-20/developers-see-fort-myers-beach-as-a-modern-luxury-flip-flop-community-moore-about-business. (Accessed 25 October 2023).

Office of the Press Secretary. (2004). Responding to Hurricane Charley. Available at: https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2004/09/20040914-14.html#:~:text=Responding%20to%20Hurricanes%20Charley%20and%20Frances&text=President%20Bush%20on%20September%2014,by%20Hurricanes%20Charley%20and%20Frances. (Accessed 25 October 2023).

Peneva-Reed, E. & Zhiliang, Z..(2019). ‘Mangrove Data Collected from J.N. “Ding” Darling National Wildlife Refuge, Sanibel Island, Florida, United States.’ U.S. Geological Survey. Doi: https://doi.org/10.5066/P9P2PHU3.

Port Sanibel Marina. (n.d.). How to Explore the Sanibel Mangrove Ecosystem. Available at: https://portsanibelmarina.com/things-to-do-around-sanibel/how-to-explore-the-sanibel-mangrove-ecosystem/#:~:text=Red%2C%20black%20and%20white%20mangroves,storm%20surge%2C%20pollution%20and%20erosion. (Accessed 23 October 2023).

Primavera, J., & Esteban, J.. (2008). ‘A review of mangrove rehabilitation in the Philippines: successes, failures and future prospects.’ Wetland Ecology and Management, 16, pp. 345-358. Doi: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11273-008-9101-y.

Property Shark. (n.d.). Land for Sale in Fort Myers, Florida. Available at: https://www.propertyshark.com/homes/US/Land-For-Sale/FL/Fort-Myers.html?location=Fort+Myers%2C+FL&PropertyType=Land&search_mode=location&LotSizeMin=1&LotSizeMax=10&page=1&SelectedView=listings&LocationGeoId=499453&location_changed=&ajax=1. (Accessed 25 October 2023).

The Southeast Climate Adaptation Science Center (SE CASC). (2022). Science to Inform the Management of Mangrove Ecosystems at Ding Darling National Wildlife Refuge. Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8XUrdaZV1V0. (Accessed 23 October 2023).

United States Census. (2022). QuickFacts: Fort Myers city, Florida. Available at: https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/fortmyerscityflorida/PST045222. (Accessed 23 October 2023).

Tags Affordable Housing, Climate Change, SD4116, Sustainable Infrastructure

Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module) Uncategorised

The Impact of Housing Affordability on Los Angeles Communities: Socially, Educationally and Developmentally

Post author By sm619
Post date Wednesday 31 December 2025
No Comments on The Impact of Housing Affordability on Los Angeles Communities: Socially, Educationally and Developmentally

Los Angeles, a city known for its uber-wealthy and A-list celebrities, all a facade to the decreasing affordability of housing which has had unamendable impacts on countless individuals. With the cost of living on a continuous rise, many Los Angeles residents, also called Angelenos, have been burdened by an increase in rent and pricing of homes. This strain on the community has led to mass displacement and homelessness which has impacted the economic stability of the city, while simultaneously increasing social inequality in a once vibrant and diverse community. These financial strains within the community have led to gentrification of once cultural paradises within the city, impacting the social fabric of neighborhoods. This grapple to find affordable housing within Los Angeles is further embattled due to wage stagnancy, economic inequality and lack of housing availability. This leads to even middle-class families spending a majority of their income on a home and in turn not being able to afford essentials such as healthcare, education and means of transport. Oftentimes these families are forced to move which increases stress levels, uproots children from educational institutions and impacts the customer base for local businesses. This prevents Los Angeles from being able to create a sustainable and inclusive city which provides stable and safe housing options alongside a thriving community base. With nonprofit and government involvement on the issue increasing, it is important, for them and the community, to create solutions which inspire tenacity and justice for all, allowing for Los Angeles to return to its former, diverse glory.

As a native of Los Angeles, I have gotten to experience the culture and diversity of the city however from a unique standpoint. I grew up in an affluent portion of the city which allowed me access to quality education, extracurricular opportunities and a bubble of safety. As I grew older and was able to drive, I unlocked a different part of Los Angeles that was vastly different from what I had ever known it to be. These areas, just miles from me, were filled with such diversity and an abundance of heritage that I had not known existed. However in these supercenters of culture I also discovered the underlying challenges that they were facing. The most prominent issue that I began to notice driving through these different areas of LA was housing, opening my eyes to the issue of affordability and accessibility within the city. Growing up I heard of rising property values and investment opportunities, which to me seemed to be a positive thing, not knowing what this meant for a majority of Angelenos. Hearing stories from new friends and various families about how they were affected by these skyrocketing prices upset me, oblivious to these hardships occurring in my backyard. Through my majoring in Sustainable Development, I have learned about the greater impact of housing affordability on a community, both socially and economically. With this growth in knowledge, it upsets me when I return home as I now am aware of the general challenges that many around me are facing. From financial decisions between paying rent or for food to healthcare access, this issue of affordability within the city is much more noticeable and its impacts on communities rapidly expanding.

The pushing out of individuals from their neighborhoods to low-income areas have caused an increase in violent behaviors and gang activity. With people struggling to pay their bills as a result of rising living costs they often become more susceptible to engaging in illegal activities as a means of income. From selling illegal substances to committing money related crimes, individuals feel hopeless in their current way of life and resort to criminal activities that can help support their financial needs. This feeling of desperation due to displacement also increases gang activity as a way to feel safe and included within a community that they feel has wronged them. Gang activity also increases in areas of these increased housing prices as individuals don’t feel that they are heard or supported by local law enforcement which causes them to act out. Involvement in gangs and criminal groups also serves as a means of security in times of unknowing, feeling that they are heard and protected by others that have been outcast from their way of life. Many are unable to access extracurricular activities and outlets as they don’t have the means to do so which further pushes them towards gangs. This not only hurts those that are involved as they are surrounded by violence but also hurts the surrounding economy as these illegal activities impact the community well-being. By becoming so prevalent within an area, gangs are often monitored closely by law enforcement and stereotyping becomes more common within those areas which in turn causes those being stereotyped to join a gang as a retaliation. Many don’t want to join these groups however feel a need to as they are now surrounded by them. When being forced to move into a new area due to skyrocketing housing costs, many are exposed to situations in which they have never seen before and in turn begin to feel obligated to join in order to fit into their new surroundings. Efforts to reduce this increase in gang activity within Los Angeles have been made, hoping to deter youth from engaging in criminal activity. Volunteers of America Los Angeles is a non-profit within the city that works to help both gang-involved youth as well as those that are at high risk for becoming involved (Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, 2021). They hope to inspire other forms for outlet rather than falling into the cycle of violence, something seen far too commonly within LA. Though efforts are being made to reduce such cycles from recurring, it is difficult to manage with more and more being pushed into these areas of high risk due to increasing housing prices.

The increase in violent behaviors and gang-related activities with neighborhoods has a detrimental impact on education levels within the city. Due to individuals having to uproot their children from previous schools because of housing issues, their access to education, as well as quality of it, are changed significantly. From overcrowding within schools to negative environments for learning, many children’s ability to learn is impacted negatively. Even with gifted students, oftentimes this move to a lower-income area means the curriculum they are being taught is not to the standard at which they need to excel. Unable to afford outside institutions which can stimulate their minds, they often find themselves looking for an outlet that is detrimental to their personal wellbeing. The 21st Century California School Leadership Academy is a program designed to teach leaders how to create an environment which meets the needs of all students and inspires positive outcomes (Los Angeles County Office of Education). This program allows for previously uniformed leaders and teachers to promote change within their schools that help students of all backgrounds succeed. This includes implementing new curriculum into classrooms as well as offering advancement opportunities for gifted students.

On the other hand, it also provides leaders within schools the knowledge as to ways that help kids that do not want to work nor gain an education, which, sadly, is a majority of youth in low-income areas. Within LA, “57% of Los Angeles Unified students do not meet standards in English; 67.2% do not meet standards in math and 76% in science”
(Sequeira, 2024), which unfortunately limits opportunities for success in their futures. This is due to many youth in Los Angeles not being native English speakers which impacts their learning abilities and blocks them from gaining an education to the highest level. This lack of native english speakers within Los Angeles comes from a large Latinx community that have immigrated to the United States with no prior language experience. Though trying hard to emerge themselves within the American culture, many are forced to work low paying jobs just to make ends meet, preventing them from education opportunities that could help them better adjust.

Due to rising housing prices, oftentimes multiple jobs are needed in order to survive, many parents unable to keep track of their children’s education and attendance. This further harms the testing scores within the Los Angeles Unified School District as teachers can only do so much, needing the assistance of parents at home to aid their children’s education. This can also occur if a student were to stay in their old school following housing displacement, longer commute times resulting in lower student attendance as well as engagement when in class. While a majority of issues within the education system come from student population and teaching techniques, funding also plays a massive role. With housing becoming more unaffordable, property values can also see a stagnation or decline, resulting in less property taxes to support surrounding public schools. This lowering in public funding can reduce resources and programs available within these areas as schools are no longer able to support them. These programs differ between schools and oftentimes result in specialty classes and extracurriculars within the institution, leaving solely basic level classes as they serve a majority of the student class. In turn, class sizes are increased significantly which limits one on one interactions between teacher and student as well as educators being unable to provide the best possible teaching due to becoming overworked and under supported. This has inspired new corporations to arise within Los Angeles, providing educational opportunities for students in these underserved areas. Youth Champions is an example of a program that works to provide students from low-income areas with educational internships. Not only are thesestudents getting real world educational experiences, but also get paid for it as a way to inspire them to learn and participate. In 2022-23 Youth Champions, “Establish[ed] an internship model paying 258 students more than $178,000 to learn and enhance their potential” (Youth Champions) which has seen an increase in applicants and individuals working for a better future. The program operates through professional led workshops with focuses stemming from financial literacy to exploring potential career paths. These offer educational opportunities that are not found within typical public schools however that are needed to enter the real world. This program is just one example of many that are working to improve the lives of low-income students and provide them with a chance to enter a university, if they see fit, or even simply find a job that is beyond that of minimum wage. With rising housing prices, educational institutions have been faced with new challenges that require an adaption in order to best set students up for success in their future.

With housing affordability impacting so many across the city, health and well-being concerns are also on the rise, many unable to access institutions that provide them with medical and personal help. Health care access is one of the largest issues that Los Angeles residents in low-income areas have been faced with, a majority of them unable to pay the hefty fines and in turn leaving them susceptible to high out of pocket payments in times of need. From an accident to needing medical care due to disease, many are unable to pay for it which in turn causes debt to incur. While these payments can be reduced through healthcare insurance, many do not have access to money to pay those premiums. This is a very dangerous situation as many avoid seeking professional care due to the fear of facing increased financial strain on top of that already caused by housing prices. Many put themselves in dangerous situations and use unregulated medical practices as they are accessible and can provide the service for a fraction of the price. While this can be acceptable in very few situations, many times individuals in need find themselves in unsanitary locations which can, in turn, result in more health issues or even death. AltaMed is a non-profit organization that seeks to limit these disparities in healthcare access within Los Angeles, providing a multilingual network aimed at servicing low-income individuals with medical care (AltaMed). This allows individuals with access to not only general medical care but also specialties such as dental, women’s health, senior care and LGBTQ+ service, access to these rarely seen accessible to low-income communities. By providing these services, AltaMed gives the underserved of Los Angeles an opportunity to live a long, healthy life, something every individual should be awarded without the fear of additional financial pressure. The mental health crisis within the city is another crucial problem that has seen significant increase due to the rising housing costs. “Housing unaffordability, residential instability, and poor living conditions have all been linked to serious mental and physical health problems among adult residents, as well as developmental problems in children” (Clark, 2017). These issues spread from stress-related conditions to major depression, seriously impacting the well-being of communities.

Oftentimes these issues are overlooked in low-income areas as residents must continue working to survive and in turn hide what is going on inside them. They are oftentimes also unable to seek treatment to help them in bettering their mental state, programs inaccessible due to cost. Even in cases where individuals have medical insurance many times their coverage will not pay for issues surrounding mental health. This has led to a rise in controversy as many feel that insurance companies should provide assistance in care revolving around mental health as it impacts personal well-being, the thing insurance companies claim to be assisting in. Questions circling what one can do in this situation have been discussed with one article claiming that, “You can file an appeal that might lead your health insurer to reverse its decision, and if that fails, you can ask a government agency to review your case and potentially overrule the insurer” (Weiner 2024) , providing an option for individuals in this difficult situation. The overall medical well-being of an individual being the most important aspect of anyone’s life, regardless of financial situation. While I have been focused on well-being in terms of physical, medical health, nutritional health should be discussed as well. Many faced with these financial hardships due to the lack of housing affordability oftentimes are forced to choose between eating and paying rent. In many cases individuals choose not eating as they are more fearful of losing their home than providing themselves with nutrition. Though the sad truth, food prices in Los Angeles are also on the rise alongside housing with the price of food, “up 2.8 percent from a year ago” (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2024), for both at home food as well as fast food. This raise in price for a necessity needed to survive harms the well-being of individuals, especially those already in times of need as they have a significantly reduced opportunity to purchase nutritious meals. Due to this prohibitive cost of food programs have been introduced that allow for individuals below a certain financial level to access nourishment. CalFresh is an example of a program that is aimed to help those in need with opportunities to eat daily. It provides individuals with an Electronic Benefit Transfer (EBT) card that allows them to shop at participating stores and restaurants in some cases, all paid for by the government. This relieves families, especially those in newly difficult situations, to access nutrition and feed themselves without the stress of choosing to eat over paying for accommodation. The overall well-being of individuals is crucial when examining the growing inequality in housing affordability as it goes beyond that of the environment and to the personal health of a living, breathing person.

While the effects of housing unaffordability have been discussed, the actual accessibility of new housing has not, the state providing, minimal, options to those in need. With the cost of living constantly on the rise within Los Angeles, the city and corporations have been forced into building and creating spaces where those displaced can move into. A majority of these housing units however are in areas of economic despair and known for violent behaviors as seen on the affordable housing map (California Housing Partnership, 2020). Though these properties are on the rise rehousing thousands, there is still inequality present, with many on the cusp unable to access these properties due to not fitting within the desired focus group.A Just like everything, there is a gray area that is hard to act on as they fail to fit within either side. This places individuals in falling conditions to face even more extreme hardships as they are unable to access these benefits, many times the lower middle class. This group of individuals make up a large portion of those facing hardship due to the housing crisis as they make more money than the homeless and jobless, however not enough to afford a home in current conditions. Due to this they are unable to directly access these new developments until they are on the streets, increasing the homeless population. Everyone In is an organization that works to prevent situations such as these happening stating that, “decades of policies [have] eviscerated our affordable housing supply and defunded the social safety nets which keep our most vulnerable neighbors in their homes” (Everyone In). They call out leaders for policies which have increased the pricing of homes within the city and forced many into homelessness, a situation that has irreparable damages on communities, families and individuals. Through the use of public funds, both government and state, grants have been created which are used to promote the welfare and safety of the growing homeless population as well as those on the cusp. The CDC Economic and Housing Development Division is one of the programs that has been developed that provides trusts and funds to those in need. The Affordable Housing Trust Fund is a prime example of their efforts as it focuses on using state and government funds to develop and rehabilitate multifamily rental housing within Los Angeles (LA County Housing, 2018). Through the growth in housing opportunities and programs such as these, the housing crisis can be combated which allows for overall city sustainability.

While affordable housing opportunities have been discussed alongside the overall wellbeing of individuals in these high-risk citations, further recommendations should be discussed revolving around how the community can work to help these initiatives as well.

To begin, the stereotyping around low-income individuals and communities should be discussed. Many within Los Angeles, especially in wealthier areas, have been raised with the misconception that these areas are filled with drug-addicts and immigrants, when in reality a growing majority of this population consists of previously middle-class citizens that have been heavily impacted by the increasing home prices. These individuals are now looked down upon and in turn face heavy inequality and bias which harms their way of life. Through community efforts to raise awareness about these changing neighborhoods, misconceptions of individuals in these situations can be alleviated. A majority of these individuals that are being displaced are peoples of color which raises the question as to why they cannot afford the rising housing costs. Even though Los Angeles has far surpassed the minority majority threshold, “the discrepancy in earnings between whites and people of color makes its income inequality even greater than the national average” (Szabo, 2019), which has resulted in wide displacement and homelessness due to the rising cost of housing. The community has the opportunity to change how people are viewed within low-income communities with local business owners implementing strategies that provide equal pay for staff, regardless of ethnic background. By eliminating the stereotypes within Los Angeles, one community at a time, wage equality and access to housing can be achieved.

The implementation of mutual aid within Los Angeles is an additional way in which community-based efforts can help alleviate issues surrounding housing affordability. Mutual aid refers to the collective effort within a community to share resources, give financial contributions and exchange skill sets to help better their surroundings. Through the use of this model, communities are able to provide those in need with assistance to help lower their pain in times of hardship. This can be anything from finding short-term housing for the displaced to buying goods as a community to provide those in need with. While helping on a physical standpoint, this also creates a feeling of solidarity within a community, strengthening their ability to work together in times of uncertainty. This mutual aid can also transfer into local businesses and communities coming together to provide housing options for those in dire need. From the conversion of abandoned lots and warehouses into temporary housing to using ADUs to house the displaced, communities are able to get more people off the street and into a safe environment. While many will combat this as a viable option, it is possible if the individuals helping have prior knowledge of the person in need, lowering the risk of something negative happening. While this has traces back to the inequality within housing availability, it still helps some which has a positive effect on the community. All in all, the participation of the entire community to help those in despair can help amend the growing complications caused by the lack of housing affordability.

Similar to programs discussed previously, the implementation of non-profit programs within the city can have significant, positive, impacts on low-income communities. Programs such as Youth Champions and AltaMed are examples of how community-based startups can increase the livelihoods of many in distress. Through community efforts, new programs are able to be born which can assist in providing services and opportunities for low-income neighborhoods. Things such as food banks, educational experiences and community stores can have a significant influence on the wellbeing of the displaced and homeless. By alleviating the financial stress of food, clothing and extracurriculars, the community is able to help others focus on finding housing and living a healthy lifestyle. By coming together and providing a service or access to products communities can better the day to day life of those facing times of hardship and in turn boost morality in uncharted times.

