Author: whc8

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Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

Achieving Food Security and Sovereignty in Brasilândi: Peripheries also Deserve Good Food

Introduction

I have lived in Brazil for most of my formative life where inequalities were blatant and part of my quotidian. It is gripping growing up in a place where the huge gaps between groups of society are so common and yet unsettling for most people observing it. Hunger is perhaps one of the injustices that reflects the country’s social divide the most. I would like to rewrite this famous quote from Brazilian scholar Josué de Castro (1946) and perhaps add its message to the context of why I personally am concerned with this topic:

“Half of Brazil does not sleep because it is hungry, and the other sleeps worrying about those who are hungry”.

I come from a privileged background in Brazil. I lived in the centre of my city where issues of access were never a concern. Nevertheless, this is still something I am passionate about and feel connected to. Although I am aware that my investigation is purely theoretical, paling in comparison to the insights you’ve garnered through years of practical experience and daily confrontations with these matters. I have studied food insecurity in the Brazilian context in depth and this is my humble attempt to communicate what I have learnt.

This report is addressed to Brasilândia. A community in the northern region of São Paulo, Brazil’s largest city. I will contextualise the issue in the country’s economic and social settings and perhaps shine a light on the scale to which food insecurity is felt by the Brazilian population. Furthermore, I will talk about the urban geography of São Paulo’s periphery and link it to the problem of food deserts and swamps which represent a great difficulty of access and right to the city of its inhabitants. By framing Brasilândia within this context, I will be able to better address the issue of food insecurity and propose relevant answers to the unjust reality of the community.

Finally, I will offer potential solutions, drawing inspiration from the resilience shown by other communities. By focusing on the positive impact of local food production, restructuring supply chains, and addressing food habits and waste, I will show how the community can attain food sovereignty. My role as a bridge between Brasilândia and these communities is meant to encourage you to examine your own circumstances in a similar light.

The Context – Brazil, a country that claims to feed the world but can’t feed itself

Five years after proudly celebrating the achievement of being removed from the UN Hunger Map in 2014, Brazil, unfortunately saw itself back on it since 2019 (FAO, 2023). This is partly attributed to the change in the country’s export strategy and focus under a new government. Additionally, Brazil faced significant setbacks from the pandemic, which starkly underscored the deep-seated inequalities within the country, and highlighted troubles of food insecurity. Today, 30.7% of the Brazilian population lives in moderate or serious food insecurity (PESSAN 2022, p.36). This is equivalent to approximately 60 million people.

According to the Brazilian Food Insecurity Scale (Ministério do Desenvolvimento Social e Combate à Fome, 2014), moderate food insecurity consists of changes in adults’ eating patterns where there is restriction in quantity. Moreover, severe food insecurity is characterized by a break in the usual eating patterns which restrict the quality and quantity of food of the whole family – this may also encompass experiences of hunger.

Hunger is a merciless injustice in Brazil. It prompts us to think of the self-reinforcing cycle that traps marginalized communities into such vulnerable places. Enforcing principles of citizenship, accessibility, and solidarity is key for disrupting this pattern which seems to be cemented into the Brazilian order (PESSAN, 2022, p.9).

Brazil takes pride in being a major global exporter of vital agricultural commodities such as soy and corn (Delgado N. and Zimmerman S., 2022). However, the regrettable truth is that a substantial portion of their agricultural efforts is directed towards export rather than domestic consumption. This has led Brazilians to rely significantly on imported food items for their sustenance. To ensure the competitiveness of these exports, the Brazilian Real remains consistently devalued (Costa M. 2022; Peres J., 2022).

Additionally, Brazil’s current frame results in small-scale producers to be discouraged to continue because of the high barriers to the market. Their reliance on longer supply chains and the lack of support from the government makes it difficult for such produce to be a reliable option for small farmers who usually end up turning to soy (Duarte A. et al., 2020). Consequently, staple elements of the Brazilian diet, including rice, beans, manioc, coffee, and vegetables, continue to experience significant levels of inflation.

How can a country which prides itself on feeding the world justify such high levels of food insecurity?

When urban geography becomes an obstacle for a healthy diet

The lack of access to in natura (minimally processed) food by peripheral neighbourhoods is one of the components constructing the rigid wall isolating the outskirts from its city. Looking into this, Duran (2013) and Borges C. (2018) observed that areas scoring badly in social indicators such as education and wellbeing have limited access to good quality food. Showing that it is not only a question of food; it’s a broader struggle for a good quality of life.

The PESSAN 2022 report states that 15% of the urban population in Brazil experiences severe food insecurity (p.37). It is safe to infer that most of the difficulty is felt by the marginalized populations and that the cityscape only emphasises this barrier. The issue of insecurity has become pressing, Guilherme Simões from the National Secretariat of Peripheries reports that there have been more than 2000 new initiatives to fight against hunger since the pandemic (IBGE, 2023). I argue that there is an important link to be made between Brazil’s urban expansion and the reinforcement of inequalities by the geography of cities.

Latin America’s informal and social production of urban spaces is a distinctive characteristic (Fernandes, 2007, p.203). The informal has had the connotation of disorganized or inferior, but in this context, it is perhaps more subtle than this. Pongeluppe (2022, p.2780) describes “the favela effect” as a phenomenon through which spatial inequalities reinforce and perpetuate socioeconomic disparities by separating what is formal and what is informal – what a city is or is not, who is hungry and who is not.

Henri Lefebvre’s (1968) concept of the right to the city together with Via Campesina’s (1996) understanding of food sovereignty are good lenses through which we can examine this phenomenon. Understanding that the issues of access are fundamentally connected to social justice and the design of food systems is essential. Having the city as a right also means being autonomous and able to sustain yourself independently of your location within the urban area. Food deserts are places where access to in natura foods is scarce or impossible. Similarly, food swamps are areas where the sale low-nutrient products predominate (Alimentando Políticas, 2018, p.1). In both scenarios, people are forced to travel long distances to secure healthy food. This is the unfortunate reality of many people living it São Paulo’s peripheries. Its urban sprawl to peripheral areas started in the 1970s (Alves H. and Ojima R., 2013, p.119). The growth of peripheries also meant the consolidation of its limited access to essential infrastructure such as food systems. Considering this background, food deserts, represent a violation of Brazilian’s right to the city and sovereignty, as they disproportionately affect marginalized communities, perpetuating social injustices. It is therefore clear that the unequal geography of urban spaces in Brazil exacerbates social inequalities, particularly in the context of food access. The concept of “food deserts” and the struggle for the right to the city underscore the pressing need to confront these disparities in pursuit of social justice and the establishment of healthier and more inclusive urban environments.

Brasilândia, North of São Paulo

Vila Brasilândia is in the northern zone of São Paulo and falls under the jurisdiction of the Subprefecture of ‘Freguesia do Ó’. This neighbourhood is among the 1,747 favelas in the city of São Paulo (SP2, 2023). It’s estimated area is covers 21,0 km², with a population of approximately 264 thousand residents (Prefeitura de São Paulo, 2023).

Like many other peripheric communities in Brazil, the forming of these neighbourhoods is a fusion of individuals from diverse backgrounds, all drawn together by the allure of the city’s opportunities. Based on a documentary featuring community members (Brasilândia, 2013) the origins of Brasilândia are traced back from the conversion of cane sugar farms into informal residential centres the 1930s. Brasilândia is named after Basílio Simões who, at the time, led the community to build the Church of Santo Antonio.

Brasilândia experienced sizeable changes after the 1940s when the neighbourhood witnessed a significant influx of migrants. These migrants included individuals from the northeast of the country who were escaping drought in their home states, families from the interior of the state seeking opportunities in the capital, and a significant number of Europeans and Japanese seeking refuge from the war and a fresh start in the Americas.

Since then, Brasilândia expanded in a predominantly hasty manner. Consequently, obstacles to accessing city services such as electricity, healthcare, transport, and food suppliers. The community’s right to the city turned frail as inequalities and vulnerability became increasingly evident. The lack of recognition by the inner city became more patent when the Covid-19 affected peripheral communities disproportionately. People in the densely populated favelas did not have the “privilege” of self-isolation, most had to continue working, living from one paycheck to the next. This necessity, coupled with the additional burden of long commutes to access food, work, and health centres rendered their circumstances nearly intolerable. The Brasilândia district reported the biggest number of covid-related deaths in the city of São Paulo (Nicolav S., 2020). Severe food insecurity increased drastically which led the Brasilândia to join fifteen other communities from the periphery in a march against hunger in 2021 (Folha Noroeste, 2021).

Residents of the neighbourhood have created supportive initiatives to help one another in these difficult times. ‘Vó Tutu’s’ (Grandma Tutu) institute (Instituto Ações Sociais da vó Tutu, 2023) is an organization that exemplifies resilience and solidarity. She distributes approximately two thousand breads daily to residents who wait in line to be served by volunteers. Most of these people lost their jobs recently and have struggled greatly to feed themselves and their families. These breads are made by Grandma Tutu, her family and other community members every day of the week. She became viral on social media during the pandemic and was able to turn her proactiveness into the far-reaching institute she has today. Other groups or organizations in Brasilândia such as “Coletivo Mulheres da Noroeste” who usually do not focus on food insecurity have turned their attention to this pressing issue and engaged in collections of basic baskets of goods and supporting mothers in the community (Gatti T., 2022).

These efforts are mainly led by women, who have proven to be key players in the fight for sovereignty. We must keep in mind that they are the most compromised by food insecurity in the country (PESSAN, 2023, p.45). Vivas (2012) argues that in order to challenge the prevailing agro-industrial model, a feminist stance must be incorporated to disrupt the current trapping framework. Although the solutions in the next section do not address gender disparities directly, I believe they could all benefit from a feminist attitude, because of the profound impact such approach could have on food security and the inequalities intertwined with this problem. This is not only important for Brasilândia as a community but could serve as an example for the whole country.

Solutions

1. Produce your own food locally

My initial suggestion for Brasilândia is for the community to unite and participate in efforts that promote local food production within the periphery. Given the unfair persistence of food deserts and swamps in the area (CAISAN, 2018), the community can take the reins in matters like community gardens and centres to attain food justice and sovereignty on their own terms. Gottlieb & Joshi (2010) define food justice as a way to disrupt the status quo reigning over food systems by engaging in social activism. In our context, this advocacy from community-led projects is a way for Brasilândia to achieve food sovereignty and regain its right to the city (Datta R., 2021) by challenging the city geography. I will use examples from the “Morro das Pedras” community in Belo Horizonte, and the Paraisópolis favela in the south of São Paulo to illustrate the benefits of urban farming for peripheral communities.

Residents of Morro das Pedras agglomerate in western Belo Horizonte introduced a community garden project called “Morro Verde” to make use of its unused spaces in 2017 (Mendonça R. et al., 2020, p.225). The community garden not only thrived as a symbol of resilience but also created a positive atmosphere in the community which started to engage in new projects such as a yoga centre. Bringing production and consumption closer together, stimulates exchange and criticizes the city’s traditional production format, resuming the possibility of collective spatial production (Passos, 2023, p.135). Such initiatives can show communities how to cope with the multifaceted challenges posed by poverty and limited access by enforcing principles of citizenship. Not only does it serve to address pressing economic and resource constraints, but it also creates a platform for residents to harness their inherent strengths and unite in common purpose as proposed by the food justice theory. This could give Brasilândia a sense of freedom and independence which is not given by the traditional system.

Similarly, Paraisópolis a favela situated next to one of the richest neighborhoods in São Paulo has always struggled with inequalities of access (Paraisópolis 100 Anos, 2021). In 2020, in response to the challenges presented by the pandemic, the community built a 900m² concrete building for its first urban farm growing organic food called “Agro Favela” (Brissac C., 2022). The garden has a special focus on women from Paraisópolis who are victims of domestic violence, where it also serves as welcoming and formative space. They can participate in workshops or the project itself and where they learn how to grow food on the local “lajes” (flat roofs). Paraisópolis’s agro favela has produced 2.6 tons of vegetables since its creation (Causin J., 2023). This is a great example of how urban farming can successfully give a community its own healthy food supply and can lead it to the path towards food sovereignty, because it empowers the community to sustain itself without relying on external systems which unfortunately do not serve the periphery’s needs.

2. Reduce the distance food has to travel

While my next suggestion might seem similar to the previous one at first glance, I will focus on constructing more inclusive food supply chains in order to reduce the price residents of Brasilândia have to pay for food due to transport costs. The Brazilian food system is heavily reliant on road transportation, as do most industries in the country (Araújo M., Campos V., Bandeira R., 2013, p.152). Before getting to stores and supermarkets around the city, the produce goes through CEASA (the centre for the supply of fruit and vegetables of the city) where it is later on redistributed. The problem with this system is that it first impedes the consumer to from knowing where the produce is coming from (Vradis A. and Bartholl T., 2019, p.255) and increases the inbuilt cost of food because of the detour it has to take. Using examples from Campo Limpo and Manawatū, I will defend that reducing this distance by connecting Brasilândia to small producers close to the city would result in lower prices and more choice for the community. Claro R. and Monteiro C. (2010) argue that in food deserts, this could be a good way of increasing supply without relying on policy, which means it can also have quite a strong impact on the community’s food sovereignty.

Manawatū, a region in New Zealand’s North Island started community led food action network aimed at creating tighter connections between food suppliers and food banks to alleviate hunger and facilitate redistribution (Manawatū Food Action Network, 2023, p.3). With this approach, families receive the essential aid they need while also fostering stronger, more interconnected communities. In a similar vein, Campo Limpo in southeast São Paulo opened its first organic sales point in the city’s peripheries. “Armazém Organicamente” was opened by Thiago Vinicius in 2019 and aims to challenge the neighbourhood’s lack of supply by bringing in food that is produced directly to the shop, making good quality food accessible to Campo Limpo (Gould L., 2019).

Both examples show how inclusive food systems could be a good way of achieving resilience in a two-way relationship between small producers and the population of Brasilândia. The resulting collaborative effort can help them navigate Brazil’s export promoting system which has been detrimental to both parties (Amaral A., Jones G., Nogueira M., 2020). If instead of going through CEASA, fruits and vegetables could come straight from the producers, the price of these goods would be fairer, Brasilândia could choose where its food is coming from, and it would create ties with producers which could be key actors in achieving food security (Béné C., 2020). Therefore, a simpler route carved between the community and local farms can fight against the strengthening of food deserts caused by the intricate journey food follows. In this case, food security could be achieved without any external intervention – making Brasilândia once again the main player in its fight for food sovereignty and security.

3. Food habits

Finally, my last suggestion addresses food and waste habits of the Brazilian population in general, which if revised by Brasilândia, could equip the community with informed choices regarding food and managing local produce. The typical Brazilian diet is not very balanced. According to the Brazilian Ministry of Health (2014), there is an excessive consumption of red meat in the population, often reaching up to two times a day, although this can vary based on income, lower-income households would prioritize red meat over other foods. The recommended amount is no more than three portions per week (World Cancer Research Fund, 2018). Additionally, Souza A. et al. (2013) reveal a decline in the consumption of fruits and vegetables in Brazil, contrasting with the climbing intake of ultra-processed foods, attributed to lifestyle changes as described by Walter (2020). Similarly, Brazilian households produce considerable amounts of waste compared to other countries (United Nations Environment Programme, 2021, p.62). Encouraging communities to learn about healthy eating and resourceful ingredient use is vital for food security, especially when budget constraints limit the inclusion of diverse food groups. Implementing these strategies could alleviate the financial burden often associated with grocery expenses. I will use examples from Mossoró, Paraisópolis and communities in Free State and Northern Cape where projects helped educate the area on diverse diets and how to use food waste.

“Mãos de Maria” is a community kitchen in Paraisópolis which employs and offers cooking classes to peripheral women in order to strengthen women in the community and support the favela. The kitchen distributes ten thousand packed lunches every day since the pandemic (Mãos de Maria, 2023). This initiative helps women achieve food justice for their community and supports local food systems, which in the long run could create sovereignty. Looking at a more educative approach, an intervention led by community nutrition advisors in Free State and Northern Cape aimed to enhance the local population’s understanding of balanced and cost- effective nutrition (Walsh, C., Dannhauser, A. and Joubert, G. ,2003). Nutrition was their priority, and indeed, fruit and vegetable consumption improved as well as dairy products. Lastly, Mossoró’s Association of Family Organic Producers in Mato Grosso Brazil, started a project where they asked consumers to save their eggshells and bring them back to the market to incorporate them as fertilizers because of their high calcium content (Nóbrega I., 2020). This shows how a community can address waste issues in a way that benefits both their local environment and the greater community at large.

These examples illustrate the potential of instructional efforts and partnership for positive change surrounding nutrition and waste. For Brasilândia, this could be a good way of expanding the possibilities of what a healthy meal looks like and help achieving food security addressing things which don’t necessarily link to supply or geography. This could also have some impact on the family budget and result in sounder more nutritious choices which are adapted to their environs.

Conclusion

In conclusion, my exploration of food insecurity in Brazil underscores the pressing need for change. The country’s return to the UN Hunger Map is concerning. The case of Brasilândia exemplifies the challenges faced by marginalized populations. The unequal urban geography exacerbates food inequalities, yet stories of resilience and solidarity, particularly among women, offer hope. I propose three solutions for Brasilândia: local food production, inclusive supply chains, and improved food habits. These initiatives can lead to greater food security, independence, and sovereignty. Nevertheless, it is important thing to keep in mind that these initiatives do not make up for decades of state negligence, poorly planned infrastructure, and deep rooted spatial inequalities that created the problem of food deserts in the first place (Amaral, A. et al., 2020). I have not fully examined this issue from all its angles either. Race and gender are quite important when looking at inequality of access in Brazil, but they would deserve more than a community report to be properly included into the discussion. Independently, the message is clear: a transformation towards a fairer and inclusive food system is possible when communities come together and apply principles of citizenship to restore the one that was taken away from them. Hopefully one day, all Brazilians can sleep through the night peacefully knowing that everyone will have food for tomorrow.

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Souza, A. et al. (2013) ‘Alimentos mais consumidos no Brasil: Inquérito Nacional de Alimentação 2008-2009’, in Revista De Saúde Pública, 47, pp. 190s–199s. https://doi.org/10.1590/S0034-89102013000700005

SP2 São Paulo (2023) ‘Número de favelas cresce na cidade de SP nos últimos anos’, G1 Globo São Paulo, 02/05/2023 [Online]. Available at https://g1.globo.com/sp/sao- paulo/noticia/2023/05/02/lideres-comunitarios-de-favelas-da-cidade-de-sp-dizem-que-a- cada-dia-recebem-novas-familias.ghtml (Accessed on October 18th 2023)

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Via Campesina (1996) Food Sovereignty: A Future without Hunger, Available on: https://viacampesina.org/en/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2021/11/1996-Rom-en.pdf (Accessed on October 10th 2023)

Vivas, E. (2012) La Via Campesina: Food Sovereignty and the Global Feminist Struggle, Available at https://archive.foodfirst.org/la-via-campesina-food-sovereignty-and-the- global-feminist-struggle/ (Accessed on October 16th 2023)

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Walsh, C., Dannhauser, A. and Joubert, G. (2003) “Impact of a nutrition education programme on nutrition knowledge and dietary practices of lower socioeconomic communities in the Free State and Northern Cape”, South African Journal of Clinical Nutrition. Available at: http://sajcn.redbricklibrary.com/index.php/SAJCN/article/view/39 (Accessed: October 12th 2023).

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Categories
Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

Mental Health Inequalities in Glasgow

Introduction

The city of Glasgow is the most populated in Scotland and is considered a cultural and creative hub due its world-class museums and lively music scene. However, you don’t need to look too far into this vibrant city to discover the disparities that exist within its boundaries. Between the prosperous West end to the adverse East end, or from one side of the Clyde tunnel to the other, it is clear that socio-economic inequalities prevail even within an arm’s reach of one another. These socio-economic disparities determine health inequalities that exist in Glasgow, one specific example that emphasises this is that the difference of life expectancy in Calton (a deprived area) compared to Lenzie (an affluent area) is a massive 28 years (Vacarella et al., 2019). This shows that low income, marginalised communities in Glasgow do not receive adequate health support, at least not up to the standard of more affluent communities. This report is going to look specifically at mental health disparities within Glasgow and resources that are available to communities that have a lower socio-economic status, as well as the stigma those with mental health illnesses face.

I would also like to outline my positionality before moving on to the main body of this community briefing. I have lived in Glasgow for the majority of my life, therefore I have grown up in this same system that appears to be failing many people. However I had been oblivious to this gap in mental health services as I have never experienced any mental health conditions myself, and only as I have become more aware of these issues have I started to pay more attention to them. I only started to become more conscious of this issue when the covid-19 pandemic hit in 2020 and I became a support worker at a mental health care home for people that require more support. This really opened my eyes into the challenges and stigmas that those with mental health needs face. Thus, although I have not experienced any of these challenges first hand, I have observed them. It should also be noted that the purpose of this report is to provide a greater insight into the issues addressed for anyone who might be interested, from those who are affected by these inequalities to policy makers who want to make a positive change. The report will conclude by offering two recommendations that I believe could help to improve the Scottish health care system in supporting those with mental health illnesses in Glasgow.

Current Situation

Every year, one third of all people in Scotland are affected by mental illness (Gov.scot, 2023). The Scottish Government’s mental health and wellbeing strategy acknowledges that some societal groups have poorer mental health than others due to the unequal distribution of wealth (Mental health and wellbeing strategy 2023), hence these inequalities are not something that is overlooked. However, this strategy focuses on Scotland’s nation as a whole and fails to account for the differences between Scottish cities. There is a clear differentiation between the mean mental health scores in Glasgow compared to other Scottish cities and especially to Scotland as a whole (Gov.scot, 2023). This emphasises the fact that there needs to be greater attention placed on Glasgow, as clearly the strategies that are working for the rest of the country aren’t working for Glasgow and perhaps a more refined and individual approach is needed.

Researchers that have studied the inequalities faced in Glasgow compared to the rest of Scotland and the UK have come up with a theory called the ‘Glasgow Effect’. The term ‘Glasgow Effect’ first surfaced when people started researching why cities in the UK with similar deprivation levels were experiencing different health outcomes (Walsh, 2010). Glasgow, Liverpool and Manchester all experience virtually identical levels of deprivation, educational attainment and single parent households, however ill health in Glasgow (measured by premature mortality rates) was overall found to be over 30% higher in Glasgow than either Liverpool and Manchester (Walsh, 2010). This has not always been the case however. One hundred years ago, health outcomes in these three cities were much more alike. It has only been in the past 40 years that the gap in health outcomes has widened between Glasgow and the other English cities (Walsh, 2010). This shows that there have been positive developments put in place in Liverpool and Manchester that are improving health outcomes at a faster pace than in Glasgow. Many assume that the Glasgow Effect is only applied to physical health, however it has previously been proven to apply for mental health as well (Gray, 2007). A meaningful figure found in the study carried out by David Walsh in 2010 is that death rates by suicide in Glasgow are 70% higher than the rates in Liverpool and Manchester, highlighting that the consequences of ill mental health are much greater in Glasgow. This shows that although deprivation is a key component of health outcomes, there are many more components that must be considered, otherwise the health outcomes in Glasgow wouldn’t be so dissimilar to two other almost identical UK cities. One of these components that perhaps should be considered more is the use of alcohol and drugs in Glasgow, because although the levels of alcohol consumption, smoking and estimated drug use in these three cities are much the same, deaths caused by drugs and alcohol in Glasgow were more than double that of Manchester and Liverpool (Walsh, 2010).

The relationship between drug use, alcohol consumption and mental health is a complicated one that has been researched extensively, with some researchers suggesting that alcohol and drug use is the driving factor of mental health illnesses, while some researchers argue for the reversed order, that ill mental health is the driving factor of alcohol and drug use (Bell & Britton, 2014). There are multiple common risk factors that apply to both the use of drugs and alcohol and mental health illness, such as genetic vulnerabilities, environmental influences, stress and childhood experiences and trauma (NIDA, 2021). Therefore, once these risk factors that apply to both substance abuse and mental health are considered, the comorbidity of the two should not come as a surprise. Alcohol consumption is one of the primary causal factors of major depression and anxiety (Fergusson et al., 2009), and drug use has more of a direct association with mental illnesses such as bipolar disorder and schizophrenia (NIDA, 2021). People suffering from ill mental health may begin using substances such as alcohol and drugs in an attempt to self-medicate, however once this fails to be the case, they are likely to continue (ab)using these substances in an effort to relieve the symptoms of their mental illnesses (Mitchell et al., 2007). All this research supports the opinion that a vicious and dynamic cycle is the best way to summarise the relationship between drug use, alcohol consumption and mental health, for example alcohol consumption leads to deteriorated mental health, which in turn leads to increased alcohol consumption and drug use, which only leads to further deterioration of one’s mental health (Bell & Britton, 2014). In Glasgow’s case, due to the high levels of alcohol consumption and drug use, it is key that health care systems consider this direct relationship in order to provide simultaneous treatment for mental illnesses and substance misuse disorders (Jane-Llopis & Matytsina, 2006). In terms of why there are worsened outcomes in Glasgow, despite there being similar levels of alcohol and drug consumption as Manchester and Liverpool, this is perhaps down to Glaswegians using substances at a more excessive rate and more extreme levels which is not recognised by routine health surveys (Walsh 2010).

Mental Health Services and Support

Before proceeding to the recommendations section of this report, I think it is necessary to first discuss the services and support that is available in Glasgow. The NHS Greater Glasgow and Clyde (NHSGGC) has a website called Heads Up which provides advice on how to access the most suitable support for your needs. This website recommends that the first step in getting help for mental health is to make an appointment to talk to a GP. Although it fails to mention the fact that wait times to get an appointment at a GP can be quite lengthy at times, due to staffing shortages or general unorganisation (Carey & Spratt, 2009) which could be off putting to someone seeking help for their mental health, it does highlight the benefit that GPs will have good knowledge of mental health services in the local area. The Heads Up website also details two free helpline services for anyone struggling with their mental health to get professional and confidential support. This is very beneficial information for the NHSGGC to provide, as the helplines are available to anyone who has access to a phone, to receive a safe space to talk to a professional without fear of discrimination due to their socio-economic status.

There are multiple reasons why someone might choose private healthcare over the NHS to treat their mental health, some of these being the long wait times to receive an appointment, not being able to get an appointment outwith working hours, GPs not being able to provide the treatment or support one needs, or needing more intensive and long term support (Mind, 2017). In terms of specialist treatment for more severe mental health illnesses, turning to private healthcare is a much more expensive option. The cost of a one hour counselling session through a private therapist can range anywhere from £40 – £100 (NHS inform, 2023), and the cost of a private mental health live-in care home in Glasgow can be anywhere around £500 per night (Rehab Guide, 2023). Of course, the care these private institutions can provide will be exceptional and they will also be able to offer a wider range treatments depending on the service users individual needs, however the cost itself makes clear that this treatment option is inaccessible for anyone on a lower income salary, or who is unemployed, which is very likely for someone who struggles with their mental health due to the stigma they face when it comes to employment. This, once again, highlights the inequalities that deprived communities face in terms of receiving mental health care. It should never be the case that someone doesn’t receive adequate health care based on how much money they have to pay for it.

Recommendations

1.  Making higher quality green spaces more widely available

The first action that I would recommend taking in the step towards reducing mental health inequalities for low income communities in Glasgow is creating green spaces that are not only more widely accessible, but also of better quality as a means to create more positive mental health outcomes. The term green spaces is used in this recommendation to define gardens, parks, outdoor sports facilities and open spaces that are available to the public, free of charge and for the exclusive use of pedestrians and cyclists for their leisure. In recent years, there has been a vast number of studies undertaken that exhibit the impact that having access to green spaces in an urban area can have on one’s mental (and physical) health. Some of the wider benefits of having access to green space are outlined by Callaghan et al, (2020), and include a greater amount of physical activity, better physical health, and a greater sense of community cohesion. In terms of mental health, benefits of having access to green spaces while living in a busy urban environment include reduced cortisol levels (the stress hormone), an ‘escape’ from the mental fatigue of the busy setting of an urban area, and a general improvement of psychological health (Callaghan et al., 2020). The United Nations have committed to providing “universal access to safe, inclusive and accessible green and public spaces” especially for minority groups and marginalised communities as part of the sustainable development goals (World Health organisation, 2016), which shows that this is an initiative that can be beneficial globally if implemented correctly.

A study that has been carried out on the relationship between greenspace and levels of deprivation in Glasgow has found that there is a strong correlation between the two (Baka & Mabon, 2022). However, this study was important in highlighting that there isn’t necessarily a lack of green spaces in more deprived areas for lower income communities, rather a stark difference in the quality of green spaces available for them. It was found that green spaces available in areas where there is a greater level of low-income communities were significantly less well-kept, less safe and had less perceived greenness (Baka & Mabon, 2022). This deduces that mental health inequalities between higher and lower income communities can be attributed to the unequal distribution of quality green space between affluent and deprived areas in Glasgow.

Enhancing green spaces and making them more widely available would be a preventative measure as it is reducing wider mental health needs, which could be regarded as more effective than creating solutions as a consequence of ill mental health (World Health Organisation, 2016). Therefore, I would recommend to the city of Glasgow council to consider a wider range of green spaces that are accessible and available to all communities. I would recommend that in order to do this, engagement with local stakeholders, environmental organisations and health providers is key to producing the most successful outcomes, as well as the local communities as they will be the main users of the green spaces.

Anti-stigma Projects and Local Support

The second recommendation that I would like to offer is in the hopes of reducing the stigma surrounding mental health illnesses and in turn encouraging people to not be intimidated about seeking professional help. The examples of anti-stigma projects and support groups that this report will move on to discuss aim to tackle public stigma, which is the negative and prejudiced attitudes of others; and self stigma, which is the internalised negative attitudes and humiliation that people with ill mental health have about themselves and their own condition (American psychiatric association). Those who face stigma due to their mental health face social exclusion in their daily lives, when it comes to employment, education and relationships (Quinn & Knifton, 2005).

Students are amongst one of the groups that experience the highest levels of self stigma towards their mental health (Quinn et al., 2009). Studies have found that there is still reluctance from students to open up about their struggles with mental health while studying at university or any higher education institution (Quinn et al., 2009). This is due to both internal and external factors, stigma being a main component of both. In a study funded by the Scottish Government’s National Programme for Mental Health, Quinn et al (2009) found that the first main barrier that students are faced with is accepting themselves that they need help, and the second barrier is knowing how to to get help, and what this will even involve. It was found that many students were reluctant to seek help due to the fear that it could affect their future job opportunities (Fuller et al., 2004), which is definitely not the case due to disclosure laws. Therefore, I believe that implementing anti-stigma projects in higher education institutions in Glasgow is one effective way of reducing the stigma surrounding mental health illnesses from an early stage in life. This could involve running campaigns and raising awareness of the true facts about mental health and debunking stereotypes. Anti-stigma projects in higher education institutions should also make clear the student services that are available to students, so that anyone who wants to seek help knows exactly where to go and what options are available to them, whether this is to a counsellor, a peer group or a professor.

It must also be acknowledged that socio-economic status is the leading factor of unequal access to higher education in Scotland (The Scottish Government, 2020), therefore to only implement anti-stigma projects in higher education institutions could widen the gap in mental health inequalities. Therefore, it would also be most favourable to implement anti-stigma projects within local communities with an emphasis on communities in deprived areas. An organisation in Maryland, US started up anti-stigma workshops in order for anyone to come along and learn about harmful stigmatising behaviours, attitudes and practices, and create a safe space for participants who do suffer with their mental health (On our own of Maryland, 2022). These take place in a wide variety of communities and multiple different stakeholders have become involved from within the healthcare sector, and participants have reported that benefits of these workshops include decreased stigma, improved attitudes and a greater sense of community (On our own of Maryland, 2022). For this reason, I believe that implementing similar workshops in lower income communities in Glasgow would help to proactively reduce social exclusion towards people with mental health illnesses. Having a wide range of workshops that appeal to different interests will also encourage more people to attend them, for example some people may be more likely to attend a creative, arts based workshop, and some people may prefer workshops that involve physical activity such as football clubs or running groups. In order for these types of projects to work, they must have the support of local organisations, policy makers, NGOs and healthcare providers.

An additional community led initiative, similar to these workshops, that I would encourage communities to get involved in, is the implementation of local support groups. Support groups allow for anyone suffering with their mental health to meet like-minded people and encourage personal growth. Support groups are especially useful for people who suffer from mental illnesses such as depression that can make someone feel isolated from their peers. An organisation in Kenya called the Users and Survivors of psychiatry in Kenya (USP-K) establishes support groups in Nairobi for people with ill mental health to support its members in integrating themselves into their communities (WHO, 2021). USP-K support groups have seeked to reduce social exclusion by educating participants on their human rights and the ways they can apply them to their daily lives. It has been reported that members of the USP-K support groups have reclaimed their voices and become less ashamed of asking for the help that they are entitled to (WHO, 2021). This example from Nairobi highlights how successful support groups can be for people seeking advice for their mental health, and how beneficial it can be to meet people going through or that have previously gone through similar experiences.

Both workshops and support groups are also good opportunities to socialise with people in a positive way, that doesn’t involve harmful substances such as alcohol and drugs that deteriorate mental health. I believe that the implementation of local workshops and support groups in low income communities in Glasgow would not only reduce mental health stigma, but provide an outlet for people to express their emotions in different ways, whether this is through creative projects, physical activity or simply socialising with people who share lived experiences. Sequentially, this could have a positive effect on mental health outcomes and reduce the health inequalities that are found in Glasgow.

Final Conclusions

To conclude this community briefing, I would like to re-emphasise the importance of community led approaches as a means to reduce the effects of mental health disparities across Glasgow. This report has outlined how people with ill mental health face social exclusion, and why communities in deprived areas are at greater risk of mental illness. I have demonstrated the benefits that can come from improving green spaces, implementing anti-stigma workshops and creating local support groups, however these are only some of many initiatives that can be taken to reduce mental health inequalities, and further reading is required to cover all bases of how to create equality for marginalised communities. Emphasis really needs to be put on these in order for Glasgow to not fall any further behind other UK cities in terms of health disparities. Although Glasgow is a modern, vibrant and friendly city, it is important to remember the quote from Mahatma Gandhi, “the true measure of any society can be found in how it treats its most vulnerable members”, and Glasgow needs to start taking action in order to stop failing those living in deprived areas who are suffering with their mental health.

Bibliography

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Bell, S. and Britton, A. (2014) ‘An exploration of the dynamic longitudinal relationship between mental health and alcohol consumption: A prospective cohort study’, BMC Medicine, 12(1). doi:10.1186/1741-7015-12-91.

Callaghan, A. et al. (2020) ‘The impact of green spaces on mental health in urban settings: A scoping review’, Journal of Mental Health, 30(2), pp. 179–193. doi:10.1080/09638237.2020.1755027.

Carey, T.A. and Spratt, M.B. (2009) ‘When is enough enough? structuring the organization of treatment to maximize patient choice and control’, The Cognitive Behaviour Therapist, 2(3), pp. 211–226. doi:10.1017/s1754470x09000208.

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Fergusson, D.M., Boden, J.M. and Horwood, L.J. (2009) ‘Tests of causal links between alcohol abuse or dependence and major depression’, Archives of General Psychiatry, 66(3), pp. 260–266. doi:10.1001/archgenpsychiatry.2008.543.

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Gray, L. (2007) ‘Comparisons of Health-Related Behaviours and Health Measures between Glasgow and the Rest of Scotland’, Glasgow Centre for Population Health, Glasgow [Preprint]. Available at: https://eprints.gla.ac.uk/132261/ (Accessed: 28 October 2023).

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JANE-LLOPIS, E. and MATYTSINA, I. (2006) ‘Mental health and alcohol, Drugs and Tobacco: A review of the comorbidity between mental disorders and the use of alcohol, tobacco and illicit drugs’, Drug and Alcohol Review, 25(6), pp. 515–536. doi:10.1080/09595230600944461.

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Categories
Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

The Exploitation and Abuse of Migrant Domestic Worker Communities in Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, China

Statement of Positionality

I am not a member of the community discussed in this report, although I grew up surrounded by, and having close friendships with, Migrant Domestic Workers in Hong Kong. I feel able to speak to the MDW community because my experiences growing up in Hong Kong have afforded me an understanding of the city, it’s urban communities, societal structures, systemic hierarchies, and general workings as a diverse metropolis that oftentimes maintains its pride in being a modern, international, and humane city by turning a blind eye to the mistreatment of certain groups that form an essential part of its urban fabric.

Introduction

At the end of 2022, there were approximately 338,000 migrant domestic workers in Hong Kong (Immigration Department, 2023). This community, composed overwhelmingly of women from Indonesia and The Philippines, occupy a unique migrant status – they reside in Hong Kong on temporary, contract-based employment visas that come with stringent restrictions, including the denial of the right to ever qualify for citizenship (Tong and Jiang, 2020), and are protected by a minimum wage that is significantly lower then the limit protecting locals (Cheung et. al, 2019). They are Hong Kong’s largest ethnic minority, and as of 2016 represented 9.3% of the overall workforce (Churchill, 2022). Since the 1970s when this type of migration from the Philippines and Indonesia began to grow, migrant domestic workers, henceforth referred to as MDWs, have formed an integral part of the fabric of Hong Kong’s society. In 2018, they contributed an estimated USD$12.6 billion to the economy, which was 3.6% of the GDP that year (Experian Asia Pacific and Enrich HK, 2019). Additionally, they allow a significant number of mothers the freedom to seek employment outside of the home, with local NGO Enrich HK estimating that over 110,000 local mothers were able to return to work in 2018 due to their employment of a MDW (Experian Asia Pacific and Enrich HK, 2019). This community’s economic and social contributions are immense. Despite this, they are disproportionately subject to violence, exploitation, and abuse. It is estimated that up to 95% of MDWs in the region have experienced some form of exploitation, while a shocking one in six has been the victim of forced labour (Churchill, 2022). This report sets out to examine the conditions that result in such high levels of abuse and exploitation, the unique challenges MDWs face, and the steps that may be taken by this community to improve the nature of their temporary, but often lengthy and incredibly difficult period of residency in Hong Kong.

Challenges

In order to understand the abuse and exploitation faced by this community, a closer look at the policy initiatives and legislation surrounding the unique visa status of MDWs is necessary. The process of securing a visa and coming to Hong Kong is typically facilitated by an agency.

Although there is some legislation to protect MDWs from agency exploitation, it is largely ineffective. Agencies regularly charge exorbitant fees, putting MDWs into debt before they even step foot on Hong Kong soil, and engage in additional exploitative practices like the confiscation of essential documents, such as passports and marriage certificates. The legal limit that employment agencies may charge under Hong Kong law is HKD $430, yet when surveyed the majority of MDWs report being charged at least HKD $5,000 (Churchill, 2022). Furthermore, an Amnesty International Report found that the majority of Indonesian MDWs experienced the confiscation of at least one essential document by a recruitment agency, explicitly for the purpose of ensuring full fee payment if the MDW were to pull out during any stage of the recruitment process, a sum often amounting to over 17 months of wages (Churchill, 2022).

Obtaining a visa and ensuring employment is extremely difficult without the help of an agency, and consequently many MDWs begin their time in Hong Kong heavily in debt and therefore primed to remain in exploitative or abusive employment situations.

Once employed in Hong Kong, MDWs are subject to specific restrictions on their work contracts and living arrangements that make them particularly vulnerable to abuse, isolation, and discrimination. One such restriction is the “Live-in Rule”(Churchill, 2022). MDWs are required to engage in employment with a Standard Employment Contract, which by law contains a mandatory clause stipulating that they must reside within their employer’s home. To reside independently of their employers is a crime, and MDWs who do so risk criminal prosecution and deportation (Churchill, 2022). The Live-in Rule exists primarily due to Hong Kong’s housing and overcrowding crisis. Rent and housing prices are notoriously high in Hong Kong, and it is widely believed that the Live-in Rule protects locals from being penalised by the presence of MDWs in the city. However, residing within their employer’s homes make MDWs extremely vulnerable to abuse and exploitation, and makes them more likely to be denied their legal rights, because they have no place of refuge from a demanding or abusive employer (Churchill, 2022). Standard Employment Contracts also don’t specify a maximum number of working hours (Bell, 2005) and this, in conjunction with the Live-in rule, means that MDWs frequently work upwards of 17 hours a day, with little to no distinction between working hours and downtime.

Another restriction that contributes to the vulnerability of MDWs is the “Two Week Rule.” The “Two Week Rule” is a piece of immigration law that The United Nation Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women has cited as being a key contributor to the high levels of exploitation and abuse experienced by MDWs (Cheung et. al, 2019). The rule states that MDWs have two weeks to find new employment if their contract is terminated by either them or their employers. Many MDWs find it difficult to find new employment in such a short span of time, and so frequently opt to remain working in abusive, exploitative households rather then attempting to change employers and risk losing wages that are essential to family back home, or to the paying off of debts incurred through the use of recruitment agencies.

In addition to the legislative factors that contribute to this community’s challenges, local attitudes to MDWs and discrimination play an important role in the difficulties this group faces. MDWs, due to their unique temporary immigration status, levels of poverty, status as women, and distinct ethnic identity, are frequently regarded by locals as second class citizens. They are regularly subjected to discrimination, and this is a contributing factor to the proliferation of mistreatment they face both in the households they service and in public life. Discrimination against MDWs is so widespread and embedded into the cultural fabric of Hong Kong that it has been suggested that MDWs face “elite racism”, a type of racism stemming from bodies with official societal influence, such as media organisations, schools, universities, or politicians (Ladegaard, 2013). This can be clearly seen in newspaper reports on incidents of abuse against MDWs. Major, respected, and widely read Hong Kong based newspapers such as the South China Morning Post will often report on cases of abuse by emphasising the positive qualities of the employer accused, or even convicted, of abuse, such as their devotion to their family, and will often highlight the life stressors the employer was suffering around the timeframe of the abuse (Ladegaard, 2013). Contrarily, the negative traits of the MDW in such cases are often emphasised. For example if their education status is relatively low, they may be characterised as a ‘high-school dropout’, or portrayed as money hungry and ungrateful (Ladegaard, 2013).

Furthermore, it is a commonly espoused belief among Hong Kong locals that Hong Kong is a MDWs ‘paradise’. It is widely believed that they are treated better in Hong Kong than they are in many other countries with large MDW populations, such as Singapore and the Gulf States. There is also a common sentiment that they are lucky to have the opportunity to come work in Hong Kong as a means of escape from the extreme poverty of their home countries, and should be grateful and submissive as a result (Ladegaard, 2013). This characterisation of MDWs as incredibly lucky to be working in Hong Kong legitimises exploitation, and is used to justify both the relatively scant rights that they are afforded, and the insufficient protection of those rights that they do have.