While community efforts can be made to help those in need as a result of housing unaffordability, the only real way to alleviate the issue is by providing affordable housing options and lower property prices in gray areas. The L.A. County Affordable Housing Solutions Agency is an example of an organization that is working to provide affordable housing and alleviate the growing homelessness issue. They focus their efforts on developing in areas often seen as ‘nicer’ rather than where crime is rampant and property costs are lowered. This allows individuals to live comfortably within an affordable house or apartment unit while also presiding in an area that has lower violence and better education than the majority of other units. The company also provides emergency rent assistance while continuing to build affordable housing options to meet what is needed for the region (LACAHSA). This is an example of how powerful corporations can have a positive impact on the community rather than developing for wealth. By utilizing resources to provide for the masses, organizations such as these can change the landscape of affordable housing in Los Angeles.

Conclusion

All in all, the housing issue within Los Angeles has had detrimental impacts on communities socially, educationally and developmentally. The impact of housing affordability has been seen throughout various communities of the city with homelessness and displacement on the rise. This hurts not only local economies but also the development of the city towards equality. Through the inclusion of community-led programs helping the underserved in hand with offering short-term housing options, the complications surrounding skyrocketing housing costs can be alleviated. While not perfect, the local population can make a difference within Los Angeles, even without the help of the government. By recognizing that everyone is a person and limiting violence due to inequality, a major difference can be initiated, bettering the lives of the majority and returning Los Angeles to its previous glory, diverse and inclusive.

References

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California Housing Partnership (2020). California Affordable Housing Map . [online] CA Affordable Housing Map. Available at: https://affordablehomes.chpc.net/?view=33.817346 [Accessed 25 Oct. 2024].

Clark, C. (2017). Housing and Health in Los Angeles. [online] SAJE. Available at: https://www.saje.net/housing-health-los-angeles/.

Department of Public Social Services (n.d.). CalFresh. [online] dpss.lacounty.gov. Available at: https://dpss.lacounty.gov/en/food/calfresh.html.

Gomez, D. (2021). OJJDP News @ a Glance, September/October 2021 | Stakeholder’s Corner: Los Angeles Nonprofit Helps Deter Youth Gang Participation. [online] Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention. Available at: https://ojjdp.ojp.gov/newsletter/ojjdp-news-glance-septemberoctober-2021/stakeholders-corner-los-angele s-nonprofit-helps-deter-youth-gang-participation.

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Lacoe.edu. (2024). Curriculum & Instruction. [online] Available at:
https://www.lacoe.edu/services/curriculum-instruction [Accessed 24 Oct. 2024].

Sequeira, K. (2024). LAUSD shows strong standardized testing gains, but proficiency still low. [online] Los Angeles Times. Available at:
https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-10-11/lausd-math-english-test-scores-show-overall-improv ement-but-most-still-not-proficient [Accessed 23 Oct. 2024].

Szabo, A. (2019). The Negative Implications of Los Angeles’ Increasing Inequality. [online] USC Economics Review. Available at:
https://usceconreview.com/2019/04/03/the-negative-implications-of-los-angeles-increasing-inequality/.

United Way (n.d.). Everyone In – United Way. [online] Everyone In. Available at: https://everyoneinla.org/.

Weiner , J. (2024). Denied coverage. [online] LAist. Available at:
https://laist.com/brief/news/health/denied-coverage-for-mental-health-treatment-heres-what-you-can-do [Accessed 22 Oct. 2024].

Western Information Office (2019). Consumer Price Index, Los Angeles area – November 2019 : Western Information Office : U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. [online] Bls.gov. Available at: https://www.bls.gov/regions/west/news-release/ConsumerPriceIndex_LosAngeles.htm.

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Tags Affordable Housing, Education, Gentrification, SD4116

Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

Social Exclusion of the Working Class in the Regeneration of Leith

Post author By whc8
Post date Monday 29 December 2025
No Comments on Social Exclusion of the Working Class in the Regeneration of Leith

Introduction

Across the contemporary world, countless cities have entered an age of reinvention, in which community spirit is tested by cities’ perpetual addiction to development. Lapsley, Miller, and Panozzo note, “The world of cities has increasingly become one of calculating and quantifying, as they compete in an increasingly explicit way with each other for population, economic resources and influence” (2010, p. 308). The remoulding of urban areas to fit modern-day socio-economic ideals comes at a cost, particularly for those within the working class population, who find themselves neglected and marginalised during the development process. The destructive potential of urban regeneration practices towards social exclusion forms the basis of this community briefing, which centres around an especially acute case within the area of Leith in north-east Edinburgh. Edinburgh has evolved into a place of vibrance and style, possessing an attractive blend of grand historical features that sit alongside impressive modern infrastructure. Edinburgh’s trendy, desirable aura has pervaded across its various regions, most notably in Leith, which has been voted the 16^th coolest neighbourhood in the world by Time Out magazine (Time Out, 2023). This can be linked to the gentrification that has taken place in Leith over recent decades, which has sought to change the nature of the region from a stagnant, troublesome port area to a lively, thriving high-end community. However, despite the process of gentrification going on for some time, Leith remains in a state of transformative dismay, creating disconnects and fluxes within its diverse community (Doucet, 2009). Within Leith’s diverse community, no group has been mistreated more than the working class; whether that be from the deindustrialisation of the past to the gentrification of the present, they have been continually discriminated against. Their needs have been suffocated by development planners, and their concerns have fallen on deaf government ears, resulting in the social, economic, and spatial exclusion of the working class throughout the regeneration of Leith.

Framing Positionality

The selection of Leith as the site of my community brief was inspired by my childhood in downtown Edinburgh, where I spent the bulk of my formative years. Growing up close to Leith in the nearby town of Cramond, I developed strong ties and a close bond with the area, primarily through being a fan of and making regular trips to watch Leith’s professional football club, Hibernian FC. Through the many weekends spent in the area and conversations with fellow Hibernian supporters, who were typically among the working class, I gained first-hand experience of the changes and challenges going on in Leith. My understanding of the local context grew quickly and has continued to grow throughout my time at the University of St Andrews as my knowledge of geographical and sustainable concepts has been enhanced. The emotional bond I have with Leith has been ever-present in my life, and I hold a deep-rooted hope that its regeneration will shift away from its inequitable nature and instead be sustainable and just for all. This desire provides the motivation behind this community brief and upholds the idea of the ‘right to the city’, where access and prosperity are experienced by all on a self-imposed rationale (Harvey, 2008).

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF LEITH

The historic heartland of Leith lies in its docklands, having been used as Edinburgh’s primary trading port and the gateway to the city from as early as the fourteenth century (Matthews and Satsangi, 2007). The port of Leith played a pivotal role in cementing Edinburgh’s place in the global trading market, specialising in the trade of coal and grain, with the total area of the docklands rising to 170 hectares after the final developments were complete (City of Edinburgh Council, 2005). Despite Leith being situated directly beside Edinburgh, Leith was its own municipality before it merged with Edinburgh in 1920 (Doucet, 2009). When Edinburgh engulfed Leith, it brought Leith’s nearly 90-year independence to a close, creating a narrative that Leith is within Edinburgh but not truly a part of it (Leith Local History Society, 2012). The maritime and industrial sectors were the socio-economic lifeline of Leith, employing a large proportion of the area’s workforce and providing a great sense of identity and pride for the local community.

However, Leith’s thriving docklands began to decline following the conclusion of World War II and the establishment of more neoliberal political systems. This caused major deindustrialisation within Leith and created mass deprivation across the area, as government privatisation saw ownership of the docks and other valuable community features switch from the state to private entities. Deindustrialisation had a particularly profound effect on Leith’s working class, who found themselves stripped of their livelihoods and displaced from their tenement homes so that new apartment complexes could be built in their place (Doucet, 2009). Due to the economic struggles and infrastructure issues that persisted in Leith throughout the 1970s and into the early 1980s, the quality of life in the area took a serious downturn, and the neighbourhood became renowned for its degradation and crime. Leith became synonymous with substance abuse and grime when Irvine Welsh later published his world-famous book ‘Trainspotting’, which explores the trials and tribulations of a group of drug-addicted friends living in Leith during the 1980s (Brooks, 2015).

As Leith progressed through the 1980s, it entered into a process of gentrification, a highly contested process still ongoing to this day. Leith began to transition from an area of hopelessness and impoverishment into a charming and economically alluring neighbourhood, with house prices in the area increasing by 100% in as little as five years (Doucet, 2009). Despite the improvements that gentrification brought, aspects of Leith’s dark past still lingered into the 21st century, as its Harbour Ward had an unemployment rate among young adults that was 85% above the city average (Doucet, 2009). The belittlement and indignity that Leith faced throughout its history, notoriously among its working class, highlights the need for community-based management to rectify the issues of poverty and marginalisation.

The Current State of Leith

Leith has undergone several upmarket and high-scale developments over recent years, changing the area’s character into a popular tourist destination and a honeypot for young professionals. This is largely due to the drastic modification of Leith’s housing and retail structure, with luxury apartments scattered across the new Western Harbour development, in addition to a plentiful supply of designer stores found within the Ocean Terminal shopping centre (Burley, 2020). Leith is also a major contributor to the soaring Airbnb market in Edinburgh, with the city boasting a concentration of Airbnb listings eight times greater than New York (Taylor, 2018). The varied housing stock now present in Leith has resulted in an extremely mixed population forming within the area, with the last census designating the Leith Walk Ward as the most diverse in the nation (Brooks, 2015).

Many alterations have also taken place along the Shore, the social hub of Leith, as the hardened, working class pubs have been redeveloped into avant-garde hipster bars, along with the addition of numerous Michelin-starred restaurants. The high-end market switch that has occurred in Leith has brought many big chains to the area, looking to cash in on the economic potential of the neighbourhood. However, their arrival puts severe pressure on the local, independent shops that have been part of the community for some time, potentially hindering their success and putting them out of business. Additionally, four out of ten Leith residents thought that the tram line development through the area would help support and improve business within the community (McCrone, 2018). Yet, in reality, the project cost the taxpayer significantly, as it was £375 million over budget, with the three-year delay in construction limiting economic growth within the area due to the restricted access into Leith (Taylor, 2018). Evidently, post-industrial gentrification was necessary within Leith, but its detrimental side effects put into question whether all residents have benefitted equally and everyone’s ‘right to the city’ has been maintained. Ultimately, Leith’s gentrification has disregarded its working class community by prioritising profits over equitable societal growth, essentially rehashing the social exclusion that occurred in the past.

How Leith’s Regeneration has Challenged the Working Class

Gentrification is a politically contentious subject that can be perceived differently across an urban area, but its success should be gauged not only by the upgrades in the physical environment but also by the betterment of the community living within. This is where Leith’s regeneration has failed, however, as developers have tailored the area’s gentrification towards the middle-upper class by being overly concerned about returns on investment and enhancing Leith’s public image. Belinda Blythe, a resident of Leith and a local volunteer, shares similar views, stating that “the council is spending millions on regeneration, but it’s not spending the money where it’s needed, on upgrading the facilities we already have” (Brooks, 2015). It is largely Leith’s working class that has been overlooked, a common theme in regeneration processes that’s supported by Professor Henry Overman, Professor of Economic Geography at the London School of Economics and Political Science, who claims that there is “little evidence that such transformation significantly improves outcomes for existing residents” (London School of Economics and Political Science, 2021). The Leith Docks Development Framework (LDDF) has been the chief development scheme in Leith’s regeneration, but there is a belief that planners used their power and authority to strong-arm the developer and secure ascendancy over the development, thereafter dismissing the desires of the working class community (Matthews and Satsangi, 2007). A similar issue was observed during Cardiff Bay’s regeneration, as an investigation into the project found that economic gain held more importance during the policy-making and marketing process among proprietors and developers than equitable community growth and collaboration (Matthews and Satsangi, 2007). This suggests that inappropriate investments and unsuitable developments for the working class community are common problems during the gentrification process, primarily because developers lack a strong grasp of the communities’ backgrounds and development wishes, viewing the regeneration process as merely a task to be completed that ensures sufficient profits. The omission of localism in Leith’s regeneration has amplified issues of social exclusion as the working class population is starting to realise they are not the target demographic or main beneficiaries of their own local gentrification.

The LDDF promised to construct 18,000 new properties across Leith Docks, with 30% of the housing to be designed for families (Matthews and Satsangi, 2007). However, the vast majority of these new properties are only suitable for middle- to upper-class incomes, adding to the lack of affordable housing in Leith that is pushing the working class out of the area. There’s a growing sense around Leith’s working class that their housing demands are not being heard, with one local resident saying that gentrification has “priced the Leithers out of Leith” (Doucet, 2009, p. 308). This puts into question Edinburgh’s housing framework and planning system, both of which are further marginalising the working class with each new development.

As Leith’s regeneration is doing little to create an adequate supply of affordable housing for the working class, they are being indirectly displaced to the peripheries of town or out of Leith completely. Due to the rising house prices brought about by gentrification, Leith working class residents cannot afford to make the transition from rented to owned housing, nor can they move to more spacious homes when their family grows. With increasing movements of working class residents out of the area, social segregation begins to emerge as the population becomes increasingly fragmented. Irvine Welsh, the aforementioned author behind ‘Trainspotting’ and a Leith native, worries that the community will become “completely destroyed” if the working class continues to disappear from the area (Taylor, 2018).

The displacement of the working class has meant that Leith is gradually losing its community spirit and historic character as its regeneration progresses. The area has become divided socially and spatially, and while there is no apparent tension between the new gentrifiers and Leith’s working class population, the two groups generally do not integrate. This is because the working class cannot afford to socialise in the gentrified areas of Leith due to the steep prices of the new shops and amenities, while the gentrifiers do not venture into the local, independent stores and stick to the big brands they know, resulting in poor social cohesion. The facelift that gentrification provides is welcomed by Leith’s working class community; however, they are worried about the social exclusion that has stemmed from it, with Doucet suggesting that Leith’s working class was “positive about the changes in the neighbourhood, though more pessimistic about the changes in their neighbourhood” (2009, p. 312).

The marginalisation imposed upon Leith’s working class population will only be resolved if they band together and carry out various forms of community action on a range of scales. The following section will offer some recommendations for the working class community of Leith to promote social inclusion and encourage community engagement, which will allow their voices to be heard and hopefully create a more equitable neighbourhood.

Recommendations and Community Action

It is not the responsibility of the working class to fix the problems associated with Leith’s regeneration, as new frameworks must be developed within the local government and planning committees that place higher value on the concerns and demands of the community. However, the following recommendations will help to empower Leith’s working class and hopefully set them on a path towards initiating this change.

Protests and campaigns

This approach involves the working class community taking it upon themselves to stand up against the injustices they have experienced from regional planners and developers, forcing the local government to take them and their wishes seriously. This strategy incorporates a bottom-up development formula to incite sustainable improvements in the neighbourhood and openly challenges the preferential nature of Leith’s gentrification. This form of community action was effectively utilised during the ‘Save Leith Walk’ movement, in which campaigners from Leith’s working class community and beyond joined each other in protesting against Drum Property Group’s £50 million proposed development spanning three acres along Leith Walk, the street that links Leith to the heart of Edinburgh (Taylor, 2018). The development planned to knock down Leith Walk’s signature red sandstone buildings, which housed local shops and businesses beloved by the community, to make space for more than 140 new homes and various office and retail units catered towards the middle-upper class (Drum Property Group, 2022). This inspired the formation of the public-led ‘Save Leith Walk’ initiative, where locals were able to express their opinions about the new development in a variety of ways, including targeted fundraisers, direct negotiations with local governance, and community protests (Save Leith Walk, 2023). A petition sent to the City of Edinburgh council containing 12,300 signatures against the proposal, combined with the aforementioned instances of direct community action, resulted in a full revision of the development plan to become more compatible with the desires of Leith’s working class community, keeping the area’s iconic red sandstone buildings intact (Taylor, 2018).

This example demonstrates the social power and political influence that can be generated when members of a community support each other and work towards achieving one common goal. In terms of ensuring fairness and transparency for Leith’s working class in future development plans, local campaigners should work with the surrounding community to grow and establish subgroups within their ranks that focus on different aspects of sustainability within the area. This multifaceted approach to campaigning would help optimise sustainable development in the area by considering sustainability on a larger, more equal scale. Additionally, local campaigners may choose to collaborate with local stakeholders and sustainability experts to help enhance and refine the process.

Improving awareness and presence of local heritage

Gentrification runs the risk of removing a community’s rich history and local identity, an issue sadly experienced during the regeneration of Leith. However, community fundraising for the construction of a local heritage centre in the newer, gentrified areas of the neighbourhood would help to improve local residents’ sense of place within contemporary Leith. The heritage centre could exhibit the history of Leith Docks and its invaluable contributions to the growth of Edinburgh, and house displays showing how Leith has evolved into one of the trendiest neighbourhoods in the world. Local volunteers from the working class community and beyond could help run the centre, which would take a fiscal load off the local government and ensure an authentic experience for visitors. English Heritage conducted surveys in areas that have undergone historic environment regeneration projects like the building of a local heritage centre and found that these projects had improved 93% of respondents’ views towards the neighbourhood (Maeer, Robinson, and Hobson, 2016). Leith currently has a few tourist information boards scattered across its docklands, but this is a minimalistic effort to preserve the local heritage of the area. The creation of a local heritage centre in Leith would restore a sense of pride in the working class population, helping to reinstate the local identity and community spirit that have been lost through gentrification. A local heritage centre would also provide the chance for new gentrifiers to visit and get acquainted with the history of Leith, helping to boost awareness and improve social dynamics in the area.

The creation of social spaces

The working class has lost their place within modern Leith as gentrification has fragmented their community and seen them gradually displaced to the outskirts of town. Their traditional pubs have been replaced by fancy, new-age bars, and the reliable stores they routinely shop in have been transformed into expensive establishments that they cannot afford. The working class of Leith have essentially lost their social space and the networks that came with it, so the creation of a social club would help massively in restoring these invaluable community connections and relationships. The social club could base itself in a local institution like a community centre and, perhaps with the help of the Leith Trust and Leith Community Fund, could host meaningful events and discussions for the working class population of Leith (Leith Community Fund, 2023). Leith already has one social club consistently used by the older working class community, named the Leith Dockers Club, but another is required so that all audiences can be suitably catered for, particularly young families and children (Leith Dockers Club, 2023). The social club could expand upon its in-person meetings by setting up its own social media page, providing a digital form of support to Leith’s working class community that can be accessed at any time.