Approaches/ Recommendations

Of the many issues that MDWs in Hong Kong are faced with, the focus of this report is the issues of abuse and exploitation because they are rampant, and among the greatest challenges that the MDW community has to contend with. Although there is much that needs to be done at a governance and policy level to combat these problems, there are also measures that the community can take to address these challenges. The measures this report recommends centre primarily around community building, strengthening understanding of legal protections, developing greater financial literacy, and turning to strategic channels of organisation and protest.

Research conducted on the MDW community in Hong Kong has found that gathering and participating in activities that affirm community bonds and cultural, as well as personal, identity is a hugely powerful means of protecting MDW wellbeing. On this point, it is important to note two things. The first is that the vast majority of MDWs do not have much free time with which to gather and socialise – they are legally entitled to one rest day, Sunday, a week, and very few receive more time off than this. Furthermore, one of the most common forms of exploitation MDWs experience is the denial of this rest day, and in such cases gathering and participating in community events becomes at best a rarity, if not an impossibility. The second important thing to note is that the importance of gathering is something the MDW community already understands. MDWs in Hong Kong have the right to gather, form organisations, and host demonstrations of both a political and a recreational nature, a right this community can frequently be seen making excellent use of (Lai, 2010). This becomes visible every Sunday, when the government blocks off several main roads in Central, the city’s financial district, for the recreational use of MDWs. Due to the primarily outdoor, public nature of these gatherings, once a week MDWs become an unmissable part of Hong Kong’s urban landscape. That being said, it would be difficult to overstate the importance of building strong social connections and community ties in Hong Kong for this community’s well being, and this report would be incomplete without an exploration of this. The amount of social capital a MDW possesses, as measured in the form of friendship networks and attendance of a regular religious service, is associated with decreased likelihood of experiencing underpay, and a higher likelihood of reporting decent working conditions, as measured by access to a private and adequately sized room within their employers house, and fewer hours worked on average per day (Tong and Jiang, 2020). There is certainly a chicken and egg dimension to this – MDWs who are overworked or denied time off are less able to take the time required to socialise and form connections. Nonetheless, friendships and community support certainly play an important role in the protection of MDW rights, and in their ability to find employment with ‘decent’ employers, something MDWs often emphasise as being a priority for them out of a concern for avoiding exploitation (Bell, 2005). One possible reason for this is that MDWs who have been in Hong Kong for longer are more likely to know what their legal protections are and, crucially, what to do if their rights are violated. MDWs are rarely informed of their rights before arriving in Hong Kong, and are often encouraged by recruitment agencies to be compliant and obedient, rather than informed and vocal (Yeung et al, 2020). As a result, new MDWs often arrive in Hong Kong with a very limited understanding of the legal protections available to them. Even in instances where they are aware of a violation of their rights, one common reason for not reporting these violations is a lack of knowledge of how or where to file a complaint (Tong and Jiang, 2020). MDWs who have been in Hong Kong for longer, however, are more likely to have knowledge about their legal protections, and the proper channels to use to access these protections (Tong and Jiang, 2020). Friendship networks and social capital offers newer migrants a way to access knowledge accumulated by MDWs who have been in Hong Kong for longer, and regularly socialising offers MDWs the opportunity to know when they are being subjected to unacceptable conditions, and can give them the ability to ask for help from friends who may be better equipped to know what the best course of action is. Thus, regularly participating in community gathering and strengthening social networks is a powerful tool for MDWs to be best equipped to protect their rights and safeguard their wellbeing.

There is an additional element to community gathering which may help MDWs feel better able to assert their rights, which is the assertion of cultural and individual identity beyond their migrant worker status. Community gatherings can take many different forms, and MDWs have been known to mobilise to hold carnivals and performances in the city’s public parks and on the streets, where performances showcasing visual art forms such as dance, often along lines traditional to Indonesian and Filipino culture, are held (Lai, 2010). It has been argued that the everyday existence of most MDWs, characterised by isolated work within a local household, denies the heritages, individual interests, and subjectivities that are essential for a strong sense of self and community (Lai, 2010). This has an impact both on the discriminatory practices of employers, and on how MDWs view themselves. Surveys on mental health among MDW women have found that they are disproportionately vulnerable to self-stigma, a form of internalised stigma that individuals may harbour due to living in a society that discriminates against them for an element of their identity, or their minority status (Yeung et al, 2020). This has an obvious negative impact on sense of wellbeing, confidence, resilience, and self esteem, among other factors necessary for MDWs to feel capable of asserting their rights, reporting abuse, and where possible removing themselves from exploitative situations. Staging and participating in community oriented artistic endeavours strengthens the identity and visibility of MDW communities, and asserts to both local Hong Kongers and MDWs alike that these communities are composed of multifaceted human beings deserving of humane treatment. This may seem like an obvious, or even redundant, assertion, but in the context of a society that has shown itself time and time again to regard MDWs as disposable bodies for labour and service, it is not.

Another tool available to the MDW community to combat exploitation and abuse is developing financial literacy. Approximately 83% of MDWs are in debt (Enrich HK). This is due to several reasons, one large one being the previously discussed illegal overcharging of recruitment agencies, and another significant reason being the obligation to send money back home. MDWs frequently support dependents in their home country. For many, the ability to support dependents is their primary motivation for migrating to Hong Kong. It can be an expectation from relatives for the MDW to send the majority of their salary home, and it can be extremely difficult to resist the pressure of this expectation even when it isn’t realistic, particularly when children, elderly family members, and loved ones are dependent on their income for things like food, housing, and school fees (Zhou, Dai, and Jung, 2019). As a result, MDWs, who are likely already in debt from the migration process, often take out further loans, and as formal banking credit services are not available to them, they borrow from money lenders who make loans with steep interest rates readily available to MDWs (Zhou, Dai, and Jung, 2019). This is a major issue, as having debt and/or insufficient savings drastically increases the likelihood of remaining in an exploitative employment situation. It is also a common reason for remaining in Hong Kong past the intended duration of their stay, something most MDWs are keen to avoid, as most come to Hong Kong with the intention of working for a limited period of time, saving enough money to achieve certain goals such as putting their children through school, and then returning home. It is important to not regard financial literacy as something that can be taken for granted, particularly in an environment where there are many challenges in place that threaten financial security. Rather, financial literacy should be regarded as a tool that can, and should, be actively learned. One excellent avenue for accessing education on financial literacy is local NGO Enrich HK. Enrich offers workshops to MDWs taught in Bahasa and English, that teach strategies for saving, paying off debt, entrepreneurship skills, and offers a mentorship program to tackle individualised financial problems from a specified and personal angle (Zhou, Dai, and Jung, 2019). The long term benefits of participating in these programs for helping MDWs get and stay out of debt, and achieve goals such a starting a business back home or financing their children’s education, have been studied and found to be significant (Zhou, Dai, and Jung, 2019).

The final suggestion this report puts forward for the MDW community to target the unacceptably high levels of exploitation and abuse that they are subject to is to engage in strategic channels of organisation and protest. Despite this community’s lack of access to many of the protections afforded to citizens and locals, MDWs have historically possessed the right to gather, stage demonstrations, and form organisations to support their interests in Hong Kong (Lai, 2010). While the recent implementation of the National Security Law has made many forms of protest dangerous, or illegal, the right to association for MDWs remains protected under the Hong Kong Employment Ordinance. As discussed above, demonstrations that centre cultural and artistic forms of expression can help combat discrimination (Lai, 2010). Protest that targets specific desired changes in policy can also be beneficial, and is potentially more effective than general protest. For example, demonstrations and organisations formed to combat the ‘two-week rule’ or ‘the live-in rule’ specifically, may be a more effective way of bringing about a concrete reduction in exploitation and abuse than more general demonstrations against discrimination or exploitation as a whole. Additionally, there are many unions and NGOs, such as the Indonesian Migrant Workers Union, the Hong Kong Federation of Asian Domestic Workers Unions, and Enrich HK, that work to further the cause of MDW wellbeing. MDWs who engage with these organisations display a better understanding of the rights and protections they are entitled to, and are more likely to be involved in activism that has the potential to bring about meaningful change (Lai, 2010). Additionally, the Labour Department meets periodically with Domestic Worker Unions and NGOs, for example during their annual meeting with groups that represent MDW interests to review the minimum wage (ALR Editors, 2022). While this by no means guarantees that the concerns of MDW groups will be sincerely used to inform policy, participation in these organisations should not be overlooked as a way for MDWs to have their voices and concerns heard directly by the government, and this report strongly encourages that MDWs engage with, and participate in, labour unions and NGOs designed to improve living and working conditions for this community.

Conclusion

Several suggestions have been put forth in this report that may help the MDW community protect itself against exploitation and abuse. It is important to emphasise that MDW action alone is not the sole solution to these problems. Serious changes need to happen at the governmental and policy levels to protect the members of this community that is both uniquely vulnerable, and undervalued for its immense contributions to Hong Kong’s society. However, the suggestions put forth in this report hopefully offer MDWs a framework for understanding the tools available to them, and the actions they can take to safeguard their wellbeing, protect their rights, fight for necessary change, and ultimately avoid abuse and exploitation as they work to support themselves and their families in a city that owes them humane treatment, protection, and respect.

Bibliography

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Cheung, J.T.K., Tsoi, V.W.Y., Wong, K.H.K. and Chung, R.Y. (2019). Abuse and Depression among Filipino Foreign Domestic helpers. A cross-sectional Survey in Hong Kong.

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Churchill, Daniel (2020-2022). ‘Crimmigation’ and the Foreign Domestic Workers in Hong Kong. City University of Hong Kong Law Review, 8, pp.15-48. Available at: https://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/ciunhok8&id=23&collection=journals&index=

Editors, A.L.R. (2022). Unions Ramping Up Pressure for Respecting Rights of Hong Kong’s Foreign Domestic Workers. [online] Asian Labour Review. Available at: https://labourreview.org/unions-ramping-up-pressure-for-respecting-rights-of-hong- kongs-foreign-domestic-workers/ [Accessed 5 Jan. 2023].

Enrich HK (n.d.). Why Are so Many Domestic Workers in debt? [online] enrichhk.org. Available at: https://enrichhk.org/why-are-so-many-domestic-workers- debt#:~:text=According%20to%20our%20research%2C%2083 [Accessed 14 Oct. 2023].

Experian Asia Pacific and Enrich HK (2019). The Value of Care. [online] enrichhk.org. Available at: https://enrichhk.org/sites/default/files/2019-09/Final_The-Value-of- Care_Full-Report.pdf [Accessed 13 Oct. 2023].

Immigration Department (2023). Statistics on the Number of Foreign Domestic Helpers in Hong Kong. [online] Available at: https://data.gov.hk/en-data/dataset/hk-immd-set4-statistics-fdh [Accessed 21 Oct. 2023].

Ladegaard, H.J. (2013b). Demonising the cultural Other: Legitimising dehumanisation of foreign domestic helpers in the Hong Kong press. Discourse, Context & Media, 2(3), pp.131–140. doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.dcm.2013.06.002.

Lai, M. (2010). Dancing to different tunes: Performance and activism among migrant domestic workers in Hong Kong. Women’s Studies International Forum, 33(5), pp.501–511. doi:https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2010.07.003.

Tong, Y. and Jiang, N. (2020). Much Ado About Nothing? Do Foreign Domestic Workers in Hong Kong Benefit From Capital Accumulation? American Behavioral Scientist, 64(6), p.000276422091023. doi:https://doi.org/10.1177/0002764220910236.

Yeung, N.C.Y., Kan, K.K.Y., Wong, A.L.Y. and Lau, J.T.F. (2020). Self-stigma, resilience, perceived quality of social relationships, and psychological distress among Filipina domestic helpers in Hong Kong: A mediation model. Stigma and Health. doi:https://doi.org/10.1037/sah0000246.

Zhou, H., Dai, H. and Jung, N. (2019). Empowering migrant domestic helpers through financial education. International Journal of Social Welfare, 29(2). doi:https://doi.org/10.1111/ijsw.12385.

Categories
Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

The Housing Crisis of Queens New York: Perpetuating Social and Economic Inequities

Defining the community of Queens, New York

Queens is a borough of New York City located only seven miles outside of one of the economic and cultural capitals of the world, Manhattan. Within the boundaries of New York City, along with Brooklyn, Bronx, and Staten Island, Queens is home to over 8.8 million people overall with approximately 2.4 million residents making it one of the most ethnically diverse urban areas in the world (New York City Census, 2020,3). Queens has become a hub for multiple ethnic communities and immigration with 47% of its population being born outside of the U.S. (United States Census Bureau, 2021). A uniquely situated borough in New York City, the majority of its diverse immigrant population are middle-class families with the highest labour-force participation rate and lowest unemployment rates across New York (Malanga, 2004). The family-oriented nature of the community and the proximity to job opportunities are driving factors that caused Queens to continuously grow into a flourishing middle-class neighbourhood. The 345,000 people who live in this borough and also work in Manhattan provide an enormous contribution to New York’s largest vital businesses and economy (Malanga, 2004). Queen’s diverse reliable workforce provides vital skilled work and an economic boost in other areas of New York making Queens’ economy more stable than other boroughs and less likely to experience volatile swings (Malanga, 2004). The diverse middle-class population of Queens is crucial to the social and economic success of New York and is a backbone of the socioeconomic stability of the city, yet due to the lack of affordable housing, this community is suffering and being subjected to a lower standard of living.

Author Positionality

As a Queens resident, I have compassion for those who struggle with high rents and am grateful for being a homeowner in the area. My positionality takes self-awareness into account and my interest is in what would benefit the entire community to enjoy a balanced and healthy lifestyle. Throughout this research, I have discovered a panorama of what seems like an insurmountable problem that is linked to a systemic escalation of housing costs, that most of the population can only work to keep up with. There is a fundamental value system at play beneath our housing system where each entity offering housing is prioritizing profits over the quality of

life. From this, it would be important to communicate a more cooperative approach to the landlord/tenant relationship to maintain the property and cover the landlord’s costs while not exploiting the tenant. Overall, from my work volunteering in Queens, I’ve found the community is motivated by pursuing a personal livelihood to support their families and live the American dream of upward mobility and success. I hope the driving personal factor of improvement can be utilized to increase community support on a larger scale, especially by understanding the perspective of this overlooked borough. Recognising the community specifics that this population has limited time to engage in community initiatives will be vital to the success of any program.

Community Challenge

The high cost of living in New York City stems from the housing crisis and the need for additional homes and more specifically affordable homes. The lower-income communities disproportionately affected are spending over half their income on housing (Fitzsimmons et al., 2022). The increasing gap in New Yorkers’ ability to provide basic necessities is amplified in the borough of Queens which is a predominantly working-class family area. Current New York City Mayor Eric Adams and Governor Kathy Hochul’s push for building more affordable housing has failed in previous negotiations of the state budget still leaving over 80% of households in New York unable to afford the minimum cost of living (Shapiro, 2023). Data prepared by the Fund for the City of New York to advise governmental organisations regarding initiatives to improve livelihoods demonstrates that the median income in New York had risen 71% by 2023 while the true cost of living, meaning how much income is needed to afford necessities in Queens had risen 125% (Kucklick et al., 2023, 9). The city-wide median salary is stated to be $49,754 yearly while the true cost of living in Queens is shown to be $115,496 demonstrating the staggering income inadequacy and structural inequities that are causing increased poverty levels in this borough (Kucklick et al., 2023, 8). Based on the U.S. Census Bureau 2021 ACS report, households in Queens living below the true cost of living had risen to 49% which would support more people becoming unable to afford their needs as rent and prices increase and why factors such as food hardship have increased (Kucklick et al., 2023, 10). These downward adjustments in the median standard of living come from many people needing to move due to properties increasing rent and increasing cost for purchase along with rising interest rates for mortgages and the inability of people to qualify for bank loans.

Thus, affordable housing is consistently becoming too expensive and forcing families and individuals to cut back on other basic expenses to afford rent or mortgage payments. Renters are further disproportionately affected as rents continue to rise as they are not governed by legislation in small private homes with apartments. While Queen’s economy is stated to be the most stable due to the consistent workforce the highest rates of personal economic instability were found in predominantly immigrant or nonwhite neighbourhoods as demonstrated (Shapiro, 2023). Through statistics that will be discussed below, there are already examples of families in renting communities in Queens, such as Elmhurst and South Corona that have needed to compromise their standard of living to afford to live in their homes with one of the largest factors being increased risk of food insecurity. These factors create extreme risks to the well-being of families and children. If this community were economically forced to move due to the increase in housing prices, there would be a larger negative ripple effect over the entirety of New York City and the State due to the loss of essential workers in the infrastructure of the city. One of the greatest challenges to many communities, such as New York City which possesses some of the most expensive real estate in the world, is that the middle class is disproportionately affected by the rising cost of living (Malanga, 2004). The question becomes how the community itself can cope with these changes and respond to achieve a more equitable standard of living.

Many social factors can contribute to and provide an understanding of why Queens is demonstrating worse effects to housing price increase than other areas such as inequities regarding child care and amount of social programs. While the majority of households in Queens have dual incomes it was still found that having a child of any age in Queens pushes the monthly true cost of living over the official measure of poverty (Kucklick et al., 2023, 20). This income inadequacy is highest for households with younger children due to the high cost of childcare and the highest disparities are observed in homes with 86% of single mothers struggling to meet basic needs (Kucklick et al., 2023, 20). These calculations are estimated to be statistically higher than what is shown as the New York City true cost of living standard doesn’t consider factors such as education expenses, debt and monthly interest rates that are more prevalent in lower- income communities (Kucklick et al., 2023, 8).

Food hardship levels provide insight into the overall well-being of various neighbourhoods as we can understand communities that are economically struggling and what factors are causing this inequality. Through monitoring poverty rates in New York City it is found that neighbourhoods in Manhattan have the lowest rates of food hardship consisting of less than 10% of people identifying they have run out of food and have not been able to afford more throughout a year (Gordis et al., 2019, 3). While areas of Elmhurst and South Corona in Queens have the second highest rates across all the boroughs stating that 57% of their population have experienced some form of food insecurity (Gordis et al., 2019, 11). These are not the only areas in Queens facing hardship as children are hardest hit and organizations such as the Zara Charitable Foundation and La Jornada Food Pantry coordinate and distribute food daily at different locations in Queens, particularly because federal pandemic-era food relief programs have ended (Davick, 2023). The statistics and stories show that food hardship is a condition in specific areas that is directly tied to the factors of rent, income as well as accessibility. As prices increase due to inflationary factors the situation becomes only more dire. The economic gap in New York neighbourhoods with a high working-class immigrant population struggling to make ends meet has only been exacerbated as post-pandemic programs such as stimulus checks have been terminated (Shapiro, 2023).

Recomendations

The community organizations that exist operate based upon donations and provide educational tools and assistance in applying for government assistance but have not mobilized to make a direct impact on the increasing rental costs across the region. Part of the difficulty in restraining runaway rental costs is the perception that landlords may raise rates to stay in pace with extreme rising rents in New York City. The ever-increasing economic spiral is not sustainable for a working community. Unfortunately, the trend in the past has been for families to leave the State altogether. Another impact of rising costs is that more people live together in smaller spaces and in spaces that are not legislatively permitted such as basements of homes. The legal disputes arising from these arrangements further tax the antiquated system dealing with new socioeconomic pressures. Therefore, community activism should include community meetings where awareness and support can be made available to people. It requires that a ‘quality of life’ becomes a priority for communities.

The work remains to solve the issue of increased housing prices through community activism and establishing a political presence and influence by voting for candidates who can navigate the legislative processes necessary to protect middle-class families. In the past Queens voters have played a decisive role in the New York elections and through proper education this population can be used to make a substantial change (Malanga, 2004). The community’s role in drafting recommendations to fix the urban problem of overpriced housing can be explored in town hall-style meetings for community members to attend. As a member of the community, you are most aware of what programs will help improve your standard of living and by developing a deeper level of personal engagement you can ensure money from nonprofits in your area or government programs are supporting the correct resources. This engagement was demonstrated in the late ’90s as many families in uptown Chicago were facing housing increases due to gentrification and the local Organization of the NorthEast (ONE) implemented retention strategies on behalf of 78 neighbourhood members to purchase private housing and turn this into affordable housing (Levy et al., 2007, 289). Through social activism ONE was able to target the main problems to create affordable housing rather than wait for governmental support and campaign to retain affordable housing for senior care based on community recommendations (Ibid). By understanding the influence of civic participation on social urban issues you can mobilise your community towards the most important issues. And as in the cited case even take action as a group.