Conclusion

This brief has explored how an inequitable and unethical process of gentrification has spoiled the regeneration of Leith for its working class community. Countless injustices have been imposed upon the working class throughout Leith’s transition from a dreary, run-down port area into a glamorous and socio-economically enticing modern neighbourhood. The primary issues Leith’s working class population has had to endure during the area’s regeneration include the loss of affordable housing, indirect displacement to the fringes of town, and the slow breakdown of local identity and community spirit in the area. The planners and developers involved in the gentrification process were more concerned with elevating Leith’s public image and maximising profits than helping support social inclusion and securing genuine sustainable development. Despite the vast resources invested towards Leith’s regeneration, the process failed to ensure an equal ‘right to the city’ across Leith’s community, due to the uneven and discriminatory nature of these investments that favoured the middle-upper class over the working class. The needs of the working class population have been continually overlooked during Leith’s regeneration, resulting in severe marginalisation and social exclusion within the community they worked so hard to build. However, this brief has also uncovered the strength and impact that Leith’s working class community can produce when they utilise successful forms of community action to object against poor governance and inadequate development plans. The recommendations proposed in this brief are worthwhile and effective steps towards ensuring a socially just and fair regeneration process for the working class community of Leith. Global cities are experiencing an age of reinvention, but that doesn’t mean equitable societal growth cannot be maintained across various population groups. As long as inclusive community-based management occurs that considers bottom-up solutions for development and the needs of an urban area without prejudice or bias, sustainability can be upheld and preserved for future generations.

Reference List

Brooks, L., 2015. Choose Leith? Trainspotting locations reveal the changing faces of Edinburgh. The Guardian. [Online]. Available from: https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2015/feb/05/choose-leith-trainspotting-locations-changing-edinburgh-irvine-welsh [Accessed: 19^th October 2023]

Broughton Spurtle, 2018. Save Leith Walk campaigns at City Chambers. Broughton Spurtle. [Online]. Available from: https://www.broughtonspurtle.org.uk/news/save-leith-walk-campaigns-city-chambers [Accessed: 23^rd October 2023]

Burley, H., 2020. Has Leith’s regeneration lived up to all the hype? – David Alexander. Edinburgh News. [Online]. Available from: https://www.edinburghnews.scotsman.com/business/has-leiths-regeneration-lived-up-to-all-the-hype-david-alexander-1379185 [Accessed: 20^th October 2023]

City of Edinburgh Council, 2005. Leith Docks Development Framework: Supplementary Planning Guidance. The City of Edinburgh Council.

Doucet, B., 2009. Living through gentrification: subjective experiences of local, non-gentrifying residents in Leith, Edinburgh. Journal of Housing and the Built Environment, 24, pp.299-315.

Drum Property Group, 2022. Red Sandstone Building, Leith Walk. Drum Property Group. [Online]. Available from: https://www.drumpropertygroup.com/development/red-sandstone-building-leith-walk/ [Accessed: 23^rd October 2023]

Harvey, D., 2008. The right to the city. The city reader, 6(1), pp.23-40.

Lapsley, I., Miller, P. and Panozzo, F., 2010. Accounting for the city. Accounting, Auditing & Accountability Journal, 23(3), pp.305-324.

Leith Community Fund, 2023. [Online]. Available from: https://leithcommunityfund.org/ [Accessed: 24^th October 2023]

Leith Dockers Club, 2023. [Online]. Available from: https://leithdockersclub.co.uk/ [Accessed: 24^th October 2023]

Leith Local History Society, 2012. Timeline: Some milestones in the history of Leith. Leith Local History Society. [Online]. Available from: http://www.leithlocalhistorysociety.org.uk/timeline/timeline.htm [Accessed: 19^th October 2023]

London School of Economics and Political Science, 2021. Government urban regeneration initiative failed to improve Britain’s most deprived areas. The London School of Economics and Political Science. [Online]. Available from: https://www.lse.ac.uk/research/research-for-the-world/politics/government-urban-regeneration-initiative-failed-to-improve-britains-most-deprived-areas [Accessed: 21^st October 2023]

Maeer, G., Robinson, A. and Hobson, M., 2016. Values and benefits of heritage: A research review. Heritage lottery fund.

Matthews, P. and Satsangi, M., 2007. Planners, developers and power: A critical discourse analysis of the redevelopment of Leith Docks, Scotland. Planning, Practice & Research, 22(4), pp.495-511.

McCrone, D., 2018. Lost in Leith: Accounting for Edinburgh’s Trams. Scottish Affairs, 27(3), pp.361-381.

Parliament House Hotel, 2017. Places to visit in Edinburgh: make Leith your next port of call. Parliament House Hotel. [Online]. Available from: https://parliamenthouse-hotel.co.uk/blog/places-to-visit-in-edinburgh-leith/ [Accessed: 20^th October 2023]

Save Leith Walk, 2023. [Online]. Available from: https://saveleithwalk.org/ [Accessed: 23^rd October 2023]

Taylor, M., 2018. ‘The wrong type of development’: the battle for Edinburgh’s Leith Walk. The Guardian. [Online]. Available from: https://www.theguardian.com/cities/2018/nov/05/the-wrong-type-of-development-the-battle-for-edinburgh-leith-walk [Accessed: 20^th October 2023]

Time Out, 2023. The 40 coolest neighbourhoods in the world. Time Out. [Online]. Available from: https://www.timeout.com/travel/coolest-neighbourhoods-in-the-world [Accessed: 18^th October 2023]

Tags Affordable Housing, Gentrification, SD4116, Social Inclusion, Urban Renewal

Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module) Uncategorised

Engaging with the community to break the cycles of homelessness in Plymouth, England

Post author By sm619
Post date Tuesday 2 December 2025
No Comments on Engaging with the community to break the cycles of homelessness in Plymouth, England

James Boyce

Introduction

According to the Director of Plymouth Access to Housing (PATH) Mike Taylor, there is “one thing that dominates the year 2023/2024, [and that is] the housing crisis”. With almost 180,000 households registered as homeless by the government across the UK, Plymouth remains as no exception to this issue (MHCLG, 2024).

From April 2023 to March 2024, 480 people were assessed to be experiencing homelessness in Plymouth – an increase of 25% on the previous year (PATH, 2024). As Figure 1 shows, this has been a growing issue in the city for the last three years with at least 150 more cases per year being reported.

*Figure 1: Homeless population change across Plymouth, England 2022-2024. (Made using data from PATH Annual Reports. Doi:* *https://www.pathdevon.org/* )

These numbers, although high in their own context, look increasingly worrying when assessed against the national average. A 25% increase is more than double the national average of 12.3% in the last year, signifying a stark upturn in cases (MHCLG, 2024). This highlights the extent to which the Plymouth community, a community of which I am a proud member of, is struggling to deal with the housing crisis and a spiralling uptake in the homeless population.

To both understand and reassess this situation sweeping the city, this briefing calls upon the people of Plymouth to examine the current social and economic priorities that exist within the city. The consistent failure of government intervention and private investor gentrification leaves those within the city with no other choice but to take matters into their own hands. Homelessness is both an issue requiring immediate personal attention and long-term strategies to break cycles of re-homelessness. This is why the community must look to a continuum of solutions, those of both ‘democratic-socialist proposal’ and ‘radical action against […] exploitation’ (Broto et al., 2019).

Critically, a balance must be struck between these two extremes to not undermine the current urban system that has developed the city in the first place. Whilst Broto and Westman identify these two extremes as important in urban social change, I articulate that a greater understanding is needed in how we generate a cohesive, productive plan that involves both these extremes. This is another reason as to why this briefing addresses the entire current lived community in Plymouth as a diversity of opinions will be needed to formulate an accurate balance.

Ultimately, this community briefing therefore proposes three community-led recommendations that can break the cycles of homelessness that the city of Plymouth experiences. These recommendations come in the form of restructuring immediate access to housing schemes, repurposing infrastructure across the city and providing preventative measures involving re-education and communication. Through practicing these through the Plymouth community, it is with my understanding that locals pose a greater chance of avoiding homelessness whilst also helping those who require immediate aid.

Positionality

As someone both born and raised in Plymouth, my initial position on this subject is a personal one. I have lived in two separate houses across the city, in vastly different neighbourhoods, allowing me to have a varied and unique perspective on the city and its people. The first house I lived in was along Mutley Plain, a mostly impoverished area in the north of Plymouth and the second located in the gentrified neighbourhood of the Royal William Yard. I would often travel on foot to school every morning from both these locations, and I was always met with the common sight of rough sleepers on doorsteps and shop openings. My interactions with those experiencing homelessness were often in passing but were mostly civil and courteous.

Without any direct involvement in soup kitchens or homeless shelters, I can’t say I ever experienced atmospheres looking to solve homelessness in Plymouth. I can, however, draw from my time as a treasurer for a foodbank collection service in St Andrews that supports local families and students on the verge of homelessness. Communicating with Storehouse, a foodbank in St Andrews that I help support, has allowed me to understand just how stigmatised and isolated people can feel in these dire situations.

Community

The community report addresses everyone that lives in Plymouth. The case for this comes from the invariability of the homelessness issue and how a distinct line cannot be drawn between those that are homeless and those that aren’t. Constant cycles of temporary housing, degraded housing, risks to homelessness, permanent residency and rough sleeping blur that line and therefore make homelessness and non-monolithic issue.

Furthermore, this community briefing advocates for inclusivity and the need for collective responsibility of this issue. Helping our most vulnerable members of society to deal with the lived experiences of homelessness requires an immense social pressure. Everyone in Plymouth therefore influences homelessness as a collective whether that means you are susceptible to it or not.

The Current Strategy

To first inform my recommendations, it is worth highlighting the current and past strategies that have existed to deal with homelessness in Plymouth. This is important as identifying the positives and negatives of these strategies can allow me to make a more informed decision when it comes to giving both feasible and practical recommendations.

Ultimately, I have analysed two strategies that have been implemented across Plymouth in the last 20 years. One of these comes in the context of government intervention and planning, analysing The Plymouth Plan that has existed for the last ten years. The other strategy involves private investment and gentrification through the lens of a property redevelopment firm known as Urban Splash. I have decided to analyse these two cases as they represent the alternative to community-led initiatives and have been predominantly used in cities to understand and solve the homelessness issues (Watts et al., 2021).

In using these examples, a contemporary context on the homelessness situation can be formed whilst also being able to understand why deep-rooted social change is needed. This briefing does not, however, undermine the challenges and extent to which institutions have looked at trying to end homelessness in the past. Homelessness is a complex social and economic issue that is still prevalent in most of the world’s cities, hence its inclusion in the UNs SDG 11 target when trying to build ‘Sustainable Cities and Communities’ (UN, 2024).

The Plymouth Plan – why it hasn’t worked so far

The Plymouth Plan, set up by the Plymouth Council in 2014, is a plan that looks to set a ‘shared direction for the future’ in terms of policy creation, strategic planning processes and more specifically, housing (Plymouth Plan, 2024). However, with increasing homelessness rates across the city, the housing policies within this plan that promise to protect its citizens is directionless.

One major reason as to why this plan hasn’t worked so far is because of its scale and vagueness that inhibit it from introducing on the ground action. In the Plymouth Plan, the strategy to deal with homelessness reads as such: “Focusing on the tackling and prevention of homelessness, including rough sleeping, and its wider impact”. This is the only point within the 100-page plan to mention homelessness and it is stretched in its scope and feasibility.

Interestingly, this is not an uncommon issue when it comes to housing policy agenda generating on the ground initiatives. As Fowler (2019) suggests, policy agendas struggle with the ‘feasibility of meeting the broad demand posed by housing insecurity’. The issue of homelessness is vast and complex and must therefore be treated as such when solutions are formulated, not just given one line in a policy brief.

This plan, however, does run until 2034 so there is time yet for this plan to be more condensed and solidified in its approach.

Urban Splash – Private investment woes

With the current outlook on cities, one major problem that exists for most is housing affordability. In Plymouth, the average house price is 8.9 times the average earnings for the region – an increase from 7.2 times the average earnings in 2010 (Centre for Cities, 2024). This is making property ownership almost unattainable for the poorest in the city.

Furthermore, when looking across rental sectors we can identify an even bigger issue emerging. As of September 2024, average rental prices were placed at £909 across Plymouth – a 7.3% rise on the previous year (ONS, 2024). Notably, increasing rental prices in the private rented sector makes tenants more at risk to homelessness than the private homeowners themselves (McNally, 2024)

One area in Plymouth that has led to this rise in private rental and ownership prices is the redeveloped Royal William Yard, an area in which I used to live. After remaining disused for many decades at the edge of the city, a major UK property redevelopment company by the name of Urban Splash bought it in 2007 with the goal of building a vibrant community, versatile housing and commercial spaces (Urban Splash, 2024). In their almost 20-year occupancy, they have succeeded in making commercial office space, luxury housing and a tourist spike of over 1 million visitors per year (Historic England, 2024).

I believe from this evidence unfortunately that the lack of affordability in the Plymouth housing market, and subsequent effect on the number of homeless people, stem from increases in private housing investment from nationwide development companies. Whilst they provide the benefits of boosting the local economy through tourism, the ability to over-gentrify areas increasingly impacts rental prices and affordability for the poorest in the city.

Recommendations

For these recommendations, what remains consistent between the literature and the needs on the ground is the ability to target individual cases of homelessness. This is not to say that each case should be taken in isolation, but instead it should be understood to require a complex mix of solutions to deal with all factors around homelessness; from the radical to the unradical, temporary to permanent, social to the economic. As Fowler states, there are ‘multiple pathways into homelessness’ and a ‘one-size-fits-all approach is inadequate’ (Fowler et al., 2019). Crucially, each recommendation builds of this not one size fits all approach and therefore allows for multiple layers of aid to be examined at the community level.

Restructuring Immediate Access to Housing

First and foremost, the immediate response to homelessness is a key step on the road to rehousing that is often overlooked. Although the solution of “Find homes, house people quickly” seems obvious and straightforward, the real-life systems that are required to facilitate this are a lot more complex. Providing initial temporary accommodation or shelter for those experiencing homelessness is one of the largest barriers to the rehousing system due to its instability and lack of individual control. Therefore, through fusing the Capabilities Approach and Housing First frameworks I want to introduce, I believe that the first step to rehousing homeless people in Plymouth can be taken stably and justly.

Definitively, the Capabilities Approach, as suggested by Nussbaum in 2011, highlights distinctive methods that can solve issues being posed by contemporary social imbalances. It suggests that to solve social issues such as homelessness, ‘autonomy, choice and control’ must all be valued in respect to individuals and communal groups (Watts et al., 2021). This is due to the fact that people experiencing homelessness have the want and need for the same capabilities as the rest of the population (Watts et al., 2021). Understanding the importance of individuals controlling their environments must therefore take precedence within the urban.

For urban environments such as Plymouth, where 118 new people in 2024 were assisted into temporary housing and shared homes, this couldn’t be more important (PATH, 2024). Each individual has their own needs and wants that must be met and therefore want to feel part of their own solution. This builds off the idea of ‘reclaiming the urban common’ as Chatterton highlights, a way in which the community level can become a ‘productive laboratory’ of communal growth and accountability. Notably, this allows individuals to control their own futures whilst also remaining responsible for the city in which they are situated.

However, the Capabilities Approach does not work for tackling homelessness in Plymouth on its own without the on-the-ground, community run housing systems to back it up. This is how community developed initiatives such as Housing First can be then best utilized.

The National Housing Federation (NHF) defines the Housing First initiative as an ‘open-ended, wraparound support’ network that prioritises immediately housing those most vulnerable to homelessness (NHF., n.a.). This can include those that are at risk of repeat homelessness, victims of domestic violence and other health-related factors that cause people to fall into homelessness. So far, this scheme has helped housing agencies and volunteer social workers across cities in the UK find stable homes quickly for people experiencing homelessness.

So far, no initiatives such as Housing First have been set up within Plymouth to deal with immediate temporary housing. Independent local charities such as PATH and Shelter England operate as small operations with volunteers supporting the most vulnerable in the community. Whilst it is a nationwide movement, there is still ‘no unified national policy around Housing First’ and it is therefore left up to ‘local volunteers’ to implement and utilize this initiative (NHF, n.a.). This I believe gives a unique opportunity for Plymouth to build an improved, communicative response to the homelessness crisis with the Housing First framework as a guide for small voluntary rehousing charities and the Capabilities Approach as a pathway to action.

For this to be operationalized, I propose that each of these steps should be taken accordingly. Charities should make direct, open contact with those on the street to understand the basic wants and needs of each person. Assessments should then be made in full contact with each homeless person on how they would feel best treated in this situation. Furthermore, temporary accommodation should then be allocated based off these discussions. Finally, no one person should be left to feel isolated in temporary accommodation and must feel fully supported by their in-house and local community, whether that be through 24/7 helplines or regular house meetings.

With these principles in place, I therefore believe that fusing the Capabilities Approach and the Housing First scheme at the community level will give the best outcome for those needing and currently existing in temporary accommodation.

Repurpose and Redevelop the City

Moving away from temporary accommodation strategies, it is clear to see that in Plymouth there is a dire need for greater levels of housing stock and regeneration. Since 2010, Plymouth has had one of the lowest percentage increases in housing creation at around 0.3% per year, ranking the city 60^th out of 63 cities in the UK (Centre for Cities, 2022). Such a low increase certainly shows a distinct lack of current investment in the Plymouth housing market, a gap that will need to be filled.

Accompanied with this meagre growth, there has been a rapid increase in the number of shopping unit closures over the last decade. Approximately 11 shopping units per 100,000 of the population have closed, a rate once again ranking Plymouth 60^th out of 63 cities (Centre for Cities, 2022). Lowering business interest and depleting high streets has therefore left the city feeling ‘desolate’ and ‘tomb-like’ (ITV, 2022).

With these two statistics in mind, I therefore recommend that Plymouth-based local development companies redevelop and restructure these shopping units to generate adequate and affordable housing. Community-led companies such as Plymouth Community Homes already exist to provide ‘high-quality and affordable home[s] for everyone’, with the ability to connect communities, commercial space and housing (PCH, n.a.). With adequate yearly investment plans, companies like this will have the ability to reshape the Plymouth high street and generate more housing for those who need it most.

In moving away from larger development companies like the Urban Splash example in the Royal William Yard, power and control over decisions is kept within the city and its people. This is crucial to this model as the most apt decisions based off the needs of the people can be formulated from their direct involvement. Paul Chatterton further enforces these schemes to be called Community Development Corporations (CDCs) where each level of the decision-making process is community-based and aims to revitalize the areas in which they are located (Chatterton., 2019).

Unfortunately, the feasibility of such a project has consistently come under fire due to planning regulations. Planning regulations over quality of build in these homes are important and most not be undermined by lack of funding or poor materials otherwise disuse of space may prevail in the long-term. This is a stable and unradical approach to dealing with the homelessness crisis in Plymouth and community developers must therefore still work within the legal parameters of the city.

Norman Foster, a world-renowned architect, in an interview for The Times further backed up these claims of good-quality repurposement in the light of COVID-19. He stated that ‘obsolete office buildings’ may become the ‘residential tower[s] of the future’, identifying the potential cities have for merging the residential and commercial space (Hammond, 2019). In doing this, communities have the ability to fix a number of social and economic issues that surround homelessness, such as housing availability, localized job hunting and citywide access to provisions.

Another reason for pursuing this as a community driven approach as opposed to a government or private initiative is because of the benefits that schemes like this have provided elsewhere. The city of Memphis, Tennessee in the USA is one prime example. Houston (2023) describes how small, locally run developers have been able to convert major disused office spaces in downtown Memphis into apartments and studios. Whilst the homeless population numbers are harder to assess against a larger city such as Memphis, developers have still made at least 20% of these homes affordable to those in lower income brackets (Houston S., 2023). Whilst this number needs to be dramatically expanded upon, the 181 apartments that have already been renovated from office spaces signify that local communities can have city-wide impact on housing reform.

Although Memphis in terms of population is three times the size of Plymouth, the scale of redevelopment can have a similar impact to the local community. It is therefore down to those that already exist within housing development schemes to expand upon and prioritise the spaces that can be converted. With adequate funding, community decision making, and affordability of housing taken into account, disused shopping units can therefore be purposefully redeveloped into a long-term plan against homelessness.

Prevention Measures and Communication

Whilst my previous two recommendations have remained on the more stable and democratic side of Broto and Westman’s continuum for social change, my third recommendation poses a more radical rethink on how we communicate about and prevent homelessness from happening. The act of helping homeless people stretches beyond initial contact and basic housing – proven measures must be taken to prevent people from falling into homelessness repeatedly. This ideally needs to come in the form of major perception changes of what homeless people mean to society and the city.

Predominantly, the stigmatisation and victimisation of the homeless community in Plymouth is an area that severely needs to be addressed. Several police reports filed by Devon & Cornwall Police have recorded the severe levels of hate speech, targeting and violence that homeless people have to experience on the streets. These extreme cases ultimately highlight a social attitude problem towards those experiencing homelessness in Plymouth which must therefore be changed if the community is in full support of rehabilitation.

According to Belcher (2012), the term homeless invokes connotations of being ‘unproductive members of society’ and refers to people experiencing homelessness as ‘sub-human’. In using this form of language, those who are homeless are made socially outcast and ridiculed due to the circumstances in which they are not in control of. This is a direct form of disempowerment, where a lack of power ensures that those who are homeless can be victimised (Belcher et al., 2012).

So how can the community change their perceptions on those experiencing homelessness to best support them? I suggest two unique and different routes that should be taken outside and within Plymouth institutions to empower the homeless.

The first comes in the form of advocacy and discussions in local schools on the harsh realities of homelessness. This could be in the form of guest speakers involved in the process of housing reform, those who were previously homeless or anyone who underlines a personal connection to homelessness. I believe this to be a significant way to change how we perceive and discuss homelessness as it directly informs youth groups, teachers and parents of the realities homeless people must experience. Schools such as Devonport Highschool for Boys or Plymouth College could directly involve these discussions during Political, Social, Health and Economic (PSHE) lessons.

Secondly, the use of art can be a profound and inclusive way of opening the discussion on the homeless experience. An example of this was at the ‘Unveiling Homelessness: Art for a Cause’ event on March 8^th of this year (2024) in Plymouth where artists of ‘all mediums and levels’ were called upon to submit art in relation to homelessness (VisitPlymouth, 2024). One piece in particular, as pictured below, was titled ‘No Place Like Home’ and depicts how fragile and hopeless the homeless experience can be.

Shoes, blanket and dolls — *Image: Art exhibition highlighting the true harsh realities of homelessness on the streets of Plymouth (Credit: Carole Shead, Plymouth Herald. Doi:* *https://www.plymouthherald.co.uk/news/plymouth-news/artwork-reveals-harsh-reality-plymouths-9165885*)

The medium of art can be used as an empowerment tool for those who have experienced homelessness and convey their true emotions on the subject matter. This I believe can go a long way into broadening discussions on homelessness.

However, how we legitimately deploy these acts of empowerment within the community has to be carefully aligned with the direction at which the subject party (the homeless) wants to go. Watts (2018) highlights how we cannot delegitimise people’s experiences through forced sharing, and we must therefore deploy power through these three criteria points;

1. Whether the power serves a legitimate purpose

2. Whether it allows for a voluntary response

3. By its effects on the characters of the party involved

With this framework in mind, communication and empowerment over the homeless experience can be properly guided. It will therefore be up to institutions, such as schools and exhibits, to open up discussions on this subject matter and allow for direct action to be taken on stigmatised viewpoints.

Conclusion

In conclusion, this community briefing looked to raise awareness on how community-led initiatives can be made fully operational to restructure and repurpose the city of Plymouth. Whilst housing affordability and availability remain as nationwide issues, it is important to scale back the importance broad policy and private investors have on our abilities to deal with homelessness. In doing this, we can therefore bring a variety of different and creative solutions to the table that might otherwise have not been heard.

I also wanted to identify the importance of communication in that matter, and how through multiple mediums of expression we can reduce the levels of stigmatisation and victimisation towards those experiencing homelessness. In broadening discussions and empowering voices for change, we can all begin to understand the root causes behind homelessness and develop prevention plans to stop the cycles of homelessness. As a community, Plymouth can be remade for the better and for all.

References

Belcher J., and DeForge B., (2012). Social Stigma and Homelessness: The Limits of Social Change. Journal of Human Behaviour in the Social Environment. 22 (8). pp. 929-946.

Broto V., and Westman L., (2019). Chapter 5: Improving Well-being and Quality of Life. Urban Sustainability and Justice: Just Sustainabilities and Environmental Planning. pp. 92-119.

Chatterton, P., (2019). 4 The Common City. Unlocking Sustainable Cities: A Manifesto for Real Change. Pluto Press. pp. 89-114.

Centre for Cities., (2022). City factsheet: Plymouth. Doi: https://www.centreforcities.org/city/plymouth/ [Accessed October 2024]

Fowler P, Hovmand P., Marcal K., and Das S., (2019). Solving Homelessness from a Complex Systems Perspective: Insights for Prevention Response. Annual Review of Public Health. Vol. 40. pp. 465-486.

Hammond G., (2019). Covid offers opportunity to reshape cities, says architect Foster. Financial Times. Doi: https://www.ft.com/content/4bac7534-002c-4834-bd6c-a093ef0a5150 [Accessed October 2024]

Historic England. (2024)., Royal William Yard, Plymouth, Devon. Doi: https://historicengland.org.uk/services-skills/our-planning-services/enhanced-advisory-services/case-study-royal-william-yard/

Houston S., (2023). An Overview of Commercial Conversion: A Viable Solution to America’s Current Housing Crisis. Mississippi Law Journal. 93. Pp. 1251-1278.

ITV., (2022). ‘It feels like tomb town’ – Why does Plymouth have so many empty shops?’ Reported by Sam Blackledge on ITV. Doi: https://www.itv.com/news/westcountry/2022-11-09/it-feels-like-tomb-town-why-does-plymouth-have-so-many-empty-shops [Accessed October 2024]

McNally X., (2024). Housing insecurity in the private rented sector in England: drivers and impacts. UK Parliament POSTNote. Doi: https://researchbriefings.files.parliament.uk/documents/POST-PN-0729/POST-PN-0729.pdf [Accessed October 2024]

Ministry of Housing, Communities & Local Government. (2024). Statutory homelessness in England: Financial Year 2023-24. UK Government. Doi: https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/statutory-homelessness-in-england-financial-year-2023-24/statutory-homelessness-in-england-financial-year-2023-24 [Accessed October 2024]

National Housing Federation. (n.a.)., Housing First. Doi: https://www.housing.org.uk/our-work/homelessness/housing-first/#:~:text=Housing%20First%20is%20an%20approach,that%20emphasises%20choice%20and%20control. [Accessed October 2024]

Nussbaum (2011). 8. Capabilities and Contemporary Issues. Creating Capabilities: The Human Development Approach. Cambridge, MA and London, England: Harvard University Press, pp. 143-184. https://doi.org/10.4159/harvard.9780674061200.c8

Office for National Statistics., (2024). Housing prices in Plymouth. Doi: https://www.ons.gov.uk/visualisations/housingpriceslocal/E06000026/#rent_price [Accessed October 2024]

PATH. (2024). Annual Report 2024. Plymouth Access to Housing. Doi: https://www.pathdevon.org/uploads/6/4/8/8/64882403/path_annual_report_2024.pdf [Accessed October 2024]

Plymouth Community Homes (n.a.)., Finding a home in Plymouth. Doi: https://www.plymouthcommunityhomes.co.uk/ [Accessed October 2024]

Plymouth Council., (2024). Preventing Homelessness and Rough Sleeping in Plymouth 2019-2024. Plymouth.GOV.UK. Doi: https://www.plymouth.gov.uk/preventing-homelessness-and-rough-sleeping-plymouth-2019-2024#key-findings-from-the-review [Accessed October 2024]

Plymouth Council., (2024). The Plymouth Plan: 2014-2034. Plymouth.GOV.UK. Doi: https://www.plymouth.gov.uk/sites/default/files/PlymouthPlanJanuary2021.pdf [Accessed October 2024]

United Nations. (2024)., The 17 Goals. Doi: https://sdgs.un.org/goals [Accessed October 2024]

Urban Splash., (2019). Preserving Plymouth’s heritage through great regeneration. Doi: https://www.urbansplash.co.uk/blog/preserving-plymouths-heritage-through-great-regeneration [Accessed October 2024]

VisitPlymouth (2024)., Unveiling Homelessness: Art for a cause. Shelter UK. Doi: https://www.visitplymouth.co.uk/whats-on/unveiling-homelessness-art-for-a-cause-p3458763 [Accessed October 2024]

Watts B., Fitzpatrick S. and Johnsen S., (2018). Controlling Homeless People? Power, Interventionism and Legitimacy. Journal of Social Policy. Cambridge University Press. 47 (2). pp 235-252.

Watts B and Blenkinsopp J., (2021). Valuing Control over One’s Immediate Living Environment: How Homelessness Responses Corrode Capabilities. Housing, Theory and Society. 39 (1). Pp. 98-115.

Tags Affordable Housing, community, Homelessness, SD4116, UK, Urban Renewal

Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module) Uncategorised

Preserving Harlem: A Community Report on Gentrification and Housing Displacement

Post author By sm619
Post date Tuesday 2 December 2025
No Comments on Preserving Harlem: A Community Report on Gentrification and Housing Displacement

Catherine Ketchum

Introduction

Harlem, a neighborhood with a legacy as a cultural and historical epicenter, now contends with the severe impact of gentrification and housing insecurity. As rising rents and high-end developments threaten to reshape the neighborhood, Harlem’s long standing communities face displacement, cultural erasure, and heightened economic strain. This paper investigates the intersection of Harlem’s rich history with entrenched structural inequalities, including the lasting effects of redlining and racially biased economic policies that continue to undermine housing access and affordability. By critically analyzing community-led responses and proposing expanded, targeted strategies, this paper aims to contribute to a nuanced understanding of Harlem’s struggle against gentrification. Ultimately, it advocates for a bottom-up approach that protects Harlem’s current residents. 

Positionality

Growing up on the Upper East Side, I was largely disconnected from Harlem’s challenges. For years, I heard family friends talk about Harlem’s affordable brownstones as “the next great investment,” a new hotspot for New Yorkers like us. After all, the median gross rent in Central Harlem in 2022 was $1,300 (NYU Furman Center, n.d.) and in contrast the median gross rent on the Upper East Side in 2022 is $2,710 (NYU Furman Center, n.d.). I heard how, if one person moved, others would follow, bringing the whole Upper East Side along once “the neighborhood was cleaned up.” It sounded exciting—almost as though Harlem were just waiting for us. I never thought about what this would mean for the people who already lived there.

This summer, while commuting from Harlem’s 125th Street station to my finance internship in Connecticut, my perspective changed. At first, I took a car directly to the station, never going beyond a quick dash from the curb to the platform. But one morning, I had to walk 15 blocks to the station. Late for my train, I found myself sprinting, but halfway there, I was exhausted and stopped, even tearing up. Harlem residents cheered me on, and later that day, I ended up having my first real conversation with a local. He shared his family’s deep ties to Harlem and spoke about how the community is being slowly squeezed out, how its rich culture and music, the neighborhood gatherings, and community businesses were giving way to a different crowd—newcomers, high-priced developments, and big chains.

Initially, I thought gentrification might help Harlem by bringing in resources and lowering crime rates. But after spending time there, meeting people, and hearing their stories, I saw how gentrification could drive out long-time residents, erasing Harlem’s unique culture and community spirit. I came to realize that people like me could easily displace everything that makes Harlem so special, leaving residents with few options for affordable housing.

I may be from nearby, but my perspective as both an outsider to Harlem and an insider to New York City gives me a unique stance. While I haven’t experienced Harlem’s struggles firsthand, I feel a deep commitment to helping preserve its identity. I believe Harlem’s fight against displacement can only be won through a community-based approach that begins from within, not through top-down changes that prioritize profit over people. Harlem, as you know, is a place where neighbors know each other, where music fills the streets, and where Black culture and history are celebrated. To me, Harlem is more than just a location; it’s the heartbeat of New York, and I’m determined to support initiatives that help protect its legacy. 

History of the Community

By the early 1900s, Harlem had become a cultural center for Black Americans, fueled by the Great Migration, which brought many from the South to northern Manhattan (History.com, n.d.). Originally envisioned as an affluent white neighborhood, Harlem became overdeveloped, which led landlords to rent properties to Black families, fostering a vibrant community and setting the stage for the Harlem Renaissance (History.com, n.d.). This period, spanning the 1910s to 1930s, saw an explosion of Black creativity in art, literature, and music, with figures like Langston Hughes, Cootie Williams, Duke Ellington, Cab Calloway and Zora Neale Hurston contributing to the community’s celebration of Black identity and resistance against racial stereotypes (History.com, n.d.). Moreover, The Cotton Club, one of Harlem’s most famous nightclubs, played a complex yet pivotal role during the Harlem Renaissance: while it brought Harlem’s vibrant music scene and African American talent to national prominence by showcasing Black musicians to integrated audiences, it simultaneously reinforced racial stereotypes and segregation, illustrating the era’s tensions between cultural celebration and systemic inequality (History.com, n.d.).

The Cotton Club: a cultural epicenter (Source: History.com)

Duke Ellington playing alongside Cab Calloway, at the Cotton Club (Source: History.com)

Following the Renaissance’s decline amidst the Great Depression, Harlem faced significant social challenges and greater poverty. Under Franklin Delano Roosevelt, the New Deal’s United States Housing Authority was underfunded and decisions on affordable housing construction were left to local governments, which often relegated it to marginal sites, if built at all. Even federal funds from the urban renewal programs of 1949 and 1954 primarily supported developments aimed at attracting the middle class, rather than creating adequate housing for low-income residents (Sugrue et al., 2018). Furthermore, discriminatory policies like redlining, the process of ‘drawing boundaries around neighborhoods based on residents’ race and depriving them of resources and opportunities,’ (Environment & Health Data Portal, n.d.) racialized poverty in the US by blocking communities of color from access to mortgages and investments, confining Black residents to under-resourced neighborhoods (Rickenbacker, 2024; Taylor et al., 2018). Despite redlining being banned in 1968, nearly 90 years after redlining maps were drawn, neighborhoods marked in the 1930s still face high poverty rates. According to the National Community Reinvestment Coalition, three-quarters of these areas remain low-to-moderate income, and two-thirds are predominantly communities of color. (Environment & Health Data Portal, n.d).

New Deal America Redlining Map (Source: Wortel-London, n.d.)

Harlem’s problems were exacerbated in the late 20th century by issues like drug use and violence. Federal policies, including the “war on drugs,” disproportionately affected urban Black communities from the 1970s through the 1990s (Rickenbacker, 2024). In the 1990s and 2000s, urban renewal brought affluent white residents to Harlem, and property ownership largely remained in white hands (Rickenbacker, 2024). After the 2008 recession, gentrification accelerated as the economy recovered and the demand for urban living grew, further displacing long-standing residents (Florida, Rise of the Creative Class).

As the housing bubble of the early 2000s reached its peak, Black Americans were 50 percent more likely than white borrowers to be offered subprime loans—loans that, as now widely understood, carried higher costs and elevated interest rates (Taylor et al., 2018). In this sense, the intersection of public and private interests has consistently skewed housing policies toward profit over equity. As property values rise, landlords are incentivized to replace lower-income tenants with wealthier ones, fueling gentrification and creating a “rent gap” that exacerbates displacement and reduces affordable housing stock (Smith, ‘Gentrification and the rent gap’).

The Community Challenge

New York City confronts an ever-worsening crisis marked by dwindling low-cost housing, unprecedented homelessness rates, and rising rent burdens that heavily impact low-income residents (Comptroller.nyc.gov, n.d.). It’s even worse for homeowners or would-be homeowners–after the 2008 housing market crash, in 2010, almost half a million Black Americans faced foreclosure (Taylor et al., 2018). By 2014, more than 240,000 had lost their homes, and the racial wealth gap grew: in 2007, the median white family held eight times the wealth of the median Black family, a disparity that had grown to eleven times by 2013, with only a slight decline since (Taylor et al., 2018). 

Many Black families have had to leave Harlem. Over the past two decades, more than 200,000 Black residents have left the city–a 9% decrease–due to both the housing crisis and simple increase in costs of living (25). It’s not getting better: housing prices in Harlem have spiked by 247% over the last decade, most units costing $458 per square foot (Humanity in Action, 2021). Rent-stabilized apartments, a mainstay for those near the poverty line, range from $500 to $800 monthly, unregulated market-rate units can reach $4,000 per month (Humanity in Action, 2021). 

The 2007-2008 financial crisis had other ripple effects. It stalled many planned development projects in Harlem, adding to the crushing insufficiency of housing that keeps the market hot. Only now, after the community has begun to recover from its buffeting by both the financial crisis and Covid-19, are some of these initiatives being revived (Fainstein, 2019).  The city has seen a vacancy rate as low as 1.4% citywide, while households earning below 50,000 continue to decline in number, and those with incomes over $100,000 have risen by 11% (Senzamici, 2024)–which has led to further gentrification and racial demographic shifts in Harlem. Between 2000 and 2010, the number of Black residents in Harlem dropped by over 10,000, while the white population in Central Harlem South increased from 3.5% to 16% (Arakelian, 2016). Attracted by the availability of renovated brownstones and more affordable real estate prices compared to the rest of Manhattan, white residents have begun moving into southern Harlem, gradually shifting the neighborhood’s racial composition (Fainstein, 2019). 