Currently, in Queens, besides a lack of affordable housing, there is also a lack of safe public affordable housing (Selby et al., 2022, 5). The New York City Housing Authority has been accused of breaking federal law by misusing government funds and neglecting to check housing for lead paint leading to other unsafe living conditions (Selby et al., 2022, 4). This has a direct effect on the community as North America’s largest housing project is Queensbridge Housing located in Long Island City, Queens (Jcrites, 2018). This issue has been spoken about in papers, but there hasn’t been engagement with the communities affected themselves, and we see the deeper aspect of immigrant and nonwhite families disproportionately affected. I recommend that by engaging and utilising social activism groups the community will be able to have their perspective expressed as an essential step towards representation. The expression and organisation would assist in explaining many issues including factors of racial justice and how this too has affected the housing crisis. Queens currently has nonprofit organisations such as Queens Community House of Forest Hills, Minkwon Center for Community Actions, Samuel Field YM and YMHA, Inc. among others devoted to community social support and community building. This sampling of community organisations was originally organized by the immigrant communities that founded neighbourhoods and have reached out to the larger communities, prioritizing health, social interaction and overall well-being. They have been successful in gathering the larger community of families from different backgrounds together. However, regarding systemic problems facing communities such as housing costs, more community engagement and organisation are necessary to find better ways of supporting the area.

Further improvement in quality of life can be accomplished by encouraging groups to implement social plans to lessen some financial burdens, as in community projects and food preparation. It is also crucial to lessen the burden specifically on women in the community and to make sure that children are being fed, particularly with recent cutbacks on federal aid to schools for food programs. As the borough of Queens has the highest rates of racial and ethnic variety compared to all other counties in the nation it would be imperative to look at other community programs in areas of diversity that have been successful (Algar, 2019). One method of this in another community was an intergenerational summer meal program that connected a privately funded summer meal program for children with a government-funded senior nutrition program and through this collaboration, there was increased accessibility and the implementation of no eligibility screening (Bruce et al., 2022, 904). By leveraging resources there was an increase in operational factors as this meal truck could now travel to hotspots in the community and besides feeding a population of children and the elderly were also able to reach other adult groups (Bruce et al., 2022, 905). By utilizing community-based food resources and making adjustments these programs can become accessible leading to an increase in participation.

I would recommend the collaboration of food resources from neighbouring areas, for example to the areas of Elmhurst and South Corona, as their community programs lack support. Neighbourhoods can also organize to create community services to support other working-class families who may be struggling, especially in some areas of Queens that are more affluent and stable but are close geographically to areas with a poorer standard of living. As factors of increased rent prices and poorer quality of life have been linked this can be demonstrated in areas with higher livelihood rates and increased rates of home ownership. This is shown as the neighbourhoods of Forest Hills and Elmhurst are only 2 miles apart and less than 10 minutes away from each other yet Forest Hills has one of the lowest rates of food hardship rates in Queens at 17% while Elmhurst and South Corona as stated earlier have one of the highest rates in Queens and the entirety of the city at 57% (Gordis et al., 2019, 11). These statistics would lead me to suggest that the communities of Elmhurst and South Corona should create a partnership with food pantries such as Commonpoint Queens, Jewish Community Council and Masbia of Rego Park – Soup Kitchen in Forest Hills. As Forest Hills has lower levels of food insecurity and these main food pantries and soup kitchens only are open for a few hours daily, if after closing this food were to be brought to Elmhurst and South Corona it would provide immense support due to a more accessible location and timing, and would be a benefit in terms of the conservation of previously wasted food. Focusing on the aspect of accessibility is imperative in the working- class communities of Queens, in areas such as Elmhurst and South Corona as personal working hours are often the same as business hours for community resource centres and the majority of these neighbourhoods rely on public transportation. This will also support the interaction of members of the community who value living in a diverse and stimulating community and family area as much as an economic consideration.

One of my final recommendations is in regard to New York’s economic interest in wanting these members of the borough to stay and thrive as initiatives to find affordable housing are positive for the entire community and can be achieved in terms of new construction. The problem has historically been that developers build and market to luxury buyers in areas with proximity to Manhattan, which is evident by the gentrification of neighbourhoods on the outskirts of Queens and Brooklyn. In Long Island City, a formerly industrial and working-class middle-class neighbourhood, luxury highrises are sprouting up and catering to a young workforce to support the businesses in Manhattan. The one-million-dollar base price of a one- bedroom apartment is pricing out middle-class families. Historically, citizen groups have had some success in stopping the building of huge complexes of offices and demonstrated that development had to be “compatible with existing communities” (Lueck, 1989). I would recommend as the borough of Queens makes up 45% of our city’s overall workforce that this community pressures large corporations to provide financial support and reinvest in housing as these workers are vital to their businesses (NYC Mayor’s Office of Immigrant Affairs, 2018, 9). As a community, forms of pressure can be placed on large corporations through political pressure, and at the voting booth by voting for candidates that support middle-class interests and programs, legally by engaging attorneys to lobby and to bring legal action in the form of lawsuits and with public community forums to give a voice to the community and the media to broadcast their protest and with fund-raising campaigns (Lueck, 1989). This is essentially an investment in the community and would yield greater benefits than its cost. Acts of goodwill have shown that they benefit businesses in many ways by raising morale in the community and easing some of the daily pressures of life as a working person.

Community organizations can assist in affordable childcare and after-school programs with contributions from each member for the meal preparation and engagement of the children in activities. The most important programs to establish would be the community programs such as communal food programs necessary to bridge the gap for members of this community to be able to afford rent which often disproportionately affects single mothers and families with children. As mentioned in the beginning, community organizations must begin with an education that these members of the community are not alone, and that services and support may be available to them. Ultimately, community organizations must take a political or legal pathway to demand change and improvements in the overall quality of life and better use of resources such as tax dollars for community members. The community recommendations must prioritize gathering to limit the shame of economic insufficiency.

Conclusion

While the factors of food insecurity, childcare and workforce population aren’t immediately tied to the housing crisis these issues are deeply connected and have various effects on each other. The housing crisis has disproportionately affected the borough of Queens due to the socio-economic factors, ethnic composition and single-parent family rates already creating an increased economic toll. Within this group, increased economic and psychological components such as family stress, lack of childcare and food insecurity affect middle-class working populations not eligible for government benefits. Also, immigrants and people of colour, are also more affected by the housing crisis. By recommending community support, and ideas tied to social and government factors, I hope to lessen some of the other life factors that have been threatened due to this overall increase in housing prices and risks to the overall well-being of Queens communities. Ultimately, community activism must interface with government agencies as costs are continually rising in multiple boroughs to sustain the infrastructure of the City of New York. These issues require a deeper review of budget allocation and expenses but one that would benefit from greater community participation and transparency to the citizenry. Housing needs to be considered on a more urgent yet vast scale in a multidimensional approach that can assess how other costs are continuously rising. This multi-dimensional approach would allow the government to understand that as costs rise this affects every community differently, as communities vary in wages, transportation costs, food and childcare costs, and these differences are apparent and very significant in the middle-class working community of Queens.

Citations

Algar, Selim. (2019) Queens is crowned nation’s most diverse large county. New York, US: The New York Post.

Bruce, Janine S. Lien, Tiffany N. George, Elizabeth. Puri, Vandana. Ramirez, Melanie. Merrell, Sylvia Bereknyei. (2022) Examination of an Intergenerational Summer Meal Program for Children and Older Adults. Journal of Community Health. New York, US: Springer Publishing.

Davick, Arnold. (2023) New report highlights food insecurity in Queens. New York, US: Spectrum News NY 1

Fitzsimmons, Emma G. Zaveri, Mihir. (2022) $2 Billion Development in Queens Approved Amid Housing Crisis. The Innovation Queens project will, after weeks of contentious negotiations, include 1,400 affordable units out of more than 3,000 new homes. New York, US: The New York Times.

Gordis, Sarah. Collyer, Sophie. Wimer, Christopher. (2019) Mapping Hunger in New York City: A Look at the Rate of Food Hardship in New York City Neighborhoods. New York, US: Columbia Population Research Center.

Jcrites (2018). 5 of the Largest Public Housing Properties in the USA. [online] Housing Futures. Housing Strategies for cities around the globe. Available at: https://housing- futures.org/2018/07/23/5-of-the-largest-public-housing-properties-in-the- usa/#:~:text=Queensbridge%20Housing%2D%20New%20York%20Housing [Accessed 26 Oct. 2023].

Kucklick, Annie. Manzer, Lisa. (2023) Overlooked and Undercounted struggling to Make Ends Meet in New York City 2023. NYC True Cost of Living. Center for Women’s Welfare.

University of Washington School of Social Work. Prepared for The Fund for the City of New York. New York, US: United Way of New York City.

Levy, Diane K. Comey, Jennifer. Padilla, Sandra. (2007) In the Face of Gentrification: Case Studies of Local Efforts to Mitigate Displacement.Journal of Affordable Housing & Community Development Law, Vol. 16, No. 3 pp. 238-315. Chicago, IL: American Bar Association.

Lueck, Thomas J. (1989) Citizens Gain in Anti-Developer Wars. New York, US: The New York Times.

Malanga, Steven. (2004) Why Queens Matters.The Social Order, States and Cities, Economy, fiance and budgets. Manhattan, US: City Journal. Manhattan Institute for Policy Research.

NYC Mayor’s Office of Immigrant Affairs (2018) State of Our Immigrant City. MOIA Annual Report March 2018. New York, US: NYC Mayor’s Office of Immigrant Affairs

NYC planning. (2020) 2020 Census Results for New York City. Key Populations and Housing Characteristics. NYC Gov Planning. New York, US: New York City Department of City Planning.

Selby, Julia. Schneider, Courtney. (2022) Home is Where the Harm Is: Corruption, Fraud, and Abuse in NYC’s Public Housing. New York, US: Cornell Policy Review.

Shapiro, Eliza. (2023) Half of N.Y.C. Households Can’t Afford to Live Here, Report Finds. The study is the latest piece of evidence to demonstrate the depth of New York City’s affordability crisis, which is reshaping local demographics and culture. New York, US: The New York Times.

United States Census Bureau (2021). U.S. Census Bureau QuickFacts: Queens County, New York. [online] www.census.gov. Available at: https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/fact/table/queenscountynewyork.

Categories
Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

Homelessness and The Housing Crisis in Toronto

Introduction

A global housing crisis is occurring in full force. Many kinds of urban environments are experiencing disproportionate homelessness due to the lack of affordable housing, which has been exacerbated by COVID-19. Major metropolitan cities are experiencing the highest housing costs in history, making this issue especially relevant within these areas. This briefing will focus on the city of Toronto, Canada, in exploring issues of housing and homelessness. A call to action is targeted at municipal, provincial, and federal governments together to reverse the effects of structural inequities in housing markets and take short-term and long-term projects seriously in addressing the crisis.

This report seeks to inform these groups on the crisis from the ground level, using stakeholder perspectives and case study analyses to create a comprehensive picture of homelessness in Toronto. The ending of the pandemic presents a unique opportunity for governments and private funders to reevaluate their profiles and redirect funds to new beneficiaries, and it therefore must be capitalized on. The scope of this briefing includes the Greater Toronto Area, focusing on the downtown core and programs within it. The history of homelessness and the housing crisis is observed to contextualize contemporary approaches, and recommendations presented consider possibilities for both the present and coming decades. Personal bias is considered in a statement on positionality to offer a reflexive body of work. This briefing seeks to contribute to the global crisis and the existing body of literature through an analysis of this major city, providing reflections and recommendations that may apply to a wider context.

Background and History

The current population of Toronto is 3,025,647, with its metro region accommodating 6,471,850 people (City of Toronto, 2023). These statistics have placed Toronto as one of the top five largest cities in North America. Alongside the population growth rests a complex history of (in)access to affordable housing, and associated homelessness. The current average price of all home types in Toronto is 1,140,647 Canadian Dollars. Accordingly, there were 84,583 individuals on the centralized waiting list for social housing in the spring of 2023, with an average time of 13 years spent on waiting lists (City of Toronto, 2023).

The recent history of the housing crisis can be traced to the 1980s when the term ‘homelessness’ underwent a conceptual change, previously thought of as males residing in certain areas, and displaying certain characteristics (Barker, 1977). It wasn’t until an extreme lack of housing in the 1980s that the term was redefined as those un-housed (Baumohl, 1996). It was a global social problem; no longer was the UN’s “Year of Shelter for the Homeless” reserved for the global south (Greene, 2014). The crisis was predominantly blamed on urban restructuring, encompassing gentrification, neo-liberal welfare state reform, economic and occupational change, and urban entrepreneurialism (Greene, 2014).

The crisis was not addressed until increased visibility of the homeless population; a movement was catalyzed by the passing of a homeless woman found frozen to death in December 1985 (Snarr and Jasper, 2000). Nonetheless, cuts to social assistance continued, prompting participation and creation of several community groups. The collapse of the Toronto real estate market in 1989 accelerated negative effects of post-Fordist urban development, enabling more neo-liberalization in governance (Greene, 2014). The number of deaths in the streets of Toronto increased dramatically, along with the number of individuals staying in homeless shelters each

night. The City Council finally labeled homelessness a “national disaster” in 1998. However, the label was more powerful in theory than practice; its effectiveness was drowned out by municipal mismanagement (Greene, 2014), leaving the issue to community programs and initiatives.

Toronto is recognized as one of the most multicultural cities in the world. Immigration makes up a large sum of this; 51.2% of the population was born outside of Canada. This demographic may experience increased disadvantage when seeking housing. Difficulties can be exacerbated by language barriers, insufficient and inaccurate information, discriminatory practices by landlords, neighbors, and others, and an unawareness of rights and responsibilities as tenants or renters (Halliday and Teixeira, 2010). Indigenous groups similarly face discrimination in housing markets. This can be traced back to historical strategies to eliminate Indigenous Peoples; Canada’s history of colonization and exploitation of Indigenous land and populations has had lasting effects, continuing into present-day governing policies.

Central to understanding Toronto’s homelessness emergency is the impact of COVID-19. Toronto is considered to have experienced the longest lockdown of any city in the world (Cathcart-Keays, 2022). With the ongoing emergent state of unaffordable housing and homelessness, the pandemic exacerbated distress. In complying with public health directives, many shelters and services had limited capacities or closed altogether. People experiencing homelessness were hence more vulnerable to infection due to the lack of safe housing. On top of that, in the absence of regular services, they faced increased risks related to intimate partner violence and unsafe substance use, highlighting the importance of housing as a social detriment of health (Perri, Dosani, and Hwand, 2020). Like other major metropolitan cities, in April 2020, Toronto leased 1,200 hotel rooms to assist the shelter system. A factor that triggered this response was the increased visibility of street homelessness, like that of the 1980s when the crisis became inescapable. Nevertheless, the city is more aware of homelessness than ever (Cathcart- Keays, 2022), making it an important time to review and re-evaluate current approaches to affordable housing in Toronto.

Positionality

In approaching this subject, it must be recognized that I have not had any firsthand experience with housing insecurity. Furthermore, as a member of a Caucasian Canadian family having lived in Toronto for generations, I have not been subject to the inequities and discrimination that some individuals have faced in the housing market. My experience with the homeless community in Toronto is from a removed standpoint, however, from a young age, I have been aware of the crisis, thinking back fondly to the man who sat outside of a grocery store by my elementary school and became a friend of many students. For this briefing, I have grounded my knowledge in academic journals, news articles, and interviews with key stakeholders such as people experiencing homelessness themselves. This was done to minimize bias and reflect a comprehensive understanding of the crisis. However, bias is inevitable, and I will therefore remain dedicated to transparency in my work to ensure a high level of integrity. This is especially critical in my recommendations section, as it is dangerous to speak for a community that one is far removed from, which is why a key component of my approach is community participation and government transparency.

Policy and Legal Framework

The housing crisis stems from a range of interconnected policy decisions at municipal, provincial, and federal levels framed around neoliberal ideologies. This shaped socioeconomic transformations across Canada in the 1990s, following cuts to federal social assistance in the 1980s, feeding the crisis. The Canadian government canceled its National Housing Strategy in 1993, with a turn to market forces to solve the problem (Gaetz, 2013). The conservative government continued to cut other benefits for those living in poverty, disproportionately affecting people experiencing homelessness.

The current legal framework focuses on emergency mechanisms, such as emergency shelters, which disregard the permanence of homelessness for many Torontonians trapped in a vicious cycle. Homelessness has consequently become more visible, acting as a source of mobilization for community initiatives. However, the policy response focuses on punitive justice, criminalizing homelessness, outlawing begging, and restricting the use of public spaces (Gaetz, 2013). Within the shelter system, though, the City of Toronto has in place the Toronto Shelter Standards, ensuring just living conditions including social environments, most recently updated in 2022. The city council has also extended the openings of emergency shelters, such as the example of lowering the threshold for opening warming centers in the cold winter months (Draaisma, 2023). Although emergency shelter mechanisms may be effective in the Toronto case, this must couple with affordable housing policies and recognition of transitional phases of homeless individuals to make a meaningful impact.

A dominant policy plan in place is the Housing TO 2020-2030 Action Plan, created by the City of Toronto, published in 2018. This blueprint outlines actions across the housing spectrum from homelessness to housing rentals and ownership. This master plan guides many others within it and calls groups to action in reaching various indicators. Reports in 2021 recognized great progress towards the Housing TO plan but pointed out that enhanced federal and provincial investments are key to ensuring continued success. Fluid communication between these three levels of government must be incorporated into present and future action plans to support their shared objectives in conquering the homelessness and affordable housing crisis, and therefore this briefing is targeted towards this collective.

Community Initiatives and Programmes

Community involvement is central to Toronto’s history of battling homelessness. A large part of this involvement has taken the form of activism and protests. A notable example is from the 1999 Toronto International Film Festival, where the Ontario Coalition Against Poverty (OCAP) panhandled guests and chanted about the homelessness crisis, forcing Hollywood stars to use a back door. This was only one part of their fall Campaign for Economic Disruption, calling attention to the invisibility of homelessness (Greene, 2014). Theirs was a more visible, radical approach, but other community programs that work to support people experiencing homelessness every day may go unnoticed in the city.

Toronto’s Shelter Support and Housing Administration (SSHA) is the city’s division that manages homeless services in Toronto, following a Housing First and human rights approach, working closely with over 200 community service providers (City of Toronto, 2021). Community service providers in Toronto support general homelessness, but some are also geared toward more specific groups. Street to Homes (S2H), for example, supports people experiencing homelessness through street outreach 24 hours, seven days a week. They also connect individuals with housing-related follow-up support and work with other city-funded partners to broaden their reach (City of Toronto, 2021). The United Way Greater Toronto similarly supports best practices in addressing homelessness. They focus on preventing and reducing the occurrence and duration of homelessness through early intervention. This group calls for a regional approach, emphasizing the importance of this greater network (United Way Greater Toronto, n.d.). These wide-reaching programs are supported by others with more niche targets.

COSTI Immigrant Services works with the United Way in supporting settlement and citizenship services for those new to Canada. This is especially important for newcomer women at risk of or facing intimate partner violence. Another community group is the 519, working with LGBTQ2S individuals among others, to create a safe and accessible environment. This group rose out of a Toronto study which found that 20% of youth in the shelter system identify as LGBTQ2S (Homeless Hub, n.d.).

Case Study: Fred Victor Organization

Fred Victor is a charity organization providing social services across Toronto. They run two emergency shelters open 24 hours a day, seven days a week, which provide laundry and hygiene supplies, in addition to information, referral, and supported housing access and advocacy. They also offer affordable and transitional housing for individuals and families, including services for women transitioning to the housing market. Their focus on community impacts helps people find sustainable employment (Fred Victor, n.d.). This dual focus, which incorporates the Housing First approach, supports both immediate needs of people with emergency shelters, while also providing affordable housing, and facilitating the transition between the two. Fred Victor received 5.4 million CAD in donations and 38.1 million in government funding in 2023. Fred Victor published a 2019-2024 Strategic plan in which they outlined goals and their associated indicators. A review in 2022 checked in with the indicators that were to be met by the fall of that year where it was established that they were on target for 21 out of 26 indicators (Fred Victor, 2022).

A shock to the existing system was COVID-19, dramatically exacerbating the needs of communities. Nonetheless, Fred Victor persevered. Throughout the pandemic, emergency shelters remained safely open. In March 2021, the women’s shelter moved into a newly renovated building. Fred Victor also worked with the City of Toronto in repurposing the Edward Village Hotel in North York into a safe shelter. They continued meal services, adapting and growing to meet increased demands, and developed an enhanced PPE policy and screening protocol. They were also among the first to host COVID-19 testing sites, and later, vaccine pop- up clinics (Fred Victor, 2021).

Fred Victor, as a four-star-rated charity, has an above-average result reporting grade, low overhead costs, and is financially transparent. In 2023, they have helped 263 people secure housing, helping 174 individuals move from transitional to permanent housing, and 176 more from shelters into permanent housing. Their safe injection sites have helped to reverse 460 overdoses, and they have diverted 652 people from the criminal justice system to mental health

services (Charity Intelligence Canada, n.d.), actively putting a wrench in the vicious cycle of homelessness.

Stakeholder Perspectives

In a 2019 interview with CBC News, individuals weighed in on their experiences with homelessness. Paul, 43, who was homeless for 6 years at the time from hurting his back and losing his job, explained that “You have nothing, [be]cause people think you’re nothing, you end up thinking you’re nothing.” The psychological side, and the social stigma around homelessness, are outlined here as a barrier to success. Paul also explained that there are “… so many types of homelessness in this city…it’s not just the bums you see on the street, we’re everywhere now,” highlighting the sense of invisibility. At the time, Paul was on an 11-year waiting list for housing, “for a white male 43 years old,” suggesting that it can only be harder for others due to racial injustices. Another individual named Kevin explained that he wants the city to create more shelter beds. Kevin says “It boils down to real humanity. We know what to do, we’re just not doing it. We’ve got to start caring about people” (CBC News, 2019). Shelters were supposed to be temporary, emergency solutions, but as demonstrated here, individuals have been living in them for years, highlighting a systemic issue.