It’s not just a changing racial makeup that threatens Harlem. Its long-term residents also face homelessness. After the Covid-19 moratorium on evictions, they’ve picked up again now that they are newly legal. Given historically low vacancy rates, anyone thrown out of an existing rental situation may not have other housing options to turn to.

Current Government Policies: Actions, Gaps, and Limitations

Government policies intended to aid Harlem residents are often inadequate or may lead to unintended consequences that unscrupulous landlords and politicians alike may exploit.

Housing policies from New York’s Division of Housing and Community Renewal (DHCR) have been insufficient in protecting tenants. For instance, the Mitchell-Lama program, which provided middle-income tenants with affordable housing, allowed landlords to exit the program after 20 years, often converting units to market rates. This has led to the loss of over 26,000 units, putting additional pressure on Harlem residents facing unaffordable rent hikes (Humanity in Action, 2021).

Community members have expressed frustration with local political figures such as Congressman Charles Rangel, representative of the 15th district and C. Virginia Fields, former Borough President, as significant contributors to Harlem’s gentrification (Humanity in Action, 2021). According to local Harlem residents, some Black political leaders have cooperated with real estate interests that prioritize profits over the protection of long-term Harlem residents (Humanity in Action, 2021). Critics, including Reverend Manning of ATLAH Church and community advocate William Allen, allege that deals were struck with developers that undermined Harlem’s residents (Humanity in Action, 2021). Rangel and Fields have also faced criticism for accepting substantial campaign donations from real estate interests, raising concerns about where their priorities lie– with Harlem’s community or with influential corporate donors (Humanity in Action, 2021). 

Under current policy, East Harlem faces the risk of losing between 200 and 500 affordable housing units each year over the next 30 years if affordability programs are not extended or made permanent (RPA, n.d.). An estimated 4,121 units with affordability restrictions are set to expire by 2030 alone, highlighting the importance of collaboration between property owners and government agencies to maintain regulated rents (RPA, n.d.). Altogether, nearly one-quarter of East Harlem’s 56,000 residential units could lose affordability protections by 2040 (RPA, n.d.). 

Some policies offer hope. The Bloomberg administration offered 46% of the 3,858 new apartments to families that earn less than $30,750 a year, as part of the 125th street rezoning plan (Wortel-London, n.d.). Further, East Harlem is set for rezoning as part of Mayor Bill de Blasio’s initiative to add and preserve 200,000 affordable housing units over the next decade, with these changes intended to increase affordable housing availability (RPA, n.d.). However, in a rapidly gentrifying neighborhood like East Harlem, strong protections for existing residents will be crucial to prevent displacement and safeguard community stability (RPA, n.d.). 

In 2024, Harlem experienced a sharp increase in winter eviction rates, with city marshals executing 159 evictions by February 21—a 69% rise from the same period in 2023, according to city data (Senzamici, 2024). This rise far exceeds the 34% citywide increase, indicating a quicker return to pre-pandemic eviction rates in Harlem (Senzamici, 2024).

With over a third of Harlem’s rental units unregulated, landlords face minimal restrictions on evictions or rent hikes and can legally deny lease renewals, often in response to tenant complaints about essential issues like heating or pest infestations (Cleare & Lewis, 2023).

The Good Cause Eviction law, effective April 20, 2024, seeks to protect some tenants in unregulated units by preventing landlords from evicting tenants without “good cause.” However, according to the Furman Center, these protections may inadvertently discourage landlords from investing in rental properties, which could limit new housing developments critical for Harlem’s supply. Landlords might also respond by imposing stricter tenant screening, potentially restricting housing access for vulnerable groups (Right to counsel, n.d.).

Further, the law could strain housing courts, increasing case backlogs and creating bureaucratic challenges for tenants and landlords alike. Advocates, including the Legal Aid Society, urge lawmakers to reinforce tenant protections, warning that without further intervention, rising eviction rates may drive families into homelessness or already strained shelters (Senzamici, 2024).

Existing Community Responses

The next section will highlight community-driven responses to the ongoing gentrification of Harlem. These locally led solutions serve as powerful forms of resistance against gentrification.  

Pa’lante

PA’LANTE Harlem, or People Against Landlord Abuse and Tenant Exploitation, is a New York City nonprofit focused on alleviating poverty and promoting safe, affordable housing (PA’LANTE website). Established in 2006 by Harlem residents addressing issues of landlord neglect, PA’LANTE empowers tenants to assert their rights, forms tenant associations, and holds negligent landlords accountable (PA’LANTE website). Since its founding, the organization has preserved over 12,600 apartments, facilitated crucial repairs for 1,532 rent-stabilized units, and saved taxpayers approximately $127.8 million by preventing evictions for 1,801 families (PA’LANTE website). Additionally, PA’LANTE has formed 80 tenant associations, securing rent reductions for nearly 2,000 families living in unsafe conditions (PA’LANTE website). 

Through its community-centered programs, PA’LANTE employs a bottom-up approach to housing security, with initiatives focused on homeless prevention, homeownership education, legal assistance, and community engagement efforts such as Stand & Deliver and Bodega Fridays (PA’LANTE website). This approach strengthens Harlem’s community resilience and empowers tenants to stay in their homes despite increasing gentrification pressures. Recognizing its significant impact, GreatNonprofits awarded PA’LANTE the 2023 Top-Rated Award, highlighting its essential role in Harlem’s housing advocacy (PA’LANTE website).

West Harlem Group Assistance Inc.

West Harlem Group Assistance, Inc. (WHGA) is a community development organization dedicated to empowering Harlem residents by providing affordable housing, economic support, and essential social services (WHGA Inc, n.d.). Founded in 1971 during a period of economic decline in Harlem, WHGA was established by community activists who sought to address the critical need for affordable housing and social resources in West Harlem (WHGA Inc, n.d.). Initially focused on acquiring and rehabilitating abandoned buildings, WHGA began with six properties and has since expanded to nearly 1,600 affordable housing units (WHGA Inc, n.d.). 

WHGA offers a variety of programs, including the West Harlem Residence, which provides transitional housing for homeless families, and financial empowerment initiatives such as the Credit Resource Center and first-time homebuyer assistance (WHGA Inc, n.d.). Each month, WHGA delivers support services to over 80,000 New Yorkers and provides financial education to approximately 1,200 individuals annually ((WHGA Inc, n.d.). Partnering with city and state housing authorities, WHGA has managed over $300 million in development projects aimed at fostering community stability (WHGA Inc, n.d.). Through these initiatives, WHGA plays a vital role in addressing housing insecurity and building economic resilience, helping Harlem’s low- and moderate-income residents withstand the pressures of gentrification.

Harlem Community Justice Center

The Harlem Community Justice Center plays a vital role in empowering Harlem residents by offering programs that address housing stability, neighborhood safety, trauma recovery, reintegration, and youth engagement (Harkins, n.d.). At the heart of its efforts, the Housing Help Center provides essential eviction prevention support, assisting more than 2,000 residents in 2019 with court guidance and connections to legal and financial resources (Harkins, n.d.). This service strengthens housing security for Harlem’s most vulnerable residents and promotes a sense of fairness within the housing system (Harkins, n.d.).

Youth programs are another cornerstone of the Justice Center’s work. The Youth Impact initiative, for instance, offers restorative justice circles as a positive alternative to punitive responses for at-risk youth aged 13 to 18. In 2019, more than 60 young participants completed the program, fostering accountability and constructive growth (Harkins, n.d.). Similarly, the Men’s Empowerment Program focuses on trauma recovery, emotional regulation, and life skills development for young men of color aged 17 to 25. Since its inception in 2017, this program has supported over 150 participants, encouraging healthier attitudes toward mental health and helping to disrupt cycles of violence (Harkins, n.d.).

In partnership with the NYC Health Justice Network, the Justice Center also provides reentry services to individuals returning from incarceration, linking them to critical health and mental health resources to support reintegration (Harkins, n.d.). Collectively, these initiatives foster community resilience and mitigate gentrification pressures by bolstering housing stability, empowering youth, and facilitating successful reintegration. Through its holistic approach, the Justice Center strengthens Harlem residents’ ability to remain rooted in their community, countering displacement forces that often accompany gentrification (Harkins, n.d.).

Recommendations for the Community

Ultimately, Harlem’s future depends on a community-led approach that safeguards its identity and ensures housing remains accessible to long-time residents. These recommendations are designed to empower Harlem’s efforts to resist gentrification and protect against housing insecurity. Recognizing Harlem’s unique historical and racial context, they stand as a defense against the forces of transnational investors and corporate landlords who prioritize profit over community, aiming to preserve Harlem’s cultural legacy for generations to come.

In addition to expanding direct services, a unified approach to policy advocacy is crucial. Organizations like PA’LANTE, WHGA, and the Justice Center can advocate collectively for affordable housing policies, rent control expansions, “Good Cause” eviction protections, and regulations that curb speculative real estate practices. Such a coalition would amplify their impact on legislative efforts, addressing the root causes of gentrification and protecting Harlem’s low-income residents from displacement. Together, these expanded initiatives and policy efforts would safeguard Harlem’s cultural and community legacy.

Next, this unified coalition should work to promote local homeownership as a foundation for community stability. Reverend Floyd Flake’s approach in Jamaica, Queens, demonstrates the viability of this strategy: by developing housing specifically for local residents, his church created a strong base of homeownership, fostering a community more resistant to gentrification pressures (Humanity in Action, 2021). Like Harlem, Jamaica has long been a culturally rich, predominantly Black neighborhood facing similar gentrification risks. The success of Flake’s initiative in Jamaica underscores how prioritizing local ownership can provide residents with a sense of security and pride, empowering them to preserve their community’s cultural fabric (Humanity in Action, 2021).

To support Harlem’s long-term stability and address housing affordability, a multi-faceted approach is essential. Expanding homeownership assistance programs would provide Harlem’s Black families with the chance to build generational wealth within their own community. Programs offering grants, low-interest loans, and financial education specifically tailored to Harlem residents could help close the racial homeownership gap, empowering families with economic security and a personal investment in Harlem’s future. 

In tandem, adopting the West Harlem Group Assistance (WHGA) model of acquiring and rehabilitating housing units could significantly boost affordable housing. Partnering with public and private developers focused on sustainable solutions, along with advocating for zoning adjustments to encourage multi-unit affordable housing in gentrifying areas, would allow WHGA to expand housing availability. Establishing a Community Land Trust (CLT) would further ensure long-term affordability by keeping land ownership within the community, insulating residents from volatile market pressures.

Supporting Black-owned businesses in Harlem is a powerful strategy in the fight against gentrification, as it not only sustains the local economy but also addresses the stark racial wealth gap that has historically disadvantaged Black communities. In 2007, the median white family had eight times the wealth of the median Black family, a disparity that grew to eleven times by 2013 and has only slightly decreased since (Taylor et al., 2018). By promoting and investing in Black-owned businesses, Harlem can retain wealth within the community, offering greater economic stability and helping narrow this wealth gap. These businesses are more than economic entities; they are cultural hubs that reflect Harlem’s heritage and offer spaces for community connection. To support this, city policies should provide grants, low-interest loans, and tax incentives to Black entrepreneurs, fostering economic resilience and empowering residents with financial independence. Strengthening Black-owned businesses counters gentrification’s push toward corporate chains, reinforcing Harlem’s identity and ensuring that its legacy endures. Another way to accomplish this is to promote Black-owned local Harlem businesses on social media. Platforms such as Instagram and TikTok can generate traction and draw attention to these businesses, amplifying their visibility to both locals and visitors alike. By highlighting some of the more niche, underground restaurants and stores that only locals might know, social media can create a sense of cultural discovery and foster appreciation for Harlem’s unique offerings. These platforms allow Harlem’s rich culinary, artistic, and entrepreneurial scenes to reach wider audiences, encouraging both local and citywide support.

Rent control in New York applies to apartments continuously inhabited since July 1, 1971, making such units increasingly rare and highly sought after (Nonko, 2020). The median rent for these apartments is just over $1,000 per month (Nonko, 2020). However, when a rent-controlled unit becomes vacant, it transitions to rent-stabilized status at a higher rate—approximately $1,375 per month—and, in some cases, may lose all protections. This creates an incentive for landlords to push out tenants in rent-controlled units. While eviction reform can help address these pressures, tenants in rent-controlled apartments must be well-informed about their rights to avoid involuntary displacement.

Building on this need for awareness, PA’LANTE’s tenant advocacy programs could be expanded with increased funding and partnerships with local law schools and legal aid organizations, enabling the organization to provide extended legal consultations and eviction prevention services. These expanded resources would empower more tenants to contest unfair rent increases and resist evictions. Additionally, offering tenant rights workshops throughout Harlem—especially targeting residents in rent-stabilized and vulnerable housing—would raise awareness and provide tenants with the tools to feel secure in their homes.

Moreover, tenants in rent-stabilized apartments often face unclear information about permissible rent increases, making them susceptible to illegal hikes. Community volunteers could play a crucial role here by distributing information on how to check an apartment’s rent history and advising tenants on steps to take against unfair rent practices (Nonko, 2020). Many tenants lack knowledge of the protections available to them and cannot afford legal representation. Therefore, tenants should have access to fundamental information on rent and eviction laws, along with access to public attorneys through the Right-to-Counsel law (Right to counsel, n.d.).

For youth and community engagement, the Justice Center’s Youth Impact and Men’s Empowerment programs could grow with additional funding to reach more young people. By developing after-school programs that include financial literacy, career exploration, and community-building skills, Harlem’s youth can become future leaders invested in their neighborhood’s welfare. Integrating restorative justice circles and emotional support resources into schools would deepen youth engagement, helping them feel a stronger connection to Harlem amidst the changes brought by gentrification. 

Finally, expanding the Justice Center’s reentry services would further strengthen community resilience. By enhancing partnerships with local businesses and housing programs, individuals returning from incarceration could more easily find stable jobs and housing, promoting economic stability and reintegration into the Harlem community.

Conclusion

Harlem faces increasing evictions, cost pressure for renters, and lower housing affordability. Residents are losing their homes, culture, and community as gentrification forces out tenants and displaces Black-owned businesses. Organizations have been trying to combat these issues through tenant advocacy, legal support, and community-driven initiatives to protect Harlem’s heritage and residents. I’ve recommended a multi-pronged approach, whereby we strengthen tenant protections, expand affordable housing, and invest in community ownership and Black-owned businesses. By employing a bottom-up approach, we can work together to shape what Harlem becomes instead of watching it change around us!

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Tags Affordable Housing, Gentrification, SD4116, Urban Renewal, USA

Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

Engaging in community with our unhoused neighbors – Boulder, Colorado

Post author By whc8
Post date Thursday 13 November 2025
No Comments on Engaging in community with our unhoused neighbors – Boulder, Colorado

Introduction

On January 30^th 2023 there were 839 people experiencing homelessness in our community of Boulder County – 243 of which were unsheltered and exposed to the cold winter temperatures (MDHI). These numbers, although already strikingly high in Boulder, have risen, like most in the country (Sutherland et al., 2021), because of the difficulties faced during COVID and in the aftermath of COVID which means that we need to act now to actively help our most vulnerable populations. I, a citizen of Boulder Colorado, in this report call on Boulder City to come together and understand why this is happening in our community – why people are coming into homelessness and what the structures and cycles are that make it difficult for them to find housing again. This report addresses everyone living in Boulder – whether you are housed or unhoused – and asks that its citizens define our community the same way. This is because being homelessness is not an individual crisis, and often it is our most vulnerable populations that become chronically unhoused. The recommendations offered then investigate some of the more immediate needs of our homeless population to make Boulder a better city for all. Together we can make that difference.

Positionality

I grew up in Boulder. Our house was in the Whittier neighborhood which meant that I had the ability to walk anywhere I might need/want to go, from school to downtown to grocery shops to friends’ houses. I was never homeless nor vulnerable to experiencing homelessness but, because I walked everywhere, I was deeply attuned to the homelessness experienced around me. On my walk to Boulder High School, I would pass through Pearl Street all and the Bandshell – both places where unhoused people take shelter – and the creek behind Boulder High, always had a large homeless encampment on its banks. I was constantly sharing space with our unhoused populations.

There is a parent-led campaign running right now for this current voting election in November to create “Safe Zones 4 Kids” which advocates for a 500ft buffer zone between any Boulder school and propane tanks, illicit drugs, needles, etc (Safe Zones 4 Kids, 2023) – or in other words between the schools and the homeless encampments. Jennifer Rhodes, one of the leading parents calls on the community’s responsibility to “ensure that every child feels safe on their way to and from and during school” (Bounds, 2023).

I agree with the heart of this statement – every child should feel safe – but in truth Boulder High’s security team hasn’t even reported incidents with the homeless encampments in the last year. (Bounds, 2023). And the years prior I don’t recall my friends and I ever feeling unsafe around the people experiencing homelessness. If anything, being in such immediate contact with our vulnerable populations gave us a sense of shared responsibility; my friends would often spend their weekends working with Mutual Aid (Boulder Valley Mutual Aid) to hand out food to the unhoused populations. Influenced by these experiences, this report does not hold the potentially fatal stereotype that people experiencing homelessness are dangerous – the viewpoint campaigns such as Safe Zones 4 Kids run on – and growing up around them only showed me that they want less trouble than we do. Moreover, homelessness is not a monolithic population, but rather they are richly varied in their needs and reasons for being homeless – this report will cover the most prominent struggles I bear witness to.

TERMS

It must be acknowledged that this report uses the terms people experiencing homelessness, unhoused people, and homeless people. This is because although it is becoming more mainstream among social workers, service providers and the general public to use the terms people experiencing homelessness – “as homelessness is something people are going through and not who they are” (Mission, 2020) – and unhoused people – since homelessness is at its heart a housing issue (Abrams, 2023) – most people experiencing homelessness still define themselves as homeless (Horvath, 2019). In fact, some ex-homeless people have taken offense to the newer terms as they don’t encompass the pain of homelessness nor the effort it took to pull out of the cycle of being chronically homeless (Horvath, 2017). As this report addresses everyone in Boulder City, the housed, the service providers, the ones vulnerable to experiencing homelessness and the homeless themselves, it will use all three terms intermittently asking you, the reader, to associate the term used with whichever term for which you feel the most affinity.

Challenges

Although addressing the systematic changes needed to assist those experiencing homelessness goes well beyond the scope of this report, recognizing the systems that are in place is important in understanding why Boulder has such homeless populations, how these numbers were amplified by COVID and the cycles that keep the chronically unhoused homeless.

Systematic Challenges

While Boulder has a progressive origin, likely influenced by the University of Colorado in the heart of the town, systemic and societal factors have changed who is likely to call Boulder home. Boulder, with a population of 105,485 (United States Census Bureau, 2021), has housing restrictions outward, upward, and internally. With a stated primary focus toward preserving nature, these restrictions have significantly limited Boulders ability to expand (Sargent, 2023). Starting in 1959, Boulder enacted the “Blue line” which regulated where city water services could develop – preventing more development into the mountains (Sargent, 2023). Next Boulder sanctioned a 55-foot height limit (City of Boulder, 2018) – roughly five stories – on any building so that regardless of where citizens are in the city there is always a view of the Flatirons and Rocky Mountains. In 1970 Boulder created the “Green Belt,” the donut like area of open space parks that encircles Boulder, further limiting the city’s water services and restricting urban spawl outward (Sargent, 2023). Most recently, in order to avoid becoming densely populated, Boulder has imposed occupancy limits, regulating the number of unrelated people – between three and four given the area – allowed to live together. There is now a 1 percent growth limit on the city’s housing stock (Sargent, 2023). Boulder cannot expand much, meaning that it is limited in its ability to create affordable housing – the most effective way in ending homelessness (National Alliance to End Homelessness, 2019).

Moreover, although all these regulations have incredible benefits to the nature around, it has also led to a steep increase in housing competition, changing who is likely to live in Boulder and the overall mindset of the town. Where once Boulder citizens were welcoming to people living alternative lifestyles, such as Rainbow Hippies and those living outdoors following the grateful dead, Boulder now charges camping fees (Miller, 2009). Although citizens are hesitant to admit it, Boulder is slowly losing its “hippie” town outlook. In fact, it is these very regulations that allow for easy access to nature, along with the tech opportunities Google has provided since 2001 that pushed Forbes – a business magazine – to announce Boulder as the best place to live in 2009 (Forbes, 2009) and the 6^th most desirable place to live in Colorado in 2022 (Patoka, 2022). In 2022, the average home in Boulder costs $1.1million (High). Boulder has made itself a city for the wealthy.

Covid Induced Challenges

This has meant that the least financially secure populations in Boulder were greatly impacted by COVID-19. While COVID-19 funding and eviction bans helped prevent homelessness, the rollback of these initiatives and the aftermath of the pandemic has led to a sharp rise in evictions as people still affected are struggling to pay rent (Herrick, 2023). This experience was worsened by the proximity and capacity restrictions put in place during the pandemic. The Boulder Shelter for the Homeless – Boulders main homeless shelter – had to shut down its volunteer program during COVID (Boulder Shelter for the Homeless, 2022) meaning that its capacity to carry out the services typically provided with a full staff were deeply limited. The very services that give those unhoused the necessities for life – food and shelter – were limited.

Universal Homelessness Challenges

In addition to all that is mentioned above, our unhoused populations are also facing the cycles that universally perpetuate homelessness – primarily mental health concerns and drug/alcohol addiction. Based on the Point and Time count from July 27^th, 2023 – the data of which can be affected by several variables since it is a snapshot of a random day – 62% of the unsheltered in Boulder have a mental health concern and 92% have a substance and/or alcohol addiction (City of Boulder, 2023). These two things become a vicious cycle as – while in some cases lead to people experiencing homelessness in the first place (TGTHR) – dealing with daily stresses of being unhoused can perpetuate mental illness and substance/alcohol use can become a coping mechanism (Castle, 2022). Mental health disabilities and substance use/abuse are more often symptoms of homelessness (TGTHR).

Lastly, the largest problem this report would like to address is in the very way we think about the people experiencing homelessness. In 2022, a pilot program was approved that gave $1.8 toward clearing out homeless encampments (Herrick, 2022) and “collect belongings and trash;” belongings such as tents and sleeping bags and the very few necessities this incredibly vulnerable population has in order to stay alive. In 2021, the city cleared one of the largest homeless encampments replacing it with a skatepark (Herrick, 2022) – money put toward infrastructure that in no way helps the unhoused population. Admittedly, these are city implemented initiatives, but they reflect the value and outlook of its citizens. Yet, the majority of Boulder’s homeless are from Boulder (Castle, 2022). In treating them as something that can just be “cleared out” we are in accordance believing that they are not; that they have somewhere to go that isn’t “here.” That it isn’t our collective responsibility to take care of our most vulnerable population. It is.

Community

The report addresses all people living in Boulder. This is because there isn’t a stark line between being homeless and not being homeless; some people are chronically homeless, some fall in and out of housing, some teeter the vulnerable line of experiencing homelessness, and some are consistently housed.

As previously stated, the people experiencing homelessness were most likely last housed in Boulder (HSBC, 2021). On July 27^th 2023 of the 110 unsheltered people surveyed in Boulder County, 53% of them last lived in housing in Colorado – of which 17% last lived in Boulder (City of Boulder, 2023). Moreover, 59% first experienced homelessness in Colorado – 25% in Boulder (City of Boulder, 2023). This isn’t because Boulder has the best services to offer; in fact, Boulders camping ban specifically makes it illegal to “conduct activities of daily living” in public spaces i.e. sleeping, eating etc (Boulder Camping Ban Ordinance, 2001). If people were focused on the services available, Longmont, CO would be far better than Boulder with free busses, better shelters, and safe parking (Castle, 2022). However, most people stay near the same neighborhoods they were last housed because they still feel a sense of home. Losing a house should not be synonymous with losing a home.

Moreover, this report advocates that it is the communities’ responsibility to care for one another. The people most likely to experience homelessness are our most vulnerable populations from people with developmental and physical disabilities and chronic illnesses (City of Boulder, 2023), to the aging populations, single moms, and youth (National Alliance to End Homelessness, 2019). In the aftermath of COVID students became the most vulnerable to experiencing homelessness (Herrick, 2023). Why should losing their house affect whether someone is seen as part of our community especially when our actions can directly affect their situation. In addition to where we put our energy and our capacity to volunteer, those who are landlords can choose who they evict and when. Some have actively chosen to not evict people when they are most vulnerable (Castle, 2018). This report addresses everyone in Boulder because we all influence homelessness as a whole – whether we are the ones vulnerable to it or not. Losing your house should not be synonymous with losing your community. Everyone living in Boulder is our community.

Recommendations

While this report acknowledges that Housing First (Raven et al., 2020) and low-income housing initiatives (National Alliance to End Homelessness, 2019) are the most effective way to end homelessness, there are community-based solutions – individual and collective – that can meet the most immediate demands of our homeless population today.

Individual Influence

First and foremost, the most impactful way we can approach the homelessness crisis is by understanding and consequently actively changing the way we perceive it. As emphasized again and again in this report, we need to see our unhoused population as a part of our community. This is in part because not being able to relate to those experiencing homelessness is one of our largest hindrances in addressing it (Invisible People). Furthermore, we need to acknowledge that homelessness is a racial issue (Jizan, 2021) and a product of the structural racism embedded within the United States. Locally, as with the rest of the country, the people experiencing homelessness are disproportionately Latino, Black and Indigenous (MDHI, 2022). Although unpacking the structural racism behind this is well beyond the scope of this paper, understanding our own prejudices can have a huge impact on how we approach those unhoused in our community; “there is a direct correlation between what the general public perceives about homelessness and how it affects policy change” (invisible people). Thus, this report urges you to educate yourself, not only on who our homeless are but the social and physical structures themselves that perpetuate homelessness, and how you orient yourself within these spaces (Ahmed, 2007). It urges you to look closely into ballot issues such as Safe Zones 4 Kids – mentioned above – and understand what you are actively voting for before you add your voice to it (Solutions Not Safe Zones, 2023). It urges you to act against where there is discrimination. Individually we have an impact.

Individual Effect On Collective Action

We can have a great impact collectively by putting our energy into the initiatives that are already in place to help those experiencing homelessness. TGTHR is a non-profit based on Broadway in North Boulder that works towards ending youth homelessness and empowering young people. In 2022 alone they helped 247 young people, 112 of which have now moved into stable housing, and served 13,117 meals among a multitude of other services (TGTHR). This is in large part made possible because of community action: 66% of the dinners over the course of that year donated; $83,777 worth of items, such as clothing and hygiene supplies, were donated; and overall, $167,457 were saved based on the actions of the community (TGTHR, 2022), This meant that TGTHR was able to use those resources allocated to strengthen other services they provide for Boulders Youth. Additionally, at the tip of North Boulder is the Boulder Shelter for the Homeless, offering services to any homeless in need and superseding its sleeping capacity during the winter months. Like TGHTR Homes this non-profit relies on support from community donors and volunteers (Boulder Shelter for the Homeless, 2022). However, the Boulder Shelter for the Homeless will only accept sober homeless people. To meet these gaps, the Homeless Shelters Directory offer shelter to anyone in faith community buildings. The time and energy from the housed parts of our community have the capacity to expand the outreach of help given to our unhoused populations.

Building Inspiration from Collective Action

These non-profits, now firmly rooted in the services provided by Boulder, started as community initiatives. Founded in 1987, the Boulder Shelter for the Homeless was initially “concerned people who wanted to do something for the homeless” said Barbara Fahari, one of the founders (2022). The first proper building the shelter had, the one at 5^th and Canyon, was donated to the non-profit by a couple investors who were initially holding it for development; following this $15,000 were raised based in community donation alone and mattresses, sheets, washers and dryers and more were all provided by the surrounding community (Boulder Shelter for the Homeless, 2022). This never would’ve happened without the community (Boulder Shelter for the Homeless, 2022). Let us take inspiration from what the Boulder Shelter for the Homeless has become, a statement on the impact of community-based solutions can have, to believe in our capacity to do more.

Taking Action

Yet, despite the community efforts thus far, the help provided does not meet some of the most pressing demands for the people experiencing homelessness today. The Point in Time count for July 2023 showed that 91% of the unhoused surveyed that day do not stay in a shelter (City of Boulder). While these numbers certainly change between summer and winter months, a likely reason for this is that Boulders largest shelter, the Boulder Shelter for the Homeless does not accept unhoused people under the influence of any drug or alcohol – which is over half of Boulders unhoused population (City of Boulder, 2023). This is leading to a larger problem for the city. As most of us know, in December 2022, the Boulder Public Library closed because of methamphetamine (meth) contamination in the air vents (Boulder Public Library, 2023). Prior to that the public restrooms in the Downtown Boulder Bus Station closed also due to methamphetamine use (Herrick, 2023). Methamphetamine (meth) is a common drug used by people experiencing homelessness for protection as it is cheap and readily available (Daley, 2018). Meth is a stimulant meaning that it allows those who are unsheltered to stay alert and thus alive, preventing their necessities – like their sleeping bags and jackets – from being stolen which can be especially prevalent during the cold of winter (Rocky Mountain PBS, 2023). It should be noted that this thievery is exacerbated by very systems like the 2022 pilot program – mentioned in the challenges section – where the city gave $1.8 million to clearing encampments and taking unhoused peoples things. When a person without shelter has their own sleeping bag, their source of warmth and thus life, forcefully taken from them on a cold winter night, the way they survive is by finding another source of warmth, like taking another person’s sleeping bag. As a city we should not be adding stressors to unsheltered people’s need to take meth and to protect themselves.

It is our responsibility to care for our public spaces – and the people therein. A consequence of the use of meth in public spaces has meant a closure in public restrooms around the city (Herrick, 2022) meaning that homeless have no choice but to urinate and defecate in public spaces – not only putting our homeless at risk for criminal charges but also rising a huge public health issue. Yet we can change this cycle and make Boulder better for all our community. Some homeless people are using the public restrooms to take meth because those are the only spaces available to them with the 2018 closure of the Arapahoe House, the state’s largest and Boulders closest treatment house (Daley). Internationally countries are creating drug consumption rooms and drug safe houses so that their most vulnerable populations can administer the drugs they use to survive safely, cleanly and in a space designed for it (Kappel et al., 2016). What if we were to do that? We would need funding, infrastructure, and healthcare professionals all of which the community of Boulder can certainly provide if its willing. What if brought our resources together – like the community effort that founded the Boulder Shelter for the Homeless did – to create a safe space for our most vulnerable populations to do what they need to survive? It’s possible.

Additionally, the City of Boulder, as of January 2023, started a recovery program to begin to address the methamphetamine addictions which could be helped by our efforts. Currently the program is limited to 12 patients due to financial reasons and the struggle in obtaining a larger property (Herrick and Larson, 2023). If we were to come together as a community and donate what we have available for us to allow this project to grow, our homeless populations would have help readily available to them. This solution would benefit our entire community – making safer spaces for the unhoused, creating cleaner public spaces for everyone and ensuring that our public services are not compromised.

Conclusion

Collectively we can do just about anything. That starts with the individual – understanding our prejudice affects the way those around us act on their prejudices. Since Boulder zoning laws have made it near impossible to create low-income housing to help our unhoused, the capacity of community action uniquely has a greater impact. This report asks that individuals educate themselves on the pressing needs of our community and act accordingly. Currently there is a service gap for those with a drug addiction which this report works to address. However, continuing to stay aware means the Boulder community can impact future pressing issues. Together we can make Boulder better.

Reference List

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Herrick, J. and Larson, H. (2023). Boulder is buying a home for meth addiction treatment. [online] The Boulder Reporting Lab. Available at: https://boulderreportinglab.org/2023/01/10/boulder-is-buying-a-home-for-people-to-live-in-and-recover-from-methamphetamine-addiction/ [Accessed 28 Oct. 2023].

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Raven, M.C., Niedzwiecki, M.J. and Kushel, M. (2020). A randomized trial of permanent supportive housing for chronically homeless persons with high use of publicly funded services. Health Services Research, 55(S2), pp.797–806. doi:https://doi.org/10.1111/1475-6773.13553.

Rocky Mountain PBS (2023). Unhoused Coloradans turn to methamphetamine as a form of protection. [online] The Colorado Sun. Available at: https://coloradosun.com/2023/07/15/unhoused-coloradans-methamphetamine-protection/ [Accessed 28 Oct. 2023].

Safe Zones 4 Kids. (n.d.). HOME. [online] Available at: https://www.safezones4kids.org/ [Accessed 27 Oct. 2023].

Sargent, E. (2023). Boulder is for People: Zoning Reform and the Fight for Affordable Housing – University of Colorado. [online] Colorado.edu. Available at: https://lawreview.colorado.edu/print/volume-94/boulder-is-for-people-zoning-reform-and-the-fight-for-affordable-housing/#post-3533-footnote-ref-46 [Accessed 27 Oct. 2023].

Solutions Not Safe Zones (2023). Solutions Not Safe Zones. [online] Solutions Not Safe Zones. Available at: https://www.solutionsnotsafezones.org/ [Accessed 29 Oct. 2023].

Sutherland, H., Ali, M.M. and Rosenoff, E. (2021). Health Conditions Among Individuals with a History of Homelessness Research Brief. [online] ASPE. Available at: https://aspe.hhs.gov/reports/health-conditions-among-individuals-history-homelessness-research-brief.

TGTHR (2022). Anual Report Fiscal Year 2022. [online] tgthr.org. Available at: chrome-extension://efaidnbmnnnibpcajpcglclefindmkaj/https://tgthr.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/03/TGTHR_AR_2022_Digital_Final_Compressed2.pdf [Accessed 27 Oct. 2023].

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Tags Affordable Housing, Growth Limit, Homelessness, Post-pandemic Challenges, SD4116

Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

The Challenge of Housing Toronto’s Largest Immigrant Groups during the City’s Housing Crisis

Post author By whc8
Post date Thursday 13 November 2025
No Comments on The Challenge of Housing Toronto’s Largest Immigrant Groups during the City’s Housing Crisis

Background

Toronto’s housing crisis is caused by a lack of supply, increased demand, and skyrocketing costs. This lack of housing in Toronto has a particular impact on immigrants as 31.4% of immigrants in the last federal census were considered low-income, compared with 12.5% of domestic Canadians (Statistics Canada, 2016). Since 2016 the federal government has rapidly increased immigration numbers, targeting accepting 500,000 annually by 2025 (The Canadian Press, 2022). If historical data is to be followed approximately 36% of these immigrants will settle in Toronto, leading to a sizable increase in the city’s demand for housing (Walks, 2020). Therefore, finding safe, affordable housing for these immigrants is crucial. These immigrants come primarily from three countries, India, China, and the Philippines who make up 25% of all settled immigrants in Toronto and 40% of recent immigrants (City of Toronto, 2019). This report is written to you, members of the Chinese, Filipino and Indian communities across Toronto, regarding how you can provide community-based support to new Chinese, Filipino and Indian immigrants. This report will demonstrate the importance of community-led approaches but first it will explore why I feel qualified to speak on this issue and define these communities in Toronto, second, it will investigate the current challenges posed by Toronto’s housing market and third, highlight community-led solutions that can be implemented to make housing accessible to all new immigrants in Toronto.

I am a Toronto-born resident who has lived in Toronto’s “Greektown” for almost all my life. I have engaged with immigrant communities, including first, second and third generation Canadians from various ethnicities in Toronto on a day-today basis, academically, and professionally. In recent years I have become increasingly aware of the pressing nature of Toronto’s housing crisis on new immigrants who make up a vital component of Toronto. While I am not a member of the Chinese, Indian or Filipino communities I feel qualified to suggest community-led housing solutions for new immigrants to these communities as I possess an extensive academic and experiential knowledge of Toronto’s immigrant communities and their importance to the city. Additionally, I have an excellent understanding of the advantages and challenges of implementing sustainable solutions that I have acquired over four years of university study in Sustainable Development.

Toronto’s Indian, Filipino and Chinese Communities

New immigrants from these countries continue to face challenges in finding housing across Toronto. New immigrants, particularly those in the low-income category will inevitably want to live near financial and cultural centres as they look to integrate into familiar communities in search of work. This is something Indian, Chinese, and Filipino immigrants have historically done with the establishment of various ethnicity-based neighbourhoods across Toronto.

Toronto’s Chinese community is large and Chinese people have immigrated to Toronto since the early 20^th century and established businesses and communities with two downtown hubs, named East and West Chinatown (Flack, 2023). Recently, Chinese immigrants have spread out across Toronto increasing pockets of Chinese culture, with a basis of Chinese cultural influence downtown. Indian immigration to Toronto is increasingly influential as between 2013 and 2023 Indian immigration to Canada tripled from approximately 32,000 to 118,000 people annually, many of whom will aim to settle in Indian communities across Toronto and will face housing challenges (Anderson, 2023). Toronto’s Indian population is spread out across the city, however, there is a community hub for Indian culture and businesses called “Little India”, (Destination Toronto, 2023). Filipino immigration to Toronto also has a long history, with the first major increase in immigrants coming to Toronto in the 1960s (Heritage Toronto, 2020). There is also a history of community support within the Filipino community as the Silayan Community Centre has helped build housing for low-income Filipino immigrants (Heritage Toronto, 2020). There is also a Filipino cultural hub called “Little Manila” where there are several Filipino shops and cultural events (Mok, 2020). The importance of the “Chinatowns”, “Little India” and “Little Manila” is that they are regions where new immigrants can find jobs without limitations of language and cultural differences and highlight the continued and integral presence of the Indian, Chinese, and Filipino communities across Toronto.