Many people who have been supporting community initiatives are fed up with inaction from the city. Cathy Crowe, a street nurse in Toronto, has worked with people living in poverty for over three decades. Cathy reiterated Kevin’s statement, exclaiming that “we have all been saying, for years through the pandemic, what needs to be done…but in the last six months, politicians and medical officers of health will not touch the recommendations that need to happen,” in referencing continued health measures around the end of the pandemic, and in stopping bill 124 which caps public workers’ salaries. Cathy claimed that “There needs to be a wartime effort to house people,” because “The conditions are literally catastrophic.”

At a political level, federal NDP leader Jagmeet Singh pushed Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to assist mayor-elect Olivia Chow in July 2023 in solving the city’s affordable housing issue, asking him to re-evaluate federal taxes and use any vacant federal land for affordable housing (City News, 2023). The city itself has declared homelessness an emergency at the Federal level, signaling this need for a strong partnership. The City Council decided to ask provincial and federal governments to add 20 million CAD to the Canada-Ontario Housing Benefit (COHB) in 2023-2024 to support permanent housing.

Challenges and Barriers

There are a range of barriers to ending homelessness and creating affordable housing, which is why so many major cities struggle. Toronto faces complex social, economic, demographic, and governmental barriers. Social stigma against affordable housing and renters is a big player here. Many people present a not in my backyard syndrome, fearing that affordable rental housing will increase crime and decrease property value (Fung, Parikh, and Zulauf, 2020). People experiencing homelessness feel the effects of this stigma, as was explained by Paul in the previous section, taking a psychological toll.

Some perceived economic barriers are socially constructed as well. Many people believe that providing shelters and services is too expensive when the truth is that subsidizing social housing is a more economical approach. The monthly cost of a shelter bed and services in Toronto in recent years was 2,250 CAD, whereas the monthly cost of subsidizing a unit of Toronto’s social housing was 306 CAD. Nevertheless, true economic barriers remain. Affordable housing is rented or sold at below-market value, making it difficult without government investors (Habitat for Humanity, 2018). Additionally, government tax policies add massively to the costs of development, and uncertainties of long-term government commitments create risk (Habitat for Humanity, 2018). Additional barriers in government practices, as previously established, lie in municipal, provincial, and federal disconnects. In terms of demographics, the province has reportedly been behind on the housing supply because of labor shortages, making development especially difficult. This poses difficulties with the influx of newcomers expected to arrive in the present and future (Balintec, 2023).

Recommendations

An action plan must consider both immediate and long-term strategies for reducing homelessness and creating affordable housing. There are serval keys to success that must remain present in all developments. First is transparency with data and the measuring process to enable community involvement. The second is to address the stigma around homelessness and affordable housing units. Third, and has underlined much of this briefing, is fluid communication and partnership between all levels of government. These elements are simplified for this report but are key to the following actionable recommendations.

In the short term, the city and community partners must continue with the Housing First initiative, prioritizing housing as a human right. This initiative is already at play in both community and government programs and must continue to be enforced, such as employed by Fred Victor. This can be facilitated through government-funded community outreach programs and the creation of more emergency shelters. However, emergency shelters must be supplemented with permanent housing to fulfill their short-term purpose. A short-term permanent affordable housing project to be implemented is the mass production of modular homes. These homes bring project costs down while speeding up development and completion (Balintec, 2023). Construction company BECC Modular is a great partner for this project.

Another approach, discussed by the Wellesley Institutes Blueprint to End Homelessness in Toronto, is to immediately move up to half of the sheltered individuals into permanent homes through enhanced rent supplements, as funding for shelter beds is much more expensive than rent supplements in Toronto (Wellesley Institute, 2011). With less strain on shelters, they can better perform their emergency function.

Longer-term approaches are essential to the sustained housing of individuals across the city. The funding of new and renovated homes in mixed-income neighborhoods can be enabled by increased provincial and federal funding. Inclusionary zoning policies requiring new developments to include affordable housing units is another promising approach, as was successful in the Vienna housing model, destigmatizing and decommodifying affordable housing (Fung, Parikh, and Zulauf, 2020). The government must also activate surplus public land, as suggested by Jagmeet Singh in July 2023, using this vacant land in Toronto to build affordable homes (City News, 2023). An innovative approach for Toronto, which has been gaining traction in recent years, is laneway housing. Toronto uniquely has a network of almost 2,400 laneways stretching 300km through some of Toronto’s most sought-after neighborhoods (Lanescape, 2017). This untapped resource may prove extremely promising but must follow a participatory approach, working together with current neighborhood residents. Creating more productive housing means prioritizing a humanitarian, intersectional, and inclusive approach. A large part of this is advancing reconciliation with indigenous peoples by creating culturally appropriate shelters and housing units, on top of addressing anti-black racism.

Conclusion

This briefing has explored homelessness and issues with affordable housing in Toronto, calling various levels of government to take action in improving the existing emergency shelter system and long-term affordable housing solutions. Urban restructuring in Toronto’s history along with racial discrimination has left structural inequities that must be addressed. Legal frameworks have been assessed, exposing the history of cuts to social funding and the criminalization of homelessness, but recognized the just Toronto Shelter Standards in place. Activism and community initiatives have played a critical role in supporting people experiencing homelessness, assessed through a case study of the Fred Victor organization which sets an example for others and employs elements further emphasized in the recommendations section. A stakeholder analysis of people experiencing homelessness, community program members, politicians, and the City of Toronto is compiled to consider a range of opinions and ideas on the matter. Social, economic, governmental, and demographic barriers are evaluated followed by a list of both short-term and long-term recommendations. These are namely the importance of Housing First initiatives and modular housing, alongside newly renovated affordable housing through activation of surplus public land and inclusionary zoning, and the possibility of laneway housing. This is underscored by the need for transparency in data and measurement, education around the stigmas of homelessness and affordable housing, and a nexus of government involvement and interaction at all stages of the process.

Reference List

Balintec, V. (2023). How to fix the housing crisis? Experts, mayors bring ideas to annual Ontario summit. [online] CBC. Available at: https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/ontario-housing-annual-summit-2023- 1.6993867.

Baumohl, J. and National Coalition For The Homeless (U.S (1996). Homelessness in America.

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Cathcart-Keays, A. (2022). Homelessness and the pandemic: Toronto. www.homelessnessimpact.org. Available at: https://www.homelessnessimpact.org/news/homelessness-and-the-pandemic-toronto [Accessed 26 Oct. 2023].

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Oct. 2023].

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Draaisma, M. (2023). Toronto city council declares homelessness an emergency. [online] CBC. Available at: https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/toronto-homelessness-emergency- changes-warming-centres-1.6842031#:~:text=On%20its%20shelter%20system%20flow.

Draaisma, M. and Glover, C. (2022). Toronto street nurse calls for ‘wartime effort on homelessness’ as she closes book on long career. [online] CBC. Available at: https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/cathy-crowe-street-nurse-homelessness-nursing- 1.6686637.

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Categories
Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

Redefining Mobility in the Fossil Fuel Capital of Canada 

Part 1: The Past: Establishing Southeast Calgary in the City’s History and My Background 

 In 2021, the Calgary City Council declared a state of climate emergency. Addressing the city’s sustainable development has thus become an immediate priority with policy goals created to eradicate polluting emissions, limit climate warming, and build resilience (The City of Calgary, 2022).  One of the greatest challenges for Calgary is sustainable mobility. The city has become infamous for its reliance on private automobiles and ever-expanding urban sprawl (Keough & Ghitter, 2021). The COVID-19 pandemic worsened this still as demand for public transport dropped due to safety concerns. The city was forced to reduce planned investment in safe and convenient transit and walking and wheeling infrastructure (The City of Calgary, 2022). However, it should be cars that are the real safety concern. Studies show that automobile dependency contributes to public health issues such as obesity, air pollution and cardiovascular problems. Urban sprawl also contributes to wildlife habitat destruction and mental health issues associated with long commutes and a weak senses of community (Teplova, 2006).  Furthermore, automobiles also contribute to social issues such as injuries and fatalities through accidents and even major road rage incidents which can end in violent altercations (Keough & Ghitter, 2021).  

However, these issues are not recent. Hence, city officials have failed to sufficiently address these issues time and time again. Using my background as a Management and Sustainable Development final-year student. Along with work experience as a research intern examining policy documents, I find that the City’s policies on sustainable mobility fail to sufficiently address the needs of communities all over the city. I so extend recommendations on how communities themselves can overcome policy erasure and rebuild their fragmented sense of community. A particular focus will be placed on the southeast quadrant of the city due to personal connection as I have close relatives who have roots and plan to raise a family here. The southeast of Calgary has been historically the industrial centre of the town. This means that it suffers from the worst air pollution in Calgary but also highly segregated land use between the economic centres (commercial and industry) and residential areas (Fig.1)  (Keough & Ghitter, 2019). 

Mobility in the southeast has been prioritised for large transporting trucks meaning an emphasis on highways rather than public transit systems (Fig. 2.1,2.2) (The City of Calgary, 2010). This cuts communities in the southeast even more by separating the quadrant with untraversable major highways.  However, as Calgary continues to grow, more industrial land and residential development are planned to the south and east. So, a problem lies in how to connect these expanding communities without worsening air pollution and sprawl (Sun, et al., 2007). The following sections of this paper will explore the Southeast quadrants’ part in the city’s history, to understand current social tensions and infrastructure. Followed by an analysis of current policy papers to understand current progress and areas for address. The final section will detail four steps for community action in the Southeastern quadrant to improve historical sustainable mobility issues.  

Before the discovery of oil, Calgary rested on prairie land and was home to several First Nation groups. However, once Western immigrants established a possibility of good arable land; the settlements were cleared (the beginning of historical injustices with First Nation people persisting today). Calgary so became a hub along the trans-Canada rain line with the southeast still being the hub of the Pacific Canadian Railways company today.  As Calgary grew in prominence as an agricultural power, an extensive streetcar (or tram) network was established in the early 1900s. The system had 15 routes extending through all parts of the city including Inglewood, Manchester, and Ogden in the Southeast alone (Keough & Ghitter, 2021).  

However, all this changed in 1947 when a major oil reserve (The Alberta Oil Sands Fig. 3) was discovered to the north of Calgary (Keough & Ghitter, 2021). This made Alberta the second-largest oil sands reserve in the world (Teplova, 2006). Oil and gas fuelled the city’s growth and Calgary was the fastest-growing and highest-income city in Canada. One hundred per cent of this growth occurred in the suburbs particularly in the southeast as Calgary’s industrial industry thrived contributing to a vast urban sprawl. Automobiles also became extremely popular in the 1950s. So much so that the old streetcar systems were dismantled, and public money was poured into automobile infrastructure (Keough & Ghitter, 2021). 

The southeastern quarter became incredibly segregated as the land was divided into residential, commercial, and industrial land. This was due to concerns about pollution contamination between residential and industrial lands (Miller & Mössner, 2020). In 1984 concern was growing over the sustainability of current transit plans and the Municipal Development Plan was drafted to tackle this. However, the reform was challenged by private developers and industrialists who profited off the thriving automobile industry and urban sprawl and were threatened by the reinstitution of the historic streetcar lines (Sun, et al., 2007).  So began Calgary’s disconnect between residents’ needs and the wants of large corporations (Keough & Ghitter, 2021).  

However, oil and gas prices and notoriously vulnerable to booms and busts. In times of oil prices boom housing and living costs rose. However, when they were busts, social inequalities soared leading to growing socio-spatial polarization as the city relied on oil and gas to fuel its transport systems. The low-income communities and working-class families of the southeast were particularly affected by this, and they were pushed further into the southern suburbs due to rising housing prices. This moved them even further away from the jobs and services congregated in the centre of the city (Meij, et al., 2020). In 2008 there was a price spike for fuel due to the global financial crisis. Commuters from the southeast crammed onto public transport; the morning rush was so bad that people travelling north (from the residential to the economic centres) would take southbound trains first to get a spot-on northbound train at the start of the line (Keough & Ghitter, 2021). 

The city launched a response to these growing concerns in the form of Imagine Calgary and Plan-it to expand the public transport system and curb the expansion of growing suburbs. However, these initiatives only provided modest changes as once again developers used their sustained political sway to curb initiatives (Miller & Mössner, 2020). Energy consumption, greenhouse gases and the size of the suburbs have continued to increase and Calgarians still own more vehicles per capita than any other Canadian city. All whilst the oil sands have been depleted to $16.3 billion left as of 2020 (Keough & Ghitter, 2021).  

Part 2 – The Present: Current Policies and Challenges 

Now the scene has been set, we can begin to understand the logic behind current policies to tackle mobility. The city has launched two key policy documents ‘2023 – 2026 Climate Implementation Plan’ and ‘Calgary Climate Strategy Pathways to 2050’. A major infrastructure project outlined in the policy documents to tackle the demand for more public transport, is a new Light-rail train line (LRT) (Fig. 4). However, as Calgary is incredibly monocentric and current public transport systems prioritize running through the core leaving inner quadrant connectivity extremely poor (Keough & Ghitter, 2021). The new LRT green line exemplifies this as although it does target the southeast quadrant it also runs through the centre with little connection in the inner southeastern quadrant activities or the continued growth on the outskirts. Unfortunately, the precise same as the fault as the current two LRT lines.  

As per the city’s complicated history with the automobile industry, there was also a focus on the development of electric vehicles and private energy partnerships to fulfil these added electricity requirements. All concrete plans focus on developing incentive programmes to purchase electric vehicles or changing bylaws for the requirement of developing charging infrastructure. All whilst language surrounding walking and wheeling infrastructure remains vague and theoretical with plans to “explore ways to increase investment in walking and wheeling infrastructure” and “revise community design and development” (The City of Calgary, 2022, p. 22). The city does proclaim strong goals for 40% of all trips to be taken by walking, wheeling, or transit by 2030 (The City of Calgary, 2022). But evidently, it struggles to put policy into practice.  

Community-based initiatives are also noticeably absent in the ‘2023 – 2026 Climate Implementation Plan’ and ‘Calgary Climate Strategy Pathways to 2050’ plans. No specific community is ever mentioned in these documents suggesting that there is a lack of community dialogue and a heavy emphasis on top-down approaches. There are however mentions of community climate ambassador programmes like the initiative of Plan-It (The City of Calgary, 2022). However, Plan-it was not widely regarded as a success due to a lack of range of community stakeholders and insufficiency of community aspirations outside of physical planning (Teed & Campbell, 2010). With little suggestion that this new programme would operate any differently.  

There is however repeated mention of private energy sector partnerships with policymakers. Such as the partnership with ENMAX to electrify public vehicle fleets and ATCO to transform food waste into methane (The City of Calgary, 2022). A cause for concern due to the history of private industry swaying sustainable mobility policies in their favour. There are also plans to increase and restore green spaces by 2030 which would allow for improved community well-being (The City of Calgary, 2022). However, language in the policy document such as ‘natural assets’ and ‘natural infrastructure’ does not indicate that these would be community-led and more on an economic focus. Posing the question of who will be leading these initiatives and for what reason.  

Part 3 – The Future – Community Initiatives for the Southeast 

Education and Outreach – Changing Stereotypes and Perceptions 

Since the extensive streetcar network was disassembled in the early years or before the lifetime of many Calgarians. It is clear to see why life without cars appears completely non-viable to many. Current policy focuses on a top-down approach, using time and cost to convince users to change their transport habits. However, this has been slow to enact change due to an absence of community engagement. Educating southeastern Calgarians using community-based communication networks could encourage people to change their behaviours through the influence of changing social norms. 

Community-wide interventions allow individuals to educate themselves on their automobiles’ impact on the community and city as well as introduce them to and encourage them to be a part of community-based initiatives (Brown, 1991). Communication outreach programmes would be the most desirable as studies have shown that they increase community connections, leading to greater social interactions and a more inclined attitude toward collective actions (Tsenkova & Youssef, 2021). The community can use so-called ‘soft measures’ which aim to re-educate car users on the environmental impact of their travel choices as well as raise awareness of travel alternatives. These measures hope that individuals will engage in a voluntary change of behaviour as they learn to change with community norms (Sottile, et al., 2017).  

Theory shows that there is a strong correlation between environmental knowledge and pro-environmental attitudes, particularly in young people. Studies have shown that hearing about environmental issues in everyday life had the greatest effect on student’s thinking and attitudes. The community should thus encourage an environmental education program with young people to encourage more sustainable lifestyle choices by introducing them to tools for a broader social impact for the future of the community (Zsóka, et al., 2013). Such initiatives could involve walking or cycling to school programmes for instance the phenomenon of bike buses. These involve getting large groups of students together to cycle to school in a safe and social method, with a particularly famous example in Portland, Unites States (Fig.5) (Johnson, 2023). 

Alternatively, studies have shown that social impacts had the greatest effect on adults in changing their mobility habits. Educating adults on the unnecessary amount of stress long commutes create as well as road rage can have on well-being proved to be affected in enacting environmental mobility behaviours (Sottile, et al., 2017). The community could hence launch a shock campaign through protests to change the perception about car use using the statistics about car crash fatalities in drivers and pedestrians. These could include information on the fact that 231 pedestrians were involved in traffic incidents in only 10 months last year and that the highways that divide the quadrant are hotspots for traffic collisions (The City of Calgary, 2023). These community-based social movements have succeeded in the past with success in Dutch cities in the Netherlands who have completely changed perspectives on travel habits away from cars (Bruno, et al., 2021). 

A Sharing Economy – Reducing Dependency on Private Automobiles 

Traditional neoliberal economics has failed to capture the gap in the provision of transport in southeastern Calgary. In response, the community should generate its own sharing economy. The city of Calgary currently runs an e-scooter and e-bike-sharing service. However, this has a limited capacity as they are not allowed on busier roads (which are the main source of connection in the southeast) as typically remain in the downtown centre (The City of Calgary, 2023). However, facilitating a sharing economy of the southeast in the community could overcome these pitfalls. 

The most common phenomenon of transport sharing is carsharing/pooling. Carsharing is the act of borrowing a car on an as-needed basis. Carpooling is the act of two or more travellers sharing a car for a common trip (Guidotti, et al., 2017). Car sharing/ pooling could so supplement current transit systems whilst also providing an alternative to private automobile use (Keough & Ghitter, 2021).  There would be plenty of benefits to the Southeast such as reduced congestion, pollution, and improved energy efficiency (Novikova, 2017).  

Innovative car-sharing schemes have suggested that a fleet of cars could be owned by the communities to reduce the need for private car ownership. Local non-profit organisations could be set up to run and facilitate these programmes whilst also aiming to educate the community on excessive car use and how to change their driving habits. An example of this was ‘Phillycarshare’ a local non-profit car-sharing organisation in Philadelphia, United States which aimed to reduce emissions with hybrid cars and reduce the number of cars needed in the city (Philly Car Share, 2014). These run in alternative functions to the peer-to-peer private carpooling businesses like Uber which aim to maintain automobile infrastructure to gain profits (Novikova, 2017).  

The community could also launch a community carpooling group on social media to connect individuals who may be commuting to similar parts of the cities. Examples of this may include students who could commute to school together, or colleagues at work who live in similar areas. Leicester Council, England has such a scheme that encourages communities to join ‘social car schemes’ or ‘car clubs’ to join residents together with those with shared transport needs or to support those who do not have transport (Leicester City Council, 2023).  

Supporting Small Businesses – Mixing Zones and Strengthening Communities 

Based on the evidence that this paper has thus far proposed, private businesses have had significant political sway in Calgary. This means that transport solutions have been based on the needs of large businesses. For instance, the Stoney, Glenmore and Deerfoot trails (Fig 2.2) that divide up the southeastern quadrant to prioritising reaching business complexes on the outskirts and the transportation of goods and services (The City of Calgary, 2010). This paper therefore recommends that communities should begin to support small businesses in the quadrant itself. A solution which could provide a variety of benefits to the Southeast. 

Small businesses pay more taxes than big businesses creating more funding for community amenities like hospitals, libraries and leisure centres, reducing travel further. Additionally, supporting small businesses could create a positive multiplier effect on the community. Small businesses are civically more active, volunteer more, contribute more to the local economy and finally give twice as much more to charitable organisations per employee than large businesses (Keough & Ghitter, 2021). Helping boost the strength of the local economy. Over time this would begin to mix the previously mentioned segmented zones of the southeast relieving the necessity of automobile travel to reach residential, commercial and employment zones (Teplova, 2006). Moreover, this could begin to dilute the monocentric nature of Calgary and begin to reduce necessary travel times (Choi, 2018).  

The specific action that the community could take to reach this ideal would be to first boycott large businesses such as the megamalls. Boycotting large businesses as a social action uses popular power to exert economic and political pressure on the community and denote their demands. One specific call for action comes from Dr Noel Keough and Dr Geoff Ghitter of Calgary University “In the end, we exercise our own choices about where to shop. Will those choices be based solely on the sticker price, or will we make decisions (with our dollars and our votes) in support of healthy, vibrant, and resilient local and regional communities and economies?” (Keough & Ghitter, 2021, p. 81).  