The Challenge: Accommodating New Immigrants in an Unsustainable Housing Market

Toronto’s current housing crisis is impacted by two main issues: lack of supply and unaffordability. Some argue these issues are driven by Canada’s push to increase immigration and how approximately 36% of immigrants choose to settle in Toronto (King’s Printer of Ontario, 2023). However, others attribute the crisis to a lack of skilled workers and a low supply of raw materials, part of which could be addressed by immigration (Robitaille, 2023). This report, however, will highlight how the basis of Toronto’s housing crisis is the flawed approach of the provincial and municipal governments.

The government-based approach has focused on the construction of condominiums across Toronto to help increase supply. However, this approach has not considered the unavailability of many of these condominiums to low-income immigrants. Between 2000 and 2020 very little purpose-built rental housing was constructed across Toronto meaning private houses and condominiums took up most of the stock (Hawes and Grisdale, 2020). These private companies benefit by marketing their condominiums towards high income, luxury renters which has resulted in fewer low-income housing options. This has resulted in Toronto’s housing bubble being supported by large corporate and individual desires for wealth causing high property values (Bunce and Livingstone, 2020). What highlights the influence of this lack of supply best is that in the summer of 2023 hundreds of newcomers to Toronto were housed by the government and Non-Governmental Organisations in churches and hotels rather than being able to find rentable housing (Jackson and Rocca, 2023).

Additionally, Toronto’s housing market is generally unaffordable. In 2019 UBS stated that Toronto’s housing market was the second most overvalued in the world (Walks, 2020). This unaffordability is a direct result of the financialization of downtown Toronto. Financialization is essentially a process by which financial markets, their institutions and their actors gain increasing influence (Swayer, 2014). Walks (2020) argues this has led to more gentrification downtown and caused immigrants to move to suburbs away from cultural and financial hubs. Additionally, the government has catered its housing policy towards these private interests inevitably increasing the markets unaffordability (Bunce and Livingstone, 2020). However, this is more impactful on immigrant communities as they are represented disproportionately in Canada’s low-income category.

Another major challenge in supporting new immigrants in Toronto is shifting the perspective they are negatively impacting the housing market. 15% of Canadians believe that immigration is increasing housing costs and making housing unaffordable for Canadians (Zeidler, 2023). Additionally, experts say that there is a continued anti-immigrant and refugee sentiment with 57% of Canadians saying Canada should not accept any more refugees (Johnston, 2019). Whilst, refugees are different to immigrants, low-income immigrants require many of the same services, therefore it is safe to assume those opposing accepting refugees would also oppose supporting low-income immigrants. Thus, being seen as the issue could reduce support for immigrants. The number of immigrants should not be perceived as the challenge, rather the challenge should be understood as how to house them as they are crucial to supporting the aging Canadian population as demonstrated by how Canada’s population increased by 1 million people in 2022, with almost 100% of this being driven by immigration (Shakil, 2023). This emphasizes the importance of housing immigrants in Toronto which is only further highlighted by how by 2032 almost 100% of Canada’s population growth will come from immigration (Zeidler, 2023).

Therefore, to maintain the flow of immigration from China, India and the Philippines into Toronto and to ensure these immigrants have housing three main issues need to be addressed, immigration needs to be understood as a benefit rather than a disadvantage, housing needs to be understood not as a commodity but rather as a necessity, and a new community-led approach needs to be implemented as the governmental approach does not effectively address the concerns of all immigrants.

The Solutions: Making Housing in Toronto Accessible to all Immigrants

Experts argue not addressing the influence of Toronto’s housing crisis on new immigrants, including those from China, Philippines and India could result in a loss of talent, diversity, and a slower-growing economy (Jackson and Rocca, 2023). As the governments’ approach is ineffective, community-based solutions are the best way of addressing this urban challenge. This section will first explore the flaws of the municipal and provincial governments suggested solutions. It will then explore how your communities can support the many thousands of new immigrants looking for housing in your communities, at the individual level through refocusing your mindset regarding housing and being aware of the benefits of immigration and at the community level through the establishment of Community Development Corporations (CDCs) and immigrant organizations.

The Proposed Government Solution

The current approach of the municipal and provincial governments to addressing Toronto’s housing crisis is flawed. Toronto’s government has promised to construct 285,000 homes by 2031 (Balintec, 2023). The provincial government has promised to build 1.5 million homes by then, with many of those homes being built in Toronto (Jackson and Rocca, 2023). While there is no doubt the construction of additional homes is beneficial, simply building the homes lacks focus, and could have disproportionate effects on immigrant communities, like the effects the unfocused American housing plan has had on Hispanic immigrants. Across the United States 2^nd and 3^rd generation Hispanic immigrants do not access housing resources at a rate proportional to their poverty levels and face significant challenges accessing affordable housing (Aiken and Reina, 2021). Additionally, the governments’ approach is a continuation of the current understanding of housing as a commodity which has led to gentrification and the conversion of low-cost housing. Should this continue in Toronto we could see something like 1980’s Los Angeles, where the government focused on the financialization and commodification of housing, resulting in increased homelessness amongst immigrants and a housing crisis caused by the governments approach (Nielsen, 1989). Therefore, the focus must be on community-based solutions. Additionally, another reason you as a community are in an excellent position to help is that you have experience immigrating to Toronto and likely have a large base to draw potential financial support from as statistically speaking 1^st generation immigrants across Canada underperform financially relative to 2^nd and 3^rd generation immigrants, with 2^nd generation immigrants’ average earnings jumping 47% from those of their parents (Singer, 2018).

Refocusing your Mindset

Altering your mindset to fully support immigration and refocusing your conceptual understanding of housing is the first step to a community-based solution to ensuring housing is available to all new immigrants. Firstly, to ensure you and your communities remain supportive of continued immigration understanding the vital economic influence of immigrants on the Torontonian and Canadian economies is crucial. Economists agree the Canadian economy would not be able to sustain growth without an influx of immigrants (Zeidler, 2023). Additionally, they argue immigration increases wealth distribution across the country or city they choose to reside in and increases economic efficiency (Powell, 2018). Therefore, new immigrants will help drive the Canadian and Torontonian economies and can fill positions of need in terms of employment in your communities.

To provide housing support effectively, refocusing your conceptual understanding of housing is required. Toronto-based perspectives on housing are driven by private market providers where understanding at both government and community levels is that housing is a commodity not a right. (Lima, 2021). Understanding housing as a right is challenging as it opposes Toronto’s general economic approach. However, it can be done on the individual level through supporting non-profits who build and manage low-income units (Bates, 2022). Perhaps more influentially refocusing your perspective to community rather than financial needs will be far easier through the establishment and your potential participation in CDCs and immigrant organisations.

CDCs and community level support

Since the 1960s, CDCs have operated in depressed urban and rural communities and are defined by Grogan (1996) as a citizen-led group that aims to revitalize a particular neighbourhood or town and engage residents in taking direct responsibility for a communities’ future. They have had some historical success across the United States and between 1988 and 1994 constructed 410,000 houses in response to failing government approaches to low-income housing crises (Grogan, 1996). I believe establishing new CDCs could be effective in Toronto as it would allow for the easy integration of new immigrants from India, China, and the Philippines into your communities as they could access services in their native language and affordable housing provided to them via CDCs.

An excellent example of the benefits of CDCs comes from the Unity Council based around Fruitvale Station in Oakland California. This region is home to a high percentage of immigrants and the council provides extensive social services and has attempted to address threats of increased property values through creating a land bank to prevent local businesses and residents from being displaced (Kirkpatrick, 2007). Furthermore, they have also capped property taxes for long term residents and have gained federal and state funding to assess community concerns (Kirkpatrick, 2007). Thus, the CDC benefits local residents but also ensures affordable housing is continuing to be constructed in the neighbourhood despite increasing property values. Additionally, the board of the Unity Council includes residents, property developers and two impartial parties, allowing for developments within the community to be beneficial to both the community and property developers (Kirkpatrick, 2007).

This could easily be implemented across Filipino, Chinese, and Indian communities in Toronto. Different CDCs could be based in neighbourhoods where many of your communities’ businesses and residents live. One of the biggest advantages of using CDCs is they combine public and private capital and that once they are seen as legitimate methods of acquiring housing more people use them increasing their influence and financial viability. Additionally, CDCs have a non-commodity-based goal of providing housing and services to residents, which can help shift the understanding of housing as a commodity (Grogan, 1996). Importantly, CDCs benefit both long-term and new residents as they can cap local property costs. Moreover, both the municipal and federal governments are pursuing various avenues to addressing the housing crisis and if a CDC in any of your communities gained significant traction, it is safe to assume that either or both the municipal and provincial governments would likely be able to provide financial support. Establishing a CDC offers an increase in jobs and positions of power to members of your communities and would be able to offer employment programs for new immigrants who would then be able to assist with finding housing for future immigrants. One major flaw to this approach in Toronto is that it assumes everyone from a community lives in the same neighbourhood. This evidently is not the case, however, the establishment of various CDCs in Indian, Filipino and Chinese communities across the city could be beneficial and reduce the impact of this. Grogan (1996) points out an additional limitation in that public policy is not designed thinking of the influence of potential policies on fragile CDCs. However, in Toronto’s immigrant communities I believe CDCs could bring people together across neighbourhoods and obtain financial support from a larger base of 2^nd and 3^rd generation immigrants across the city to help reduce the market-based influence that currently exists. Therefore, while there are certainly flaws in the CDC approach the benefits outweigh them and when combined with immigrant organisations as discussed below, they have the potential to be influential in addressing Toronto’s housing crisis.

Immigrant Organisations

An immigrant organisation is an organisation formed by individuals who are members of a particular national/ethnic group that focuses on providing social services to primarily the same ethnic group (Cordero-Guzmán, 2005). They are different from other social service providers as they explicitly incorporate cultural components and a consciousness of ethnic and national origins (Cordero-Guzmán, 2005). According to Cordero-Guzmán (2005) they are typically formed in large, growing immigrant groups and function by receiving government grants, contracts, and philanthropic donations. There are various advantages to immigrant organizations. Firstly, they ensure specific cultures are preserved and new immigrants are supported through various social services that are available in a cultural setting they are accustomed to. Secondly, unlike CDCs, immigrant organisations are not tied to one neighbourhood, rather they can move with the market and alter their contributions to different areas based on need. Thirdly, they have a wide range of potential supporters as through donations from corporations, foundations, and individuals these immigrant organisations can help provide low-cost housing solutions, construct purpose-built housing across Toronto for members of their communities and expand connections between immigrants across the city. There are however some disadvantages to the immigrant organisation approach. For example, like CDCs the housing market is not designed for the benefit of immigrant organisations, it is constructed with private corporations in mind. Additionally, there is no distinct focus of most of these organisations beyond supporting a specific ethnic group, they are not housing-focused and thus, the funds acquired by an organisation could be directed towards non-housing related issues. One last major advantage of immigrant organisations is the support that it can direct towards smaller direct-action movements. For example, in your communities an immigrant organisation could support direct action movements looking to drive support for purpose-built housing in your communities. This does not necessarily need to be achieved via protest it can be achieved by immigrant organisations commissioning research into the impact of a private-market focused housing on their communities and presenting facts and figures to the media or the public that can help increase the social legitimacy of this distinct issue (Lima, 2021). Establishing more focused immigration organisations in Toronto would therefore be extremely beneficial as they could provide distinct support towards affordable housing initiatives.

What would be the most influential solution to providing new immigrants to Toronto with accessible housing would be a combination of a refocused community-based mindset, CDCs, and immigrant organisations. The flaws of each solution would be partly mitigated by the strengths of the others. Investing in and establishing housing-focused immigrant organisations is crucial, as these have the potential to span across Toronto. These organisations could direct their financial resources towards CDCs with a focus on addressing the individual housing needs of specific communities. This solution would be driven by members of these communities rather than the private sector, who have developed a mindset of immigration as a vital element of Toronto’s economic success and a de-commodified understanding of housing. This will allow members of your communities to staff these organisations and challenge the financialization and commodification of housing. Take for example Indian immigrants, the Indian community could establish a central immigrant organization that would receive municipal, provincial, and philanthropic funding. The organisation would direct this funding towards various CDCs operating within Indian neighbourhoods who required the funding to ensure affordable housing and social services were available to Indian immigrants. This immigrant organisation and CDCs would be led by boards that included community members who see immigration as beneficial and housing as a right and property developers who would therefore still benefit from the construction of purpose-built housing. What is important in this potential approach is that it is built by you, community members for your communities. Establishing these organisations allows the government to provide discretionary funding to community-led organisations to direct towards specific housing crises on a neighbourhood-by-neighbourhood basis rather than simply constructing more housing in an unfocused manner as the municipal and provincial governments are proposing. Ideally, using this system your communities will be able to sustain an increase in the number of immigrants and develop and maintain new, affordable, purpose-built community housing. Additionally, the success of this solution would be reliant on community members and as CDCs and immigrant organisations were seen as more effective, they could gain more financial support and increased influence on Toronto’s housing market.

Conclusion

Toronto’s housing crisis significantly impacts current and future immigrants because of the unaffordability and lack of availability of suitable housing. This comes as a direct result of the municipal and provincial governments approaches that have focused on the commodification and financialization of housing and put the control of the market in the hands of private interests. To resolve this issue and help settle the 40% of immigrants that come from India, China, and the Philippines, you 1^st, 2^nd and 3^rd generation immigrants from these communities could implement various potential solutions including: ensuring you understand immigration to not be the source of the problem, refocusing your perspective from housing as a commodity to a right and establishing CDC’s and housing-focused immigrant organisations across Toronto. While there are advantages and disadvantages to these solutions, and the fact it would be challenging to implement them in the current market, using all three proposed solutions together results in a far stronger collective solution and leads us to remain hopeful that community-based solutions will help ensure thousands of Chinese, Indian and Filipino immigrants can settle sustainably in Toronto every year.

Works Cited

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Anderson, S. (2023) Indian Immigration to Canada has Tripled since 2013. Available at https://www.forbes.com/sites/stuartanderson/2023/03/06/indian-immigration-to-canada-has-tripled-since-2013/?sh=2685819a5620 (Accessed: 21 October 2023).

Balintec, V. (2023) Toronto is facing a crushing housing shortage. Here’s how a new city committee plans to tackle it. Available at https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/chow-toronto-housing-committee-1.6934132 (Accessed: 21 October 2023).

Bates, L.K. (2022) ‘Housing for People, Not for Profit: Models of Community-Led Housing’ Planning Theory and Practice, 23 (2), pp. 267-302.

Bunce, S. and Livingstone, W. (2020) ‘Realestate and housing. A Commentary Dynamics of a housing crisis – the politics and planning of housing in London and Toronto’ in Bunce S., Livingstone, N., March, L. Moore, S. and Walks, A. (eds.), Critical Dialogues of Urban Governance, Development and Activism, London: UCL Press, pp. 208-216.

City of Toronto. Health Check T.O. (2019). Population Demographics. Toronto: City of Toronto. Available at https://www.toronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/99b4-TOHealthCheck_2019Chapter1.pdf (Accessed: 20 October 2023).

Cordero- Guzmán, H.R. (2005) ‘Community Based Organisations and Migration in New York City’, Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 31 (5), pp. 889-909.

Destination Toronto. (2023) Little India. Available at https://www.destinationtoronto.com/neighbourhoods/eastside/little-india/ (Accessed: 21 October 2023).

The Canadian Press. (2022) Ottawa Reveals Plan to Welcome 500,000 Immigrants per year by 2025 Available at https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/canada-immigration-500000-2025-1.6636661#:~:text=2915-,The%20federal%20government%20is%20planning%20a%20massive%20increase%20in%20the,to%20ensure%20Canada’s%20economic%20prosperity. (Accessed: 20 October 2023).

Flack, D. (2023) This is what Chinatown used to look like in Toronto. Available at https://www.blogto.com/city/2016/12/what-chinatown-used-look-toronto/ (Accessed: 21 October 2023).

Grogan, P.S. (1996) ‘Proof-Positive: Community-Based Solutions to America’s Affordable Housing Crisis’, Stanford Law & Policy Review, 7 (2), pp. 159-172.

Hawes, E. and, Grisdale, S. (2020) ‘Housing Crisis in a Canadian Global City: Financialisation, buy-to-let investors and short-term rentals in Toronto’s Rental Market’, in Bunce S., Livingstone, N., March, L. Moore, S. and Walks, A. (eds.), Critical Dialogues of Urban Governance, Development and Activism, London: UCL Press, pp. 158-174.

Heritage Toronto. (2020) A New Beginning: Filipino Heritage in Toronto. Available at https://www.heritagetoronto.org/explore-learn/diversity-story-filipino-community/ (Accessed: 21 October 2023).

Johnston, A. (2019) Majority of Canadians against accepting more refugees, poll suggests. Available at https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/manitoba/refugees-tolerance-1.5192769 (Accessed: 19 October 2023).

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King’s Printer for Ontario. (2023) Immigration. Available at https://www.ontario.ca/document/2016-census-highlights/fact-sheet-8-immigration (Accessed: 18 October 2023).

Kirkpatrick, L. O. (2007) ‘The Two “Logics” of Community Development – Neigborhoods, Markets, and Community Development Corporations’, Politics and Society, 35 (2), pp. 329-359.

Lima, V. (2021) ‘From housing crisis to housing justice: Towards a radical right to a home’, Urban Studies, 58 (16), pp. 3282-3298.

Mok, T. (2020) Little Manila is Toronto’s home to Filipino Food and Culture. Available at https://www.blogto.com/city/2018/05/little-manila-neighbourhood-filipino-food-toronto/ (Accessed: 21 October 2023).

Nielsen, J.T. (1989) ‘Immigration and the Low-Cost Housing Crisis: The Los Angeles Experience’, Population and Environment, 11 (2), pp. 123-139.

Powell, B. (2018) ‘Ravelling the Immigration Narrative’ The Independent Review, 22 (3), pp. 349-357.

Robitaille, E. (2023) Is Immigration Causing Canada’s Housing Crisis. Available at https://www.cicnews.com/2023/08/is-immigration-causing-canadas-housing-crisis-0838904.html#gs.70jrdy (Accessed: 19 October 2023).

Sawyer, M. (2014) ‘What is financialization’ International Journal of Political Economy, 42 (4), pp. 5-18.

Shakil, I. (2023) Record International Migration spurs historic rise in Canadian Population. Available at https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/record-international-migration-spurs-historic-rise-canadian-population-2023-03-22/. (Accessed: 20 October 2023).

Singer, C. (2018) How Second-Generation Canadian Immigrants Out-Earn their Parents. Available at https://www.immigration.ca/how-second-generation-canadian-immigrants-out-earn-their-parents/#:~:text=Second%20generation%20white%20immigrants%20earn,as%20compared%20to%20their%20parents. (Accessed: 20 October 2023).

Statistics Canada. (2016) Data Tables 2016 Census Available at: https://www12.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/2016/dp-pd/dt-td/Rp-eng.cfm?LANG=E&APATH=3&DETAIL=0&DIM=0&FL=A&FREE=0&GC=0&GID=0&GK=0&GRP=1&PID=110561&PRID=10&PTYPE=109445&S=0&SHOWALL=0&SUB=0&Temporal=2017&THEME=120&VID=0&VNAMEE=&VNAMEF (Accessed: 18 October 2023).

Walks, A. (2020) ‘Global City, global housing bubble? Toronto’s housing bubble and its discontents’, in Bunce S., Livingstone, N., March, L. Moore, S. and Walks, A. (eds.), Critical Dialogues of Urban Governance, Development and Activism, London: UCL Press, pp. 130-144.

Zeidler, M. (2023) Blaming immigration for the country’s housing crisis disguises the real problem: analysts say. Available at https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/british-columbia/housing-crisis-immigration-1.6878540 (Accessed: 20 October 2023).

Tags Affordable Housing, Migration, Polarisation, SD4116

Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

The Seine-Saint-Denis and the legacy of the Paris 2024 Olympics infrastructures

Post author By whc8
Post date Thursday 13 November 2025
No Comments on The Seine-Saint-Denis and the legacy of the Paris 2024 Olympics infrastructures

Introduction and My Position

The Olympics Games are an event that excites the world, places the host city at the center of worldwide conversations, and allows the world to tune in to support a team of athletes representing their country. However, is this the reality for the people who live in those host cities? I am addressing you today because this mega sports event is coming to your city, to your neighborhood. Indeed, Paris won the bid to host the 2024 Summer Olympics Games (Paris 2024 2020, 3). How does it concern you, the community of Seine-Saint-Denis? Because Paris 2024 is promising a focus on the department to massively contribute to its economic and social development (Paris 2024 2021, 7). While it sounds great on paper, I am writing this briefing to highlight the challenges that come with these promises, which you are currently living through, and how, as a community, you can ensure that you benefit from this pour of money and attraction. 

I am writing to you, not as a member of your community but as an academic from a place close to yours who has done extensive research on your community, your history and the challenges you face. From that research, I write a list of recommendations based on other communities’ work worldwide that could ultimately benefit your case. I recognized that I am not from the same socio-political and economic background as you. Indeed, I was born and raised in France, like most of you, but in Versailles, the 4th city of more than 50 000 inhabitants with the highest standard of living in France (Molina 2020). While it is considered a banlieue as well, it is wealthy and prestigious with a very different reputation from your banlieue (Selby 2009, 90; Dikeç 2007, 4). Now you might be wondering why you should listen to my recommendations considering my background. I believe that change starts locally and focusing on communities and places around where we are from is crucial. I want to put my research skills in urban planning and community-based actions to your benefit and offer you all the tools you might need, in addition to your experiences and local knowledge, to best face the challenges you are currently experiencing. I will bring you the stories and experiences of other communities like you that have managed or attempted to fight back to ensure that new infrastructures benefit them first and that promises are kept. You will find in this community briefing a contextualisation of this case with an explanation of the history of the banlieues, the link to your community, what challenges you are facing and finally some recommendations to best face those challenges. 

History of the Banlieues and its Community

To best come up with fitting recommendations, it is crucial to understand where a community comes from and how it was created. In your case, I want to explain the origins of the banlieues, their link to France’s urban planning history and how this space has created or was forced to create, such a solid and unique community. Firstly, the word banlieue is the literal translation of suburb; however, with time, the term started to carry negative connotations (Dikeç 2007, 7). Indeed, while there are richer banlieues such as Versailles, the term is most often associated with a poor socio-political and economic situation as well as images of exclusion, social housing, unemployment and poverty that has been built and sustained by hundreds of years of French urban planning (Angélil and Siress 2012, 57; Selby 2009, 90; Dikeç 2007, 7). While banlieues can be found all around France, I decided to focus primarily on the ones surrounding Paris. These originate from the first major urban modernization undertaken in Paris by Baron Georges Haussmann at the time of Emperor Napoleon III (Gandy 1999, 23). This massive transformation looked to convert “a congested medieval city into a dynamic modern metropolis” (27). With this grand urban reconstruction came the first movement that drove the poorer classes out of the city core towards the periphery, which, after 1918, became the banlieues (Cohen 2006, 92).  What followed this movement was years of French urban planning that created and maintained this divide between the city core and the periphery, where the center represents power, wealth and exclusiveness while the outskirts are reserved for the lower classes, the immigrants, the marginalized (Angélil and Siress 2012, 59). It is clear that France’s urban planning deliberately placed the banlieues, both its location and its community, at the periphery of society.

The banlieues are populated by a majority of post-war North African immigrants and, therefore, are highly racially and ethnically diverse which leads to further social injustices and exclusion as French urban policy is tightly linked to its issues with immigration and citizenship (Cohen 2006, 93; Beaman 2017, 56; Dikeç 2007, 33). These injustices, such as poor living conditions, low employment rates and poverty, have led to the growing rage of banlieues residents and rising tensions between those residents and the authorities (Angélil and Siress 2012, 58-62). You probably remember the uprising of autumn 2005 when despair led the youth of the banlieues to acts of destruction around the neighborhoods to protest the injustices and the abandonment they were facing (Cohen 2006, 99). Similar protests and unrest happened last summer after the murder of a young banlieue inhabitant by a policeman (Radford 2023), showing the sustained injustices, violence and marginalization faced by the residents of the banlieues and the divide between their community and the privileged city-core and its authorities. While those injustices create tensions, they also strengthen solidarity between community members (Beaman 2017, 59) and this solidarity and sense of community is the essence of this briefing. Indeed, it has been proven that French urban policies leave the banlieues at the periphery, so those communities must act to improve their living conditions. 

The banlieues I am focusing on in this briefing are the ones in the department of Seine-Saint-Denis where the 2024 Paris Olympic Games are partly going to take place. Seine-Saint-Denis has the lowest average standard of living in Metropolitan France and the highest poverty rate of 28.4% (Insee 2021; Snaije 2022). Paris 2024 (2021) recognizes those rates and the urban, social and territorial fractures that the department faces (19) and believes that the benefits of hosting this mega-sporting event will contribute to the economic and urban development of the department (17). However, can a sports event ‘fix’ years of unjust urban planning and marginalization? Can the community benefit from the involvement of the organizers? This briefing will argue that the event itself will not ‘fix’ those injustices but if the community affected follows specific recommendations, it can attempt to benefit from the Games. The community I am focusing on, the one I am currently addressing, is the inhabitants of the banlieues of Seine-Saint-Denis who are directly impacted by the Paris 2024 games at the intersections between Saint-Ouen, Saint-Denis and l’Île-Saint Denis (Sarango 2023). It is made of the working and low-income classes who have lived in Saint-Denis for decades and have experienced the marginalization of French urban policies and faced abandonment from the rest of the country. It is also a community built on strength and solidarity which will be crucial for effective community-based actions. 

The Challenges – The Legacy of the Olympic Village

The focus of Paris 2024 on Seine-Saint-Denis poses the questions of who will ultimately benefit from new infrastructures and the amount of money poured into the department. While the city’s bid announced that it will attempt to host cheap and sustainable games and will rely on existing infrastructures to do so, 95% of the new infrastructures that they do need to build are located in Seine-Saint-Denis (Leussier 2019; Snaije 2022). 80% of the public investment unlocked for the games to build those infrastructures is therefore being poured into the department (Mella 2023). Cécile Gintrac, a geographer living in Saint-Denis since 2011, notes that there has never been such a large amount of money poured into Seine-Saint-Denis (Enjeux 2024, 2019). One prominent new infrastructure that I will focus on is the Olympic Village. It is being constructed in Seine-Saint-Denis and is planned to be mainly transformed into housing units, with the promise of 40% of public housing in the city’s bid (Saint-Denis 2023; Impact 2024 2021, 40; Gagnepain 2023). The transformed Olympic Village will welcome 6,000 residents and offer 6,000 employment opportunities (Saint-Denis 2023). The objective is to improve the area’s socio-economic development with this new neighborhood of opportunities (Impact 2024 2021, 29). Finally, the Games note that the improvement of the area is to be done in collaboration with the local stakeholders to ensure the development of an inclusive society that takes into account the needs of all its citizens (40). The Games’ promises seem to benefit the community of Saint-Denis, to include them in the decision-making and to ensure the area’s economic, social and urban development.

However, the community of Seine-Saint-Denis does not have a say in where and how the money being poured into their department will be best used and ensure that they benefit from it. Indeed, because large amounts of money are involved, decisions are made fast and the community is not taking part in the actual decision-making. While Paris 2024 is hosting public meetings in an attempt to include the locals in the decision-making process, Cécile notes that few residents show up and those that do are being ignored because it seems that the decisions have already been made under the pretense of short delays and efficiency (Enjeux 2024, 2019; Gagnepain, 2023). A similar turn of events happened during the 2012 London Olympics Games planning when tensions arose between local communities and organizers on questions of speed and efficiency as the community was ignored in favor of top-down decision-making (Davis and Thornley 2010, 97). While the games promise that the renovations are being decided upon by discussing with local actors and collectivities (Impact 2024 2021, 29), the reality shows the opposite. This reality suggests that the community cannot rely on the Games’ empty promises to benefit from the legacy of the Olympics but on its own actions.  

Another main challenge that arises from the Olympic Village and the promises of new housing units is the lack of affordability for the main residents of Seine-Saint-Denis. Firstly, the price per square meter is announced at 7 500 euros while the average price per square meter in the city is 4 175 euros (Sarango 2023; Gagnepain 2023). A clear rise already demonstrates that the local community might not be taken into account as much as what was promised originally. Secondly, the promise of 40% converted public housing units has already decreased to 25%, as confirmed by the city of Saint-Denis (Mella 2023; Saint-Denis 2023; Gagnepain 2023). Residents express their despair, recognizing that they cannot afford these new apartments and fearing the influx of wealthier communities from the city-core (Sarango 2023; Leussier 2019; Kokabi 2020). The promise of inclusive public housing turns into a reality of expensive accommodations that will benefit estate agents and wealthy Parisians but not the local community of Saint-Denis. A link can be made between this reality and the history of the community of the banlieues. Indeed, they have constantly been displaced to the periphery, both geographically and socially, and a mega sports event will not suddenly fix years of exclusion and injustices. By making the Olympic Village housing so expensive, social exclusion is perpetuated within the banlieues. If the residents of the banlieues cannot afford to live there anymore, where will they go? The Games’ false promises of including the community in the decision-making process, affordable housing, and social and economic development demonstrate how the community cannot benefit from the legacy of Paris 2024.  

Expectations of who will benefit and the reality are very different in the case of Olympic legacies. Indeed, it often leads to “exacerbated urban inequalities.” (Snaije, 2022) and the inexistent benefits towards existing communities (Davis and Thornley 2010, 89). The 2024 Paris Games followed the Olympic motto, “faster, higher, stronger” (Paris 2024 2020, 7), by promising faster action towards the urgent climate crisis, higher demands and strengths in numbers and community (Ibid.). However, the actual legacy of these games does not seem to follow this motto and those promises. Its legacy proves to be unaffordable housing for local communities, 6,000 new wealthy neighbors (Gagnepain 2023) and proof once again that the banlieues are placed at the periphery. Similar events happened in previous Olympics. Indeed, the London Olympics promised to be a “model for social inclusion” (Wainwright 2022) and were going to deliver 30,000-40,000 affordable housing for the area in East London (Snaije 2022; Wainwright 2022). Ten years later, only 13,000 were constructed and 11% of them were affordable to some locals (Snaije 2022; Wainwright 2022). The Athens Olympics promised to leave Athens as a modern city with new transport and infrastructure but, in reality, most of the new facilities were never converted into usable venues, leaving them abandoned (Kissoudi 2010, 2793). It is repeatedly proven that Olympic Games urban plans do not meet the promises made to local communities and suggest that any gain will have to be made through other means, such as community-based actions. 

The Recommendations

The main focus of this community briefing is to best recommend your community on which actions to put in place to best face those challenges and ensure that the legacy of Paris 2024 benefits the community of Seine-Saint-Denis socially, economically and environmentally. It is crucial to ensure that the banlieues are not related to the periphery once again and, as proven over the years, this will not be done through governmental and corporate actions but through community-based ones. I will outline how you, the residents of Seine-Saint-Denis, can use community organizing to collaborate with and learn from other organizations and establish a Community Land Trust to best ensure that this legacy benefits you. Community organizing is about engaging with the residents of an area on a challenge that concerns them directly and building connections between them and others to face those issues (Hasan 2022). In your context, all members of the community are concerned and can bring their knowledge, experiences and skills to best organize and ensure justice. Residents interviewed in the documentary Enjeux 2024 (2019) suggested the need for the community to talk, connect and build relationships so that when a challenge such as the housing situation linked to the Olympic Village arises, the community can get together and become actors of what is happening in the city. The diversity of backgrounds, ages and professions is community organizing treasure. Indeed, I recommend all to join: those who have lived in the city their whole life, those who moved recently, those with previous organizing skills and those with urban planning skills, all knowledge and experiences are needed to best face the challenge. 

Members of the community have already started to organize over the issues by forming the Comité de Vigilance JO 2024 to ensure that all the money poured into Seine-Saint-Denis serves to improve their living conditions (Leussier 2019). When it started in 2017, the collective wanted to understand the Games’ impact on Saint-Denis; now, they want to ensure that the positive legacy promised will happen (Gagnepain 2023). In addition to highlighting problematic plans and other campaigning projects, they have already offered solutions and alternatives to best benefit the people of Saint-Denis (Snaije 2022). Their demands regarding the legacy of the Olympic Village include follow-up public meetings to best ensure the future of the infrastructures and ensure that the community is a part of the decision-making and an independent monitoring center focused specifically on the evolution of the housing situation (Comité de vigilance JO 2024 2023). While the demands and recommendations are already proof of effective organizing, I recommend that the community of Saint-Denis goes a step further to enact change from the community that is not dependent on higher powers. 

Firstly, I recommend learning from and collaborating with other coalitions and organizations. During the 2012 London Olympics, the Counter Olympics Network was formed and brought together the different groups affected by the Olympics around questions of housing, public and green spaces (Boykoff 2014, 93). I suggest learning from this network and building one of your own by joining the European Action Coalition for the right to Housing and to the City. The EAC connects different movements across European cities to strengthen the fight and take action on European Housing issues (EAC 2023; Bonfert 2021, 524). One of the French organizations part of the EAC is the Droit Au Logement (DAL – Right to Housing) which fights for housing rights in the Paris region (EAC 2020). They believe in the collective participation of their members in the decision-making process and the elaboration of strategies to ensure affordable housing (Ibid.). I highly recommend the community of Saint-Denis and the Comité Vigilance JO 2024 to join in with DAL at the next meeting of the EAC from November 9th to 12th in Paris to discuss strategies with other groups, learn from their experience and find new skills to best fight your challenge (EAC 2023). It is crucial to learn from other communities doing similar work to figure out the best action plan. Like the Londoners in 2012, be part of a collective, share your experience and come back to your solid and connected community to disperse this knowledge and those skills and act in favor of the residents of Saint-Denis against the false promises of Paris 2024. 

A practical recommendation I would like to introduce is a community land trust (CLT). A CLT is a perfect representation of a community-led response to housing problems as it leads to the ownership of the land a property is on (Engelsman, Rowe and Southern 2018, 103-105). To achieve a CLT, a non-profit collective buys the land and acts as its steward (Davis 2010, 25). The community’s poorest residents can then get priority access to affordable housing on the land (Ibid.). Moreover, the land is considered shared and preserved heritage between the community across generations to ensure that the local community always has access to affordable housing in its area and is not displaced or gentrified (4). In the context of Saint-Denis, a CLT could be established over the Olympic Village to ensure a legacy that benefits the local community now and in years to come. CLTs often originate from community organizing and activism in response to local injustices and can be seen as the defense of space from local communities (Engelsman, Rowe and Southern 2018, 109-119). One example of a successful CLT is the community of Cooper Square in New York City (Engelsman, Rowe and Southern 2018, 110). The neighborhood has many cultures and immigrant workers with a history of working-class activism (112). They organized as a community to buy and own the land to ensure affordable housing and combat displacement and gentrification (114). I would recommend the community of Saint-Denis gets inspired by Cooper Square, keeps organizing under Comité Vigilance JO 2024 and joins in with EAC and DAL to collect funding and investment to create a Community Land Trust on the land of the Olympic Village. It is a very ambitious project and it might take years to implement; the Cooper Square community took over 50 years to implement a CLT successfully (112). However, it could ensure that Saint-Denis reclaims its right to space and takes control over the legacy of a sport event that promised to benefit them but is currently failing to keep those promises. 

Now all of you must realize that your community, the banlieues, deserve to be included; it is your right. Henry Lefebvre, a French philosopher, talked of a “right to the city” (Lefebvre 1967, 29), which Angélil and Siress (2012) complemented by highlighting that this right does not just come from the center of a city but also from its margins, from its periphery (64). Moreover, they note the importance of including political, economic and social equality in the meaning of this right (Ibid.). You, therefore, have a right to occupy the space you belong in and you have the right to demand fair and just treatment and affordable housing. After having been relegated to the periphery throughout France’s urban planning eras, you can use the opportunity offered by the Paris 2024 Olympics to change the narrative. Instead of being at the periphery, you are at its core. Nevertheless, do not trust the leaders to keep their promises. Instead, take the matter into your own hands and organize to ensure that the legacy of these urban plans and those Olympic games benefit you first and foremost. The right to your city and your space must be defined by your community, not others. I hope this briefing provides you with the right tools to start this work. 

Reference List

Angélil, Marc, and Cary, Siress. “THE PARIS ‘BANLIEUE’: PERIPHERIES OF INEQUITY.” Journal of International Affairs 65, no. 2 (2012): 57–67. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24388218.

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Tags Affordable Housing, Investments, Marginalisation, Olympics, SD4116