Moreover, as small businesses are more personally invested in the community, they are much less transient than big businesses. Their rooted nature and social coercion in their favour could lobby policymakers to invest more in within-quadrant transit solutions (Brown, 1991). To strengthen and support a local business economy, communities could encourage entrepreneurship programmes with young people to invest in the longevity of the local economy. Furthermore, current small businesses could form cooperatives that can strengthen their power and support one another against big businesses (Keough & Ghitter, 2021).  

Guerilla Gardening – Creating Greenways and Improving Mobility 

To move away from automobiles as they are the leading form of inner quadrant transport, this theory suggests using greenways as transport corridors. This scenario would leave communities with more choices for mobility with greater walking and wheeling infrastructure as a clear alternative to cars. There are over 3,400 open spaces (defined as undeveloped open pieces of land) in Calgary so this solution would involve linking them all up to create green corridors in the cities to phase out the current highways which instead divide up the city (Day, 2008). 

These green corridors create a better-connected network system beginning to rival automobiles as the main source of transportation as it could reduce trip times, (compared to being stuck in congestion), offer more route options and other benefits such as a healthier lifestyle alternative. Therefore, this would improve the aesthetic quality of the environment making walking, cycling and transit more attractive options (Choi, 2018). The Southeastern quadrant is full of decommissioned industrial land which the community could aim to gain ownership over to build a mass of open public lands (Keough & Ghitter, 2019).  

The action of educating and reaching out to members of the community on sustainable mobility could generate new demand for open green spaces. In response, the community should launch a guerilla gardening mission to seize the growing passion of the community and the decommissioned industrial land (Nikolaïdou, et al., 2016). Guerilla gardening refers to a movement that aims to regenerate forgotten spaces by occupying them with areas for growing vegetables or plants. Guerilla gardening hence physically expresses the wants of communities for green spaces by opening the planning process leading to demand for more bottom-up policy approaches (Hardman, et al., 2018). 

It can also create a deeper sense of community, fostering civic engagement and collective empowerment.  It also has additional benefits to the community such as bringing more foot traffic to the streets and allowing local businesses to flourish. As well as contributing to food provision, biodiversity, and related ecosystem services (Nikolaïdou, et al., 2016). A great example of the success of guerilla gardening can be found in Salford, UK. In another former industrial hub, gardeners revitalised former industrial lands into allotments and community gardens which were then linked together to form an inter-connected network (Hardman, et al., 2018).  

In conclusion, this report aims to explore the City of Calgary’s past and the Southeastern quadrants part of this history. Using the historical context, the report has proposed the failings of current top-down policies to sufficiently capture communities’ needs and wants for sustainable mobility. Four community initiatives were then proposed to address the issue of sustainability mobility in the southeast. Each proposal forms a stepping stone, becoming increasingly more ambitious to change the landscape of the city. Firstly, they must change perceptions and increase sustainability knowledge. Beginning to form a community passionate about creating sustainable solutions together. This can then be applied to initiatives that aim to radically change current infrastructure and social norms in the community. Creating a final community-based solution to sustainable mobility in the city alongside current transit solutions. I have endeavoured to give examples of these proposals in action in other cities to inspire the community that these solutions are entirely possible. When inspired communities come together, they can create many amazing initiatives to benefit not only themselves but future residents.  

Appendix 

Figure 1. Land Use of Calgary (Everyday Tourist, 2016) 

Figure 2.1. Map of South East Calgary ( Calgary RE/MAX REALTORS, 2023)

Figure 2.2. Highways segregating movement and prioritising goods transport (Khakh, et al., 2019) 

Figure 3. The Alberta Oil Sands (Blackrocksbigproblem, n.d.) 

Figure 4. Future Map of Calgary C-Train Network (The City of Calgary, 2019) 

Figure 5. Sam Balto and his Bike Bus (Johnson, 2023) 

References 

Calgary RE/MAX REALTORS, 2023. SE Calgary Real Estate Maps. [Online]  
Available at: https://www.remaxcentral.ab.ca/calgarymapsearch/southeast.html 
[Accessed 16 October 2023]. 

Blackrocksbigproblem, n.d. Tar Sands & Pipelines. Blackrocksbigproblem.  

Brown, R., 1991. Community Action for Health Promotion: A Strategy to Empower Individuals and Communities. International Journal of Health Services, 21(3), pp. 441-456. 

Bruno, M., Dekker, H.-J. & Lemos, L. L., 2021. Mobility protests in the Netherlands of the 1970s: Activism, innovation, and transitions. Environmental Innovation and Societal Transitions, Volume 40, pp. 521-535. 

Choi, K., 2018. The influence of the built environment on household vehicle travel by the urban typology in Calgary, Canada. Cities, Volume 75, pp. 101-110. 

Day, D., 2008. Exploring dimensions of sustainable urban development planning and their potential impact on parks in the Calgary region. Calgary, Canadian Parks for Tomorrow. 

Everyday Tourist, 2016. Calgary: Planners and Politicians are too downtown and ego centric!. Everyday Tourist, 2016 March.  

Guidotti, R. et al., 2017. Never drive alone: Boosting carpooling with network analysis. Information Systems, Volume 64, pp. 237-257. 

Hardman, M., Chipungu, L. & Magidimisha, H., 2018. Guerrilla gardening and green activism: Rethinking the informal urban growing movement. Landscape and Urban Planning, Volume 170, pp. 6-14. 

Johnson, R., 2023. An interview with Sam Balto the teacher who started Portland’s bike bus. Momentum, 9 August.  

Keough, N. & Ghitter, G., 2019. Pathways to sustainable low-carbon transitions in an auto-dependent Canadian city. Sustainability Science, Volume 15, p. 203–217. 

Keough, N. & Ghitter, G., 2021. Sustainability Matters: Prospects for a Just Transition in Calgary Canada’s Petro-City. Calgary: University of Calgary Press. 

Khakh, A. K., Fast, V. & Shahid, R., 2019. Spatial Accessibility to Primary Healthcare Services by Multimodal Means of Travel: Synthesis and Case Study in the City of Calgary. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 16(2), pp. 1-19. 

Leicester City Council, 2023. Moving Forward: The future of passenger transport in Leicestershire – Community-Led Solutions, Ideas and Guidance, Leicester: Leicestershire County Council. 

Meij, E., Haartsen, T. & Meijering, L., 2020. ‘Everywhere they are trying to hide poverty. I hate it!’: Spatial practices of the urban poor in Calgary, Canada. Geoforum, Volume 117, pp. 206-215. 

Miller, B. & Mössner, S., 2020. Urban sustainability and counter-sustainability: Spatial contradictions and conflicts in policy and governance in the Freiburg and Calgary metropolitan regions. Urban Studies, 57(11), pp. 2241-2262. 

Nikolaïdou, S., Klöti, T., Tappert, S. & Drilling, M., 2016. Urban Gardening and Green Space Governance: Towards New Collaborative Planning Practices. Urban Planning , 1(1), pp. 5-19. 

Novikova, O., 2017. The Sharing Economy and the Future of Personal Mobility: New Models Based on Car Sharing. Technology Innovation Management Review, 7(8), pp. 27-31. 

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Sun, H., Forsythe, W. & Waters, N., 2007. Modeling Urban Land Use Change and Urban Sprawl: Calgary, Alberta, Canada. Networks and Spatial Economics, Volume 7, p. 353–376. 

Teed, J. & Campbell, E., 2010. Plan It Calgary: A Mature Integration Model for Community Design in Calgary, Alberta, Canada, New Haven: Community Indicators Consortium. 

Teplova, T., 2006. World Economy Trends and Their Implications for the City of Calgary, Ottawa: Canadian Policy Research Networks Inc. 

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Zsóka, Á., Szerényi, Z. M., Széchy, A. & Kocsis, T., 2013. Greening due to environmental education? Environmental knowledge, attitudes, consumer behavior and everyday pro-environmental activities of Hungarian high school and university students. Journal of Cleaner Production, Volume 48, pp. 126-138. 

Categories
Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

An Open Letter to The Residents of Stuttgart

Dear inhabitants of Stuttgart, 

The following report intends to equip you, that is, the Stuttgart Mitte community, with the tools required to counteract the various present and future challenges and disruptions that the Stuttgart 21 mega-project has brought to your day-to-day lives. Bearing the probable extension to the infrastructural plans in mind, this comprehensive report delves deep into the underlying causes of tensions and past administrative missteps, drawing insight from academic literature. By looking at the history of your struggle, I was able to provide several viable recommendations that can increase your involvement in the decision-making processes. Therefore, this briefing aims to do more than just present information; it seeks to empower each member of this community with the knowledge and tools to actively engage in the future of this unique district within the context of Stuttgart 21.  

Positionality 

First of all, it is essential to clarify my positionality in the context of Stuttgart 21 as a contentious issue. While providing guidelines for any community, it is crucial to engage in self-reflection regarding one’s standpoint and background since imposing a particular agenda is, by no means, my intention. Instead, I chose to rely on available relevant literature and data showing the impact and potential solutions to the described problem. Even though I am not a resident of Stuttgart, I am not a stranger to the ongoing situation. I visited this city on five different occasions, and since I am a third-year sustainable development student, I am inclined to choose rail as a preferred mode of transportation. I remember how astonished I was as I exited the infamous train station to see the omnipresent physical artefacts of the local public outcry. Graffiti, banners, or stickers covered the entire fencing and scaffolding around the massive construction site. Ever since, I have been following the developments relating to S21 with keen interest, and the engagement of the Stuttgart Mitte community I witnessed inspired me to revisit their cause. Bearing my perspective as an author in mind, my objective in this paper is to highlight the potential power of community action as well as to offer insights into how extensive infrastructure projects can affect both the urban sustainability and the identity of our cities.  

Introduction – What is Stuttgart 21? 

Stuttgart 21, or S21, in short, is a mega-scale undertaking by the largest national railway company in Germany, the Deutsche Bahn AG (DB), the state Baden-Württemberg, the German government, and the municipality of Stuttgart (Nagel and Satoh, 2019, pp. 1684). S21, being arguably the first project of this scope Stuttgart has ever witnessed, aims to convert the historical Hauptbahnhof station from a terminus, in which all trains had to reverse to depart, to an underground transit station adjusted to the technological demands of contemporary high-speed rail. This transformation is being achieved by rotating the platforms of the existing station by ninety degrees (Pepchinski, 2021) and constructing 57 kilometres of new tracks, half of which will be in underground tunnels (See Figure 1). As part of the recently excavated network of eight tunnels beneath Stuttgart’s city centre, which completed the boring process very recently in September this year (DB, 2023), this infrastructure will constitute a critical segment of ‘the European Magistrale’ linking key hubs of financial activity, including Paris, Munich, and Vienna (Varley, 2015, pp. 1).  

For decades, Stuttgart had been a bottleneck on the railway map of Germany due to the challenge associated with its physical geography; since it is situated in the narrow Neckar River valley, the current main train station design strived to maximise the on-ground transit capacity, considering these disadvantageous circumstances. That is why the initial re-development plans did not aim to interfere in the densely-populated inner city of Stuttgart and the busy central station; instead, they revolved around building a new through station in Rosenstein, located in the distant municipality’s surrounding area (Novy and Peters, 2012, pp. 130). Nonetheless, this less invasive proposal was not convincing enough for the local political elite at the time. For them, it was of crucial importance that the newly constructed continental route does not bypass the heart of the capital of Baden-Württemberg (Varley, 2015, pp. 2). Moreover, a project in which all rail services in the city would be moved below the surface of the earth has given them yet a further alluring possibility of boring an additional connection to the city’s airport and the recently built exhibition and trade centre in its close proximity (Novy and Peters, 2012, pp. 130).  

As a vital part of this venture, the DB is anticipated to revitalise extensive areas of soon-to-be unexploited railway land above ground, focusing on urban and economic development (Novy and Peters, 2012, pp. 130). Being acquainted with these extensive re-development plans, a question arises concerning who is intended to be the primary beneficiary of this investment. In the subsequent part of this report, I will analyse some of the issues associated with this mega project, which indicate that it is almost certainly not the local community but rather the DB itself. Consequently, S21 has been heavily criticised for a wide array of factors since its inception in the 1990s (Novy and Peters, 2012). From a sustainability perspective, these include, among many, exacerbating local environmental injustice and a lack of consideration for the urban history and its identity.  

Even though the first stage of S21 is due to be completed in the upcoming two years, the potential threat for the local communities associated with it is far from over. The construction costs exceeded 9 billion Euro in 2022 (Clinnick, 2022), whereas the initial approximations from 1995 stated that the venture required merely a quarter of the actual funds spent (Varley, 2015, pp. 1). Despite these excessive expenditures, the local policymakers do not appear to be discouraged. According to the recent review commissioned by the Baden-Württemberg’s government, there are ongoing discussions regarding supplementary expansions of S21, such as an additional terminus adjacent to the current station’s site and further tunnels (Fender, 2023). Hence, it is of uttermost importance that the inhabitants of Stuttgart’s centre brace themselves for plausible future developments and ensure that they possess more procedural justice, as defined by Pearsall and Pierce (2010), in public planning than at the outset of S21. 

 

The Community – Who is affected by S21? 

Being a project of an enormous scale, Stuttgart 21 has affected a broad spectrum of social groups, including commuters, owners of small-scale businesses, as well as the local homeless population, for which the now inaccessible surroundings of the train station provided a safe shelter. This last social group deserves particular attention, as the local authorities are accused of reaching for cruel and unusual measures. For example, playing loud classical music in areas not covered by the re-development, to drive the remaining homeless people out of the station area (El Ouassil, 2022). So, given the complexity of the problem, the most sensible option was to analyse the Stuttgart Mitte community collectively. Thus, this briefing’s target audience is 24 thousand inhabitants of the central district (stuttgart.de, n.d.) who suffered from a mega-scale project being built within the confines of their quarter. Furthermore, one remarkable aspect of Stuttgart Mitte is its distinct diversity: according to the city council’s statistics, as much as 48.7% of inhabitants of this district come from a migratory background (stuttgart.de, n.d.). This characteristic will play an important role in the recommendations section below.  

The Challenge 

Environmental Injustice  

In this section, I will elaborate on how this far-reaching project serves as a glaring demonstration of environmental injustice. The initial example of this is depriving the inhabitants of Stuttgart Mitte of high-quality urban green spaces. Stuttgart 21 has been widely criticised for its ecological ramifications in the city centre. To create new infrastructure, around 300 trees, many older than a century, have been felled in the historic castle grounds park complex, the Schlossgarten. located behind the current terminus (Novy and Peters, 2012, pp. 134). Moreover, as much as one-fifth of all trees relocated within the area as a part of this venture have not survived the sudden change in environment (Bock, 2019). This poses a serious environmental threat to the residents of the addressed district, as Stuttgart’s interior is especially prone to the urban heat island effect due to its disadvantageous topological location in the Neckar basin, between steep hill slopes.  (Climate-ADAPT, n.d.). Scientific data indicates that the number of days with high heat loads (more than 32 degrees Celsius) could double by the middle of the century compared to 1971-2000, and the Mitte community will be affected the most (Schlegel and Koßmann, 2017, pp. 6-7). However, it needs to be recognised that the project visualisations display new green urban space above the underground station. Nevertheless, even if the trees are, indeed, planted there, it will not be a valid compensation for the damages inflicted in the Schlossgarten. The history of this sizeable royal park dates six centuries back, and it is deeply embedded in the local identity. Therefore, a new green area built above the concrete layers of the station and its tunnels underneath incontestably cannot match its significance in both environmental and cultural realms.  

Furthermore, the project might have a harmful impact on the city’s groundwater resources. Stuttgart is the second city in Europe, following Budapest, in terms of the abundance of its mineral water springs (Vasin et al., 2015, pp. 705). The construction of the new transit station and tunnelling works might cause damage to the underground layers storing these water deposits, leading to leaks and subsequent drying up of this resource, which is unique for a European municipality (Hsieh, 2012, pp. 36). It is necessary to add that the groundwater available for the Mitte community is already endangered as things stand, as Stuttgart is one of Germany’s most heavily industrialised cities. Being home to enormous industrial magnates such as Porsche, Mercedes-Benz, or Bosch, the city and its local groundwaters have already been contaminated with volatile chlorinated hydrocarbons in the past (Vasin, et al., 2015, pp. 705). The S21 scheme can only exacerbate the current situation. For the Mitte district inhabitants, further jeopardy to the local mineral water reservoirs could mean they would be deprived of their benefits, commonly used for spa and medical purposes. Moreover, the issues of high-quality urban green spaces and mineral water sources are intertwined because moving the tracks to an underground level will effectively lower the local “table of groundwater”, which, subsequently, can cause additional damage to the Schlossgarten in the years to come (Hsieh, 2012, pp. 37). 

Disregard for the Mitte District’s identity  

One of the most controversial aspects of the S21 for the Mitte inhabitants was the partial demolition of the historic train station building. The old building’s north and the Schlossgarten wings, widely considered an architectural gem, have been destroyed for the re-development’s sake. The station structure designed by renowned architect Paul Bonatz was considered one of the city’s most recognisable landmarks in general and an icon of the inter-war period modernist design (Novy and Peters, 2012, pp. 136). The destruction has sparked massive outrage and civic distrust, leading to the forming of a human chain by thirty thousand locals around the demolition site in a desperate attempt to preserve their heritage (Gualini, 2015, pp. 72). Considering the cultural value of the knocked-down parts of the station, it is not surprising that this ordeal has been dubbed “a callous disregard for architectural history” by the international press (Ouroussoff, 2009). According to the critical urban theory, a city is made sustainable by the factors which its own residents believe to be that way. Yet, the urban has its own distinct history, and the policy-makers behind S21 did not take its importance into consideration. Since there are already ongoing talks of possible expansions to the controversial investment in the city centre, it is crucial to acknowledge the significance of the tangible historical heritage for the local community members in the further phases.  

 Community Recommendations 

Based on my research, I was able to highlight several recommendations that the community of the Stuttgart Mitte district could undertake to counteract the future challenges associated with S21 and its impact on sustainability and local culture. Being a foreign academic, someone describing the issue from outside, the following recommendations should be seen as ways to provide supplementary context to the community’s ongoing efforts and identify potential directions for future action. These include social media engagement, environmental education, as well as protest and publicity. 

Social Media Engagement 

The initial recommendation would be to encourage the Stuttgart Mitte community members to continue their high activity on social media. The described overambitious venture in the state capital of Baden-Württemberg lacked authentic and open-ended discussion with all local stakeholders. The local government insisted on pushing through its agenda throughout the mediation, rather than listening to the voices of the biggest citizen protests Germany had seen since its reunification (Varley, 2015, pp. 1). Therefore, thousands of Mitte residents resorted to social media to express their justified discontent and scepticism. Thus, S21 can be considered an actual turning point in social media-driven activism in recent years, as it allowed the grassroots movements to gain momentum and following, even if they were not included in participatory democracy processes at the start. Twitter, in particular, has always been an important outlet for individuals and groups looking to share their opinions on the contested project. Amidst rising Stuttgart’s 21 growing disapproval, the number of primarily unfavourable tweets containing the hashtag #S21 exceeded 165.000 (Jungherr and Jürgens, 2014, pp. 80). Therefore, the role of social media platforms such as X (formerly Twitter) cannot be underestimated. Considering the likely subsequent stages of S21, it is in the Mitte community’s interest to preserve their already established online communication space, which can assist them in the synchronisation, organisation, and documentation of collective action, including environmental issue campaigns or strikes (Jungherr and Jürgens, 2014, pp. 74). Moreover, considering the Mitte community’s structure, it is essential to ensure that more content and information relevant to the topic are shared in languages other than German. Because almost half of its members have a migratory background, providing supplementary information or translations to other languages is highly recommended, with them as the primary audience. Thus far, the vast preponderance of the discourse, especially the regional news articles concerning S21, is offered solely in German, which means that a substantial share of people affected by the DB investment are excluded from the ongoing conversation. Finally, platforms like X, Instagram and Facebook allow specialists and grassroots organisations in the fields of ecology or architecture to tag and address local policymakers, thereby safeguarding the community’s procedural justice through urban inclusion. 

Grassroots-led Environmental Education 

Secondly, suitable ecological education is another critical step in protecting the environmental justice of the inhabitants of the Stuttgart Mitte community. Environmental matters are already a part of the school curriculum, and the local University of Stuttgart organises events such as the ‘Sustainability Weeks’, which aim to raise awareness regarding the implications of lifestyle on the environment (University of Stuttgart, 2021). However, environmental education in the scrutinised district should transcend classrooms and university lecture hall perimeters to become more inclusive and engaging. Another issue is that the currently available education is not local enough. Due to Stuttgart’s topological specificity, as described above, the local communities might face far more severe environmental risks than inhabitants of other cities within South-Western Germany. Nonetheless, a significant share of the Mitte district residents is presumably not cognisant of the consequences of global warming, the urban heat island effect on their close surroundings. It is also plausible that they do not fully comprehend the meaning of the municipal assets in the context of climate change, including Stuttgart’s green areas or distinctive abundance of mineral water.  Furthermore, since the public educational institutions are administered by the Baden-Württemberg state government, which is a direct shareholder in the Stuttgart 21 investment, it is not probable that, within these entities, there will ever be any room for debate about the shortcomings or repercussions of the disputed project. Consequently, Stuttgart Mitte should prioritise community-driven initiatives, wherein residents initiate grassroots approaches that are unrestricted, critical, and concrete in enacting meaningful change. It is imperative to inform the uninvolved members of the Mitte community about the impacts that S21 has already instigated and how they can be exacerbated in the foreseeable future. These grassroots-led campaigns ought to solicit awareness regarding the repercussions of the partial loss of high-quality urban green spaces and the effect on precious municipal groundwater resources. This can be achieved through small-scale volunteer initiatives stationed in the city centre, especially in the areas close to the new station, such as the Schlossgarten Park. These public events should offer flyers with relevant information, provided in several languages, up-to-date statistics about S21, and the city’s overall estimations in the following decades concerning climate change. Lastly, this solution should be interconnected with the previous recommendation, viz., the digital campaign, so that it can reach a wider target group within the Mitte district. Therefore, I suggest that the on-site volunteers display slogans, website names, QR codes, and hashtags so that they can make their cause known to the community members who didn’t have their prior stance on the issue. By doing so, they can provide them with practical and convincing supplementary information they would not be likely to obtain from other media sources.  

Protests and Publicity 

The final recommendation of this briefing focuses on protests and publicity. This approach should only be viewed as a last resort in case the local authorities decide to carry out the extension to S21 as aggressively as back in 2010. Then, the images of peaceful local demonstrators being shot at with water cannons by the police caught countrywide attention and, as a result, led to a mediation process (Nagel and Satoh, 2019, pp. 1684). Therefore, the bolstering of publicity through protests enhanced the procedural justice of the Mitte community, as now they were, at least partially, included in the decision-making. What is more, protest as a means of resistance can be especially effective in Stuttgart when it concerns environmental protection. The reason is relatively straightforward: the Green Party is presently the most potent political force in the Stuttgart Municipal Council (stuttgart.de, n.d.). Therefore, the Mitte community should hold the authorities accountable if their actions about S21 do not match their political pledges and promises. Thus, in this case, protest can be used as a tool for ensuring the existence of participatory democracy. However, it is encouraged to match the form of these demonstrations to the profile of inhabitants who took part in the previous public events. The local media observed that the anti-S21 activists diverged from the typical protest demographics, consisting mainly of students, socialist scholars, and retired experts (Varley, 2015, pp. 12). If the protesting part of the community is “certainly not radical” (Varley, 2015, pp. 12), then future demonstrations should meet their needs. Hence, it is important not to follow a radical environmentalism path like organisations such as Extinction Rebellion or Just Stop Oil because action involving vandalism or other unorthodox measures may effectively discourage the target group within the Mitte district. Consequently, future protest action should remain peaceful and provide information to interested individuals, thus displaying a refined and knowledgeable image to the public. The initiative will garner increased public respect and engagement by upholding this reputation.  

Conclusion 

The Stuttgart Mitte community continues its fight for its ‘right to the city’, which is the foundation of the critical urban theory. Thus far, the overambitious infrastructural project in their neighbourhood has negatively affected their environmental and procedural justice. They have been deprived of a significant portion of their most beloved high-quality green space area. They have also lost an architectural marvel, a unique building which coexisted with them for almost a century. Throughout this time, it managed to become an integral part of the local identity. Now, facing a threat of extra stages of Stuttgart 21 in the foreseeable future, actions must be enacted as soon as the local policy-makers authorise them. The recommendations outlined in this briefing could help the residents of Stuttgart’s centre reinforce their position in public participation before any additional construction commences. They could feasibly spread awareness concerning the project and its consequences through social media engagement and grassroots-led environmental education. I firmly believe that these two suggestions, alone, will be able to bring about a significant difference in terms of the strength of the community movement. Nevertheless, were this to turn out to be insufficient, and the local authorities continue with undemocratic, top-down approaches analogously to the events of 2010. In that case, the Mitte community should consider the means of protest. Yet, they need to be cautious while employing it to not deter potential supporters by being overly radical. In the end, my recommendations only serve as a guiding framework and attaining realistic and feasible change depends on how the community members in question approach the issue themselves. 

Reference List  

Bock, J. (2019) ‘Umpflanzungen für Bahnhofsbaustelle Jeder fünfte Baum ist inzwischen tot’, Stuttgarter Nachrichten, 3 July [Online]. Available at https://www.stuttgarter-nachrichten.de/inhalt.umpflanzungen-fuer-bahnhofsbaustelle-jeder-fuenfte-baum-ist-inzwischen-tot.2e0b1645-ec06-449e-bfb9-6e2d405c3851.html (Accessed 8 October 2023).  

Climate-ADAPT (n.d.) ‘Stuttgart: combating the heat island effect and poor air quality with ventilation corridors and green-blue infrastructure’ [Online]. Available at https://climate-adapt.eea.europa.eu/en/metadata/case-studies/stuttgart-combating-the-heat-island-effect-and-poor-air-quality-with-green-ventilation-corridors/#challenges_anchor (Accessed 16 October 2023).  

Clinnick, R. (2022) ‘Stuttgart 21 project cost increases by €950m’, International Railway Journal, 24 March [Online]. Available at https://www.railjournal.com/infrastructure/stuttgart-21-project-cost-increases-by-e950m/ (Accessed 13 October 2023).  

DB Bahnprojekt Stuttgart-Ulm (n.d.) ‘Überblick’ [Online]. Available at https://www.bahnprojekt-stuttgart-ulm.de/projekt/ueberblick/stuttgart-21/ (Accessed 20 September 2023).  

Deutsche Bahn (2023) ‘Stuttgart 21: Alle Tunnel fertig gegraben’, Newsroom, 14 September [Online]. Available at https://www.deutschebahn.com/de/presse/pressestart_zentrales_uebersicht/Stuttgart-21-Alle-Tunnel-fertig-gegraben-11342950 (Accessed 21 September 2023).  

El Ouassil, S. (2022) ‘Obdachlosenfeindlichkeit in Deutschland Einfach kurz mal sein dürfen’ Spiegel Kultur, 29 September [Online]. Available at https://www.spiegel.de/kultur/obdachlosigkeit-in-deutschland-einfach-kurz-mal-sein-duerfen-kolumne-a-16f233bb-047e-42ad-bf4f-2d233858e457 (Accessed 14 October 2023).  

Fender, K. (2023) ‘Significant additional infrastructure needed to complement Stuttgart 21 project’, International Railway Journal, 21 March [Online]. Available at https://www.railjournal.com/infrastructure/significant-additional-infrastructure-needed-to-complement-stuttgart-21-project/ (Accessed 14 October 2023).  

Gualini, E. (2015) ‘Cycles of contention and the planning process: agnostic pluralism and social mobilisation against Stuttgart 21’ in Gualini, E., Mourato, J.M., Allegra, M. (eds) Conflict in the City: Contested Urban Spaces and Local Democracy, Berlin, JOVIS, pp. 60-77 [Online]. Available at https://www.researchgate.net/publication/287642509_Conflict_in_the_City_Contested_Urban_Spaces_and_Local_Democracy (Accessed 28 September 2023).  

Hsieh, C. (2012) ‘The Landscape of Gap Built Upon Environmental Subjects: A Case Study of Stuttgart 21, Germany’, Lund University Libraries, pp. 1-37 [Online]. Available at https://lup.lub.lu.se/student-papers/search/publication/2796091 (Accessed 18 October 2023).  

Jungherr, A. and Jürgens, P. (2013) ‘Through a Glass, Darkly: Tactical Support and Symbolic Association in Twitter Messages Commenting on Stuttgart 21’, Social Science Computer Review, vol. 32, no. 1, pp. 74-81 [Online]. DOI: 10.1177/0894439313500 (Accessed 18 October 2023).  

Nagel, M. and Satoh K. (2018) ‘Protesting iconic megaprojects. A discourse network analysis of the evolution of the conflict over Stuttgart 21’, Urban Studies, vol. 56, no. 8, pp. 1681–1700 [Online]. DOI: 10.1177/0042098018775903 (Accessed 25 September 2023).  

Novy, J. and Peters, D. (2012) ‘Railway Station Mega-Projects as Public Controversies: The Case of Stuttgart 21’, Built Environment, vol. 38, no. 1, pp. 128-145 [Online]. Available at https://www.jstor.org/stable/23289705 (Accessed 28 September 2023).  

Ouroussoff, N. (2009) ‘Last Call for an Elegant Rail Station’, The New York Times, 2 October [Online]. Available at https://www.nytimes.com/2009/10/03/arts/design/03railway.html (Accessed 17 October 2023).  

Pearsall, H. and Pierce, J. (2010) ‘Urban sustainability and environmental justice: evaluating the linkages in public planning/policy discourse’, The International Journal of Justice and Sustainability, vol. 15, no. 6, pp. 569–580 [Online]. DOI: 10.1080/13549839.2010.487528 (Accessed 15 September 2023).  

Pepchinski, M. (2021) ‘Main Station Stuttgart by Ingenhoven Architects’, Architectural Record, 1 August [Online]. Available at https://www.architecturalrecord.com/articles/15246-main-station-stuttgart-by-ingenhoven-architects (Accessed 26 September 2023).  

Schlegel, I. and Koßmann, M. (2017), ‘Stadtklimatische Untersuchungen der sommerlichen Wärmebelastung in Stuttgart als Grundlage zur Anpassung an den Klimawandel’, Deutscher Wetterdienst Abteilung Klima- und Umweltberatung Freiburg, pp. 6-7 [Online]. Available at https://www.stadtklima-stuttgart.de/index.php?klima_kliks_stadtklimatische_untersuchungen (Accessed 10 October 2023).  

Stuttgart.de (n.d.) ‘Gemeinderat Bündnis 90/Die Grünen’ [Online]. Available at https://www.stuttgart.de/rathaus/gemeinderat/mitglieder-des-gemeinderats/buendnis-90-die-gruenen.php (Accessed 19 October 2023). 

Stuttgart.de (n.d.) ‘Stadtbezirke Stuttgart‐Mitte’ [Online]. Available at https://www.stuttgart.de/rathaus/stadtbezirke/mitte/ (Accessed 12 October 2023).  

University of Stuttgart (2021) ‘University of Stuttgart at the Sustainability Weeks’, All News [Online]. Available at https://www.uni-stuttgart.de/en/university/news/all/sustainability-weeks/ (Accessed 19 October 2023).  

Varley, P. (2015) ‘Megaprojects & the Role of the Public: Germany’s Embattled ‘Stuttgart 21’ Rail Project’, Harvard Kennedy School, pp. 1-30 [Online]. Available at https://case.hks.harvard.edu/megaprojects-the-role-of-the-public-germany-s-embattled-stuttgart-21-rail-project/ (Accessed 11 October 2023).  

Vasin, S., Carle, A., Lang, U. and Kirchholtes, H.J. (2016) ‘A groundwater management plan for Stuttgart’, Science of The Total Environment, vol. 563-564, pp. 704-705 [Online]. DOI: 10.1016/j.scitotenv.2015.10.078 (Accessed 11 October 2023). 

Categories
Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

Battling Traffic Congestion in Tondon, Manila: The Power of Vital Communities

An Open Letter to Tondo

Dear residents of Tondo, 

This community briefing aims to empower you as meaningful participants towards your vision of the future of transport in Tondo. Encompassing actionable recommendations developed through examples from around the Philippines and the world, this report intends to equip you with the necessary tools to design innovative and localised solutions to the ongoing traffic crisis. This briefing invites you to translate your experiences into community-championed results that will help to create sustainable and inclusive transit in Tondo. 

Introduction

As cities are progressively restructured and shaped by new disruptors to their vitality, envisioning just and humanising strategies has become one of the key challenges to creating sustainable urban futures. Increasingly uneven trends of resilience between communities, however, suggests a discrepancy in working with the unfamiliar. The metropolitan city of Manila in the Philippines is one of the fastest-growing urban centres in Asia, and they are witnessing the region’s worst traffic crisis. The COVID-19 pandemic ushered in a new era of urban mobility: devoid of the usual commotion of motorised vehicles, thousands of cyclists flocked to the empty streets and embraced active transport at an unprecedented level. Unfortunately, this ‘new normal’ would not last. Roads and highways quickly fell back into disrepute once quarantine restrictions were lifted, and Manila is once again in a state of perennial gridlock. Existing infrastructure is lamentably inadequate and impotent against the rapid pace of motorisation brought about by uncoordinated policy, leading to a premature decline in mobility (Hasselwander et al., 2022). Cyclists have, once again, become an invisible population. 

These systemic aberrations are most detrimental to the urban poor, who, barred by emotional impoverishment and material deprivation, are less able to effectively respond to the crisis. Tondo, one of the 16 districts comprising Manila, is a historically significant microcosm of the city. Characterised by a high incidence of poverty and overcrowding, it is further prone to the severity of the traffic crisis due to its proximity to two major commercial hubs, Divisoria and the Port of Manila. Contrarily, this places Tondo in an intriguing position for actionable and innovative community-based approaches, in lieu of failing traditional interventionist policy. This briefing begins by contextualising my positionality to the prevailing issue and examining the challenges against the background of the community. Following a brief overview of current policy, the report will conclude with a series of community-based initiatives catered to the socioeconomic profile of Tondo. 

Positionality

My choice to explore urban mobility in this briefing is motivated by my summer internship with the Land Transport Authority (LTA) of Singapore. Growing up there, I must admit that my ‘lived experiences’ of transport is vastly different from that in Tondo. Transiting through Singapore is a pleasant process expedited by multimodal connectivity: public transport is frequent and extensive, and transport routes have grown to accommodate active mobility into the first and last mile. 

With land scarcity and urban density being two of the biggest limiting factors to sustaining urbanism in Singapore, policy necessitates aggressive ambition and innovation. Through progressive engagement with civil society and social enterprises, various scales of transport planning are increasingly being supplemented by the meaningful participation of residents. I was most inspired by the work of Participate in Design (P!D), a non-profit organisation founded in 2013 that champions community-borne design in policy and planning. In an agency-wide seminar, Executive Director Larry Yeung spoke of P!D’s commitment to community empowerment through consistent grassroot engagement and proactive transparency. Their people-centric approach to solutionism is not disingenuous: guided excursions and focus sessions with neighbourhood residents have helped LTA to improve the wayfinding experience of active mobility users, fostering a success story of partnership and community integration. 

While the government has played an integral role in developing an accessible transport system, the efforts of P!D proved to me the efficacy of bottom-up endeavours and the significance of gathering input from the community. This briefing presented an opportunity for myself to explore the feasibility of grassroot involvement in a community that has yet to experience inclusive and equitable mobility options. I chose to focus on Manila – and more specifically, Tondo – for two reasons: (1) I have family that grew up there, and in my childhood, came to learn of the vast differences in lifestyle, and (2) the circumstances surrounding Tondo present a landscape for practicable action. I do, however, recognise my removal from Tondo and its residents and must clarify that this report does not intend to dictate the doings of the community in question but rather, to propose feasible initiatives that offer collective power to them from the perspective of mutual aid. 

The Problem

Out of the 278 entities named in the Asian Development Outlook 2019 Update, Manila topped the list as the most congested developing Asian city (Asian Development Bank, 2019). Further statistics rank Manila at 58th out of 60 global cities in Urban Mobility Readiness (UMR), an index which explores the efficiency and equitability of international transit systems across several fields (Oliver Wyman Forum, 2023). At a regional low of 31.2% in UMR, the metropolis is blighted by challenges in societal benefits, infrastructure, and system efficiency. Despite the worsening situation, there is a conspicuous absence of adequate infrastructure, and policy is saturated with homogenous top-down intervention that favours capital accumulation over the immediate needs of Filipinos. Other factors such as urban sprawl, a steadily increasing population, poor traffic etiquette and venal traffic enforcement exacerbate Manila’s traffic crisis.  

Alternative means of travel are similarly ineffectual in servicing the community. Although 94% of Filipinos do not own private vehicles (Bauck, 2023), public transport is unreliable and inconvenient, and micro-mobilities – namely walking and cycling – face compounding arbitrariness. Expenditure in active transport infrastructure peaked during the pandemic following a nationwide cycling boom initiated by the termination of mass mobilities, including the bus and rail networks. By 2021, the Department of Transportation had invested ₱801.83 million in building 500 kilometres of new bike lanes complete with quality wayfinding and safety details (Mercurio, 2021). The Philippine government, however, has failed to maintain this momentum, and was most recently criticised for slashing the budget for active transportation by ₱1.5 billion in their National Expenditure Programme between 2022 and 2024 (Relativo, 2023). This de-prioritisation of improving active mobility is worrisome. Data shows that bicycle ownership outnumbers car ownership 5:1 in Metro Manila, and an additional 2.7 million households adopted cycling as a primary mobility between 2022 and 2023 (Social Weather Stations, 2022; 2023). Despite this, 72% of road traffic comprises car travel (Japan International Cooperation Agency, 2014) and little has been done to enforce the value of cycling post-pandemic. Dedicated cycling lanes have reportedly been relegated to sharrows and misused as parking spaces (de Santos, 2023), undoing significant progress in the transition towards cycling as a primary mobility. 

The Light Rail Transit (LRT) train, Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) and jeepney systems form the bulk of Manila’s mass transport network. All three industries are ineffectively utilised by the state and beset with sociopolitical complications. Despite a total ridership of 109.6 million in 2022 (Abadilla, 2023), the LRT does not offer a convenient commuter experience: they are highly inaccessible due to overcrowding, irregular scheduling, and inadequate comfort features (Moreno, 2023). Peripheral districts like Tondo are further afflicted with low station densities in spite of high demand (Damian and Mabazza, 2018). Coupled with the ongoing shortages in bus drivers and jeepneys – a consequence of job redundancy during COVID-19 (Siy, 2023) and a shutdown of operators in response to unmanageable costs imposed by the PUV Modernisation Programme (Ramos, 2023) respectively – mass transit journeys are made more unpredictable, forcing commuters to turn to private transport and thus contributing to traffic congestion. 

Tondo Background

History: A migrant economy 

“Isang kahig, isang tuka” – this Tagalog idiom represents the most impoverished in society and their living “from hand to mouth”. Exemplified in the social fabric and economic composition of Tondo, this Manilan district houses a population of 654,220 urban poor within the city’s largest slum (Philippine Statistics Authority, 2021). Here, poverty is both a historical and geographical characteristic. Since its claimancy by the Spanish Empire, Tondo has been considered an informal settlement: with land ownership formalised only in the eyes of the Church, its location outwith the historic centre of Intramuros meant that the district was naught but a jumbled populace in colonial times (Celdran, 2014). Its geographic position was later instrumental to the armed conflict in the Second World War: located on the northern bank of the Pasig River, the Americans secured Tondo as a strategic foothold against the Japanese, who had retreated into Intramuros on the southern bank (Connaughton et al., 1995). And when Intramuros was later razed to the ground by American artillery, survivors fled the desolate lands and settled up north of the Pasig River as squatters (Celdran, 2014). 

Post-war changes to the economy engendered a potential for prosperity. From the provinces came migrants, attracted to Tondo by its proximity to markets, transport networks and the docks of Manila Bay, alongside a recognition that these were sources of opportunity in employment, education and entertainment (Poethig, 1970; Beltran Jr., 1982; Poppelwell, 1997). While Tondo was hardly mature, the people were uncomplaining – “The discomforts of the slum can be tolerated for the advantages that city life can bring” – and applied themselves as an unskilled workforce (Beltran Jr.,1982). In the rapid industrialisation that followed, “the adoption of mechanised production left migrants who lacked specialised skills ill equipped to compete for jobs” (Poppelwell, 1997). Forsaken by urban development, poverty in Tondo now runs at least three to four generations deep (Celdran, 2014). 

Today: Challenges in Context 

Divisoria, the central hub for competitively priced goods and bulk manufacturing, is alive with informal economies. From street vendors to night markets and bazaars, this famous commercial centre straddles the south end of Tondo, providing generations of residents with “sources of casual employment” (Beltran Jr., 1982). The bisecting thoroughfare, Recto Avenue, is exceptional in historical purpose: once a railway that serviced Manila Bay, it linked squatter settlements to further employment in the Port of Manila (Balbutin Jr., 2023). Now, Divisoria is afflicted by a violence of motor vehicles and small-business vendors, congesting this familial hub of work and known life. The Port of Manila is similarly blighted by gridlock, as it struggles to accommodate the influx of labourers from Tondo. Choked by poor traffic discipline and narrowed roads, areas like these have been met with persistent efforts to decongest the streets – though rather than focusing their intent on the vehicular side of the traffic crisis, attempts to do so concentrate on the warding off of sidewalk and street vendors.  

Under the direction of Isko Moreno, the former Mayor of Manila, these everyday economies were assiduously swept aside by clearing operations (Beltran, 2019). The Department of the Interior and Local Government (DILG) followed suit with formal administrations that sought to direct the clearances of road-obstructing structures, while offering empty promises of “displacement strateg[ies] for those affected … which may include designation of unused spaces for their relocation, provision of alternative livelihood for vendors, and other similar efforts” (DILG, 2019; 2020) While it is recognised that street vendors may occupy or encroach upon cycling lanes, the choice to target small-business vendors is contentious: the Task Force on Urban Conscientisation (1992) had previously determined, through interviewing, that many of these vendors did not have the educational or financial capacity to abandon their professions in favour of another and as a result, obstinately continue to work in Divisoria in spite of adverse politico-economic conditions.  

Current Policy

As a constituent district, Tondo falls under the jurisdiction of Manilan and Philippine legislation. This absence of municipal council and local ordinance subjects the district to policy practices that are unsuited to the socio-spatialities of Tondo. Stewarded by car-centric and technocratic administrations, infrastructural programmes in the Philippines have routinely neglected the potential for multi-modality in the transport sector. Two prominent programmes in the past decade, Build! Build! Build! (under the administration of Rodrigo Duterte) and Build Better More (led by Bongbong Marcos), were purposefully aimed at increasing global economic competitiveness and reducing car travel time (Rosario et al., 2023). These projects have ambitious goals of creating seamless trade corridors through increasing roadway capacities, rural-urban connectivity and other large-scale networks (Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas, 2023). Such reactionary measures have a marginal impact in reducing gridlock in the long term and often end up inducing greater congestion instead (Litman, 2013). 

At the same time, transport authorities have made almost antithetical commitments towards the prioritisation of vulnerable road users. They have, in several official publications, outlined codes of conduct to inform motorists on appropriate behaviour towards cyclists and their spaces (see DILG et al., 2020; Land Transport Office, 2021). While these may seem constructive, the guidelines are mostly transgressed due to a lack of respect for the exclusivity of bicycle lanes and poor enforcement of these rules (Manila Bulletin, 2023).  

Commuity Recommendations

The traffic crisis is a wicked problem that, indisputably, should involve state-society collaboration. It is clear, however, that the situation is not benefiting from the long-standing inscriptions of statecraft and ad hoc, reactionary policies. Alleviating traffic congestion in Tondo is therefore contingent upon a transition from ‘vehicular mobility’ to ‘people mobility’. This would involve stimulating change in the vehicular makeup of the district through the democratisation of the roads in a way that is both affordable and inclusive. Given current road capacities and proximity between nodes, cycling makes for an exceptional alternative, especially with its growing prevalence (Litman, 2013; Portugal-Pereira et al., 2013). As current policy fails to provide the urban poor with the instruments to work around congestion, the following recommendations have been devised with community-based action and empowerment in mind. 

Organised Collaborations 

As a veritable first step, partnering with constituents of existing coalitions and organisations could offer Tondo residents “a network of people across the city who are primed to mobilise to protect bikers’ interests” (Bauck, 2023). This would provide the community with the guidance of well-informed cycling advocates from groups such as MoveAsOne Coalition and Bicycle Friendly Philippines, which have inspired social movements for cycling in Manila and Pasig City respectively. Through the provision of free cycling lessons, mass bike rides and support groups (MoveAsOne Coalition, 2023; Bicycle Friendly Philippines, 2023), organisations like these promote cycling as an essential and sustainable mode of transportation, thus enforcing collective behaviour in the community and subsequently reducing traffic congestion. 

Since this community strategy involves diligent intra-communication and cooperation, there is considerable potential to then transition from vertical collaboration to building horizontal relationships. Local participation in the formation of working groups and coordinated bike pools has demonstrated its effectiveness in collective mobilisation (Social Weather Stations, 2022). I propose that such initiatives would be especially beneficial to those employed in Divisoria and the Port of Manila, as workers could amalgamate under the old adage of “safety in numbers”. The community could further invigorate their efforts by employing the help of Samahan ng Mamamayan – Zone One Tondo Organisation (SM-ZOTO), a registered federation of urban poor local groups with a history of community organisation. Their ‘Training-Organising Programmes’ (TOP) are designed to empower residents by providing them with opportunities to upskill their management and advocacy capabilities (SM-ZOTO, 2023a). Local attendance and partnership with these TOPs would strengthen the foundations of community-based action in Tondo by equipping proactive residents with the skills to mobilise the wider community. In the long term, the meaningful participation of residents on multiple levels would deliver an assured future of inclusive mobility, thus incentivising others to adopt cycling as their primary mode of transport. 

Looking to the future, ensuing creative action could model itself after large, concerted efforts, such as Critical Mass (CM), in order to garner the attention of governing bodies. Conceived as a social movement in celebration of cycling, this global phenomenon institutes a culture of defiance against the dominance of the automobile through monthly unsanctioned bike rides organised by the community. CM has a distinctive structure of “self-determination [and] self-rule” (Furness, 2010), lending its participants with both an amorphous, adaptable power and customisable initiative. While it can represent a culmination of cyclists’ efforts, its very essence is interpretable: an open invitation to non-cyclists to join their cause; a signifier of people-power, or even a political revolution (Dyer, 1993; Edinburgh Critical Mass, 2023). Whichever direction the community chooses to follow, CM can help to raise the profile of community-based action in Tondo. Tangible efficacy, however, is conditional upon “real advocacy – such as lobbying … for bike lanes and progressive legislation” (Smith, 2010). The most amenable results therefore require a combination of organised collaboration and conceptualisation through participatory design. 

Participatory Design 

Research indicates that to achieve high cyclability and successfully cultivate active mobility as a social habit, the community must have the assurance that “[their] voices [can be] translated into tangible outcomes” (P!D, 2023; Rivera and Castro, 2023). By developing a collective vision, residents can actuate their transport aspirations of creating safer and more respectful streets. This reconstituting of transport planning as a shared responsibility conceptualises itself in the appointment of residents as creatives and actors in infrastructural design. It “do[es] not take civil society as mere participants in government consultations … invited just to comply with bureaucratic requirements” (Gatarin, 2023) but rather, enables them to participate meaningfully in place-based initiatives. 

Illustrating this is Walkable Pearl Drive, a civic movement in the Philippine City of Pasig that advocated for improved safety and accessibility in the Central Business District. Highlighting the obstruction of sidewalks by parked cars, residents and office workers banded together to launch an online petition appealing to the wider community and local authorities to prioritise the rights and needs of pedestrians (Friends of Pearl Drive, 2018). Since its inception, Walkable Pearl Drive has been successful in reorienting community outlook on shared road spaces through the reclamation of sidewalks (Gatarin, 2023). Recalling Tondo’s comparable challenges of lane obstruction by small-business vendors and automobiles, residents could espouse these promising strategies to reclaim their bicycle lanes and in turn, their mobility. While the success of such projects does rely on a combination of personal motivation and mutual partnerships, the current volatile outlook on motorised-versus-active transport could practicably inspire social reform and mass action. 

Public Education 

Research indicates that education has a positive causal effect on social engagement, in that it influences democracy and participation through “the provision of information relevant to politics” (Mayer, 2011). At present, there is a conspicuous lack of transport data in educational curricula and academic research (Social Weather Stations, 2022), leaving a significant vacuity in situational awareness. Bringing data to schools would inform the younger generation of cycling behaviours and provide dedicated spaces for dialogue, thereby inculcating sustainable habits from an early age. Beyond the perimeters of school, urban forums and conferences provide the opportunity for the wider community to build their capacities and gain place-based insight. For example, SM-ZOTO frequently engages with the urban poor and other marginalised groups in public conferences to address their concerns and close the feedback loop with partnering authorities (SM-ZOTO, 2023b). Similar effects can also be achieved virtually: in 2021, the World Bank Group organised online bicycle infrastructure trainings for “stakeholders involved in active transport in the Philippines” to advise them on the principles of planning and design (Global Road Safety Facility, 2021). With groundings in action learning (a reflexive approach to problem solving), participants-turned-practitioners are encouraged to adapt their learnings to the local context and nurture a sense of belonging in their communities. In Tondo, the community can apply these fundamentals to enhance their reference base for organised collaborations and participatory design initiatives, and thus galvanise the masses towards a common purpose.  

Conclusion

“While the community does exhibit a sense of cohesiveness, [there has been] a decline in the propensity for residents to be involved in organising” (Poppelwell, 1997). A review of the circumstances surrounding traffic congestion has revealed the exigencies of the Tondo community and their dismissal by dominant narratives of fiscal policy. As explored in this community briefing, this portrayal of mobility as a syndrome of socio-political drivers demands immediate reform through community engagement and bottom-up mobilisation. To confront the transport crisis, therefore, is to restructure Tondo as a vital community with the adaptive capacity to respond to geographies of urgency. 

In pursuance of solidarity, the recommendations proposed in this briefing embrace a relational and collective approach to community-based action. These comprised organised collaborations (both within and outwith the community), engaging in participatory design, and sustained public education. While each initiative can be implemented independently of each other, the most compelling outcome involves a combination of these three elements. Through the power of the vital community, and as witnessed in other international contexts, such clamorous and consistent efforts have the incredible potential to engender significant changes in public outlook and statutory organisation.  

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Categories
Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

New Orleans and The Lack of Adequate Infrastructure to be able to Withstand the Natural Environment: A Community-Led Grassroots Approach to Solutions 

Introduction

New Orleans is a place like no other, it is unique in every sense of the word, beautiful, soulful, hot and humid, overflowing with food, culture, pride, and one of the only places I believe can make anyone feel at home. But I am biased. Being born and raised in a place like New Orleans, Louisiana has given me a world view unlike most people I have ever met. On May 12th, 2021, at approximately 2am, a tornado tore the roof off my house, letting the storm outside in, while my entire family was home. But, despite this, despite being two years old when Hurricanes Katrina and Rita ravaged the city, despite the countless other hurricanes, tropical storms and disasters that defined my upbringing, I still love this city like no other. I was raised with the awareness of instability of place and the sense of looming threat that follows any strong breeze, hard rain or darkened sky, I was taught from a young age how Louisiana’s coast was slowly being washed away. I have lived and witnessed houses broken by wind and water, and people rebuilding them with passion and determination for this place called home. I know the people of New Orleans because I am one. Yet, I come from a part of the city that gets disaster relief first, I come from a household that can rebuild when disaster strikes and can afford to send me to university across an ocean. I am immensely grateful for my privileged experience of New Orleans and seek to give back to the city that made me who I am. I can never know the experience of another, but I live the experiences we share as a community and seek to understand the disproportionate ways others are affected, the ways in which we as a community have the power to change that. “The right to the city is not merely a right of access to what already exists, but a right to change it after our heart’s desire” (Harvey, 2003, p. 939). I believe as Harvey argues, we make the city and the city makes us, therefore the right to the city not only involves the right to change the physical makeup to more equitably suit its citizens, but it is the intrinsic right to “make the city different, to shape it more in accord with our heart’s desire, and to re-make ourselves thereby in a different image” (2003, p. 941). 

Hurricanes, Tropical Cyclones and the Historical Background of Southeast Louisiana 

According to data from the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) from the past 25 years, “the annual probability that New Orleans will experience a tropical cyclone is 92%. Due to its proximity to the Gulf Coast, in conjunction with ongoing coastal land loss and the likely impacts of climate change, New Orleans is especially vulnerable to tropical cyclones” (Ready NOLA, 2023). Broadly the Gulf Coast, and in this context, Southeast Louisiana are some of the most vulnerable regions affected by hurricanes, tropical storms and tropical cyclones (storm strength being the differentiating factor in classification). “Tropical cyclone winds can cause major structural damage to private homes, businesses, and the critical facilities of the signatories through water intrusion or structural failure” (Ready NOLA, 2023). The damage caused by storms of that magnitude is devastating and increasingly common in the region. In Leavitt and Kiefer’s post-Katrina analysis, they discuss how residents and political leaders alike would often describe their fear of “‘the big one,’ a storm that would come in from just the right direction and at the right strength to produce the wind and subsequent storm surge that would wipe out major portions of the region” (2006, p. 307). And they were right, on August 28, 2005, “Hurricane Katrina landed a devastating blow to the infrastructure of New Orleans and surrounding areas of the Gulf Coast. Katrina set in motion a series of failures in the region’s critical infrastructure that rendered significant areas uninhabitable for many months” (Leavitt and Kiefer, 2006, p. 307). There were many causes and reasons the devastation was so bad, many known to the local government predating the hurricane (Leavitt and Kiefer, 2006, p. 309), yet one of the most devastating results of the storm was the tearing of the social fabric of the city. “One of the first comprehensive surveys of the New Orleans evacuee population… determined that 39% of evacuees (some 50,000 households), mostly poor and Black, did not intend to return. If accurate, this will be the largest internal migration of Americans in a generation” (2006, p. 144), Campanella goes on to discuss the devastating ramifications this has, as so much of what makes a city is its communities. 

Orleans Parish 

The community which this briefing would like to address is that of Orleans Parish. Orleans Parish is New Orleans, but New Orleans is not only Orleans Parish. In other words, I have chosen this specific community because the scope of the Greater New Orleans Area (GNOA) is slightly too broad to address as one, in recent years neighboring parishes that are part of the GNOA such as Jefferson have become more self-determinant in rebuilding and improving infrastructure. Therefore, for this brief I will focus on Orleans Parish, and the neighborhoods within as a larger community that recognizes and celebrates the diversity it holds. Because, as Campanella states, “cities are more than the sum of their buildings. They are also thick concatenations of social and cultural matter, and it is often this that endows a place with its defining essence and identity” (2006, p. 142), and that the people of Orleans Parish do.  

Challenges of Inadequate Infrastructure to be able to Withstand the Natural Environment

As discussed in previous sections, New Orleans and the surrounding region are especially vulnerable to, and have been faced with, devastating tropical cyclones and hurricanes throughout their history. One of the primary challenges Orleans Parish faces is the insufficient infrastructure to be able to withstand and bounce back from the onslaught of natural disasters. Along with a lack of environmental justice that Pearsall and Pierce explain as, “characterised as a struggle against distributional inequity regarding environmental amenities…and efforts to increase the access of all populations to environmental decision-making” (Pearsall and Pierce, 2010, p. 570), with an emphasis on the last point of increased access to environmental decision-making. As a result of the lack of adequate infrastructure, New Orleans positions itself increasingly for normal disasters. Leavitt and Kiefer describe the concept of a normal disaster by explaining how it is almost inevitable or “normal” for a disaster to occur because of the reliance on high-risk technologies (2006, p. 307) and the multiple interactions of various complex and linear systems that are both tightly and loosely coupled (2006, p. 307). They argue, “that a normal disaster occurs when there is an event, disturbance, or problem that involves the complex interaction of interdependent infrastructures resulting in the unanticipated failure of multiple infrastructure systems” (Leavitt and Kiefer, 2006, p. 308). Which is exactly what happened in New Orleans in 2005 when the levees broke and the city became uninhabitable for months because of the failures of multiple critical infrastructures (Leavitt and Kiefer, 2006, p. 307). “The combination of normal disasters, such as Hurricane Katrina, and complex, interdependent, aging infrastructures does not bode well for the future” Leavitt and Kiefer urge, “substantial investment in infrastructure systems must once again become a national priority” (2006, p. 313) and that it must, if Orleans Parish is to survive. I contend normal disasters are still a major risk the city faces, as seen most recently in the past two months with the heightened attention (Edmonds, 2023) on the saltwater intrusion in the Mississippi River. 

The Saltwater Wedge 

Dubbed the Saltwater Wedge, in the past two months it dramatically garnered local, and even some national (Chavez, Edmonds, Rojanasakul, 2023) media attention sounding the alarms for yet another type of natural adversity the city faces. As a result of various factors including, “congressionally authorized enlargement of the Mississippi River’s deep-draft channel” (New Orleans District, U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, 2023) and “back-to-back years of drought throughout the Mississippi River valley” (Parker, Hazelwood and Juhasz, 2023). Saltwater has begun to move up the Mississippi River from the Gulf of Mexico. As the New Orleans District, U.S. Army Corps of Engineers’ website explains, “because salt water has a greater density than fresh water, it moves upstream in the form of a wedge” threatening not only the city’s water supply but over a million residents who get their water from the river (Chavez, 2023). Although this year it seems to have gained wider media coverage, “similar saltwater intrusions have happened about once every decade, including in 1988, 1999, 2012, and 2022” (Chavez, 2023). While initial predictions placed the wedge reaching the main intake pipe for Orleans Parish on October 28, updated predictions show that the wedge will not reach the city (New Orleans District, U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, 2023). Which is good news for Orleans Parish but the cataclysmic damage it would cause if it were to happen extends beyond the drinking water.  “Saltwater can accelerate the corrosion of pipes in water distribution systems[and] could corrode lead and galvanized steel pipes, possibly leaching heavy metals into drinking water, depending on how long the emergency lasts” (Chavez, 2023) which potential damages have been compared to the Flint, Michigan crisis. Another vulnerable system that would be heavily damaged, and likely shut down, if saltwater intruded upon it, is Entergy’s (the local power utility company) powerplants along the Mississippi leading to a string of affects within the cities critical infrastructures, a normal disaster. “It’s been a wake-up call for the region to upgrade water plants, expand pipeline networks, and make other improvements” (2023) Chavez says, echoed by Smith saying, “the threat this year has led New Orleans officials to call for a permanent solution to the problem, warning that it may occur more frequently given climate change’s impact on sea level rise and drought. That could involve a pipeline or desalination plant for the region, which would come at a high cost” (2023). A cost the people of Orleans Parish would pay. 

Brief Note of the Social Injustices Present in the City and the Vulnerabilities it Creates 

“Cities are extraordinarily durable” (Campanella, 2006, p. 141). This sentiment is like that of Harvey’s (2003, p. 939) explaining that cities are what remain, cities are what outlive us. Yet, what gives a city its character, soul and capacity to rebound (Campanella, 2006, p. 144) are its people. When discussing urban resilience in the context of post-Katrina New Orleans Campanella posits, “only with strong citizen involvement at the grassroots level will the rebuilding of New Orleans yield a robust and inclusive metropolis” (Campanella, 2006, p. 141). Which is true, but as previously mentioned, much of the city’s population was not able to immediately return after the devastation, and some not at all. Leading to the irony that, “the recovery of New Orleans as a real and robust city… rests heavily on the shoulders of those most burdened by the catastrophe” (Campanella, 2006, p. 144). Of which those most burdened are the black poor and other minorities within the city, which continue to suffer even after disasters as attempts to revive local economy begin. As Bledsoe and Wright argue, “civil society, therefore, is inherently antithetical to all manifestations of Black social life, yet requires Blackness for its political, economic, ontological, epistemological, and—as we aim to show—spatial coherence” (2018, p. 9). They highlight, “geographic interrogations of racial capitalism have analyzed the role of racist assumptions in implementing neoliberal reforms in the wake of a natural disaster” (Bledsoe and Wright, 2018, p. 11) which is especially poignant in a city as diverse as New Orleans. The capitalist agenda requires constant growth and expansion, so when I place is affect by natural disaster, which disproportionately affect minorities, and the whole mechanism halts and stutters, it becomes that much more imperative to restore it to a state of function as it was pre-disaster. That same pre-disaster state that perpetuates the social injustices that lead to the disproportionate effects on minorities in the first place. There is much more to this crucial topic, as Bledsoe and Wright discuss, so much so that an entire briefing should be written on this subject, but this briefing will refocus on the infrastructural dimension of the city that disproportionately effect the citizen of Orleans Parish. 

Recommendations

The primary way forward I recommend is the strong urge for an increased participatory approach to local decision-making, formalized lobbying for the local community to have say in planning infrastructure, other prevention methods and disaster relief. There are many ways to do this at various levels of influence from the bottom up. But for this to be a long-lasting, effective solution, that can be used as a model for other communities similarly affected by disasters, the first step is community education, which I argue needs to start from grassroots. A way this can be done is through grassroots organizations efforts as Irazábal and Neville describe, by empowering and emphasizing local community organizations people can take the power back into their hands. When this has been proven effective, it can then move into lobbying for a formal way of community input and regulatory power in municipal governments for an increased ability to have a say in what is prioritized and actioned by those who feel the direct affects. I would like to note, this is not intended to discount the efforts that have been made since Katrina to bolster the city’s infrastructure, which have been significant, it merely urges that the necessity for long-term change needs to come from the bottom by those most affected. 

Increasing and improving community education 

Though Sonne’s article pertains specifically to stormwater management, the ideas it argues can be applied more broadly, they state, “creating a supportive community educated about the benefits of such measures will alleviate some of the resistance that new utility fees often garner from the public. A public education program for New Orleans must begin now and must become increasingly aggressive to reach as much of the affected public as possible before any stormwater remediation fee can be successfully implemented” (2014, p. 347). This is a useful idea in the broader context of the city’s afflictions and the need to raise awareness of what they are and what can be done to prevent them. “When citizens have a clear understanding of what it takes for sustainable success in stormwater management, it is easier to embrace the unfamiliar, providing a lasting solution to their common problem” (Sonne, 2014, p. 348), and the same can be said about what it takes for improved infrastructure. The people of Orleans Parish have the capacity to understand the ways in which the infrastructure of the city needs to be revitalized yet require a means to gain that knowledge. Looking now at a historical example of an attempt at this, Leavitt and Kiefer offer us a glimpse of pre-Katrina New Orleans and “a series of regional ‘tabletop’ exercises [that] were conducted in the Greater New Orleans region for the past few years, each exercise examining the physical, geographic, and cyber-interdependencies of much of the region’s infrastructure” (2006, p. 309). Dubbed the ‘Purple Crescent exercises (Leavitt and Kiefer, 2006, p. 309), the ones that did take place were apparently quite useful for highlighting the interdependencies and vulnerabilities of the region’s infrastructure (2006, 309). Which I propose needs to happen once again, in a more sustained way that, hopefully, would not get cut short due to a cataclysmic failure in the exact infrastructural vulnerabilities being discussed (Leavitt and Kiefer, 2006, p. 310). A key opportunity for community oversight is highlighted by the response in the aftermath of Katrina, “although dependent on a system of regional infrastructure for protection, oversight of this infrastructure was fragmented among various municipal governments and agencies, many with long histories of mutual distrust and even animosity” (Leavitt and Kiefer, 2006, p. 311). If educational initiatives are as effective as they could be, local insight could aid municipal government invaluably, combining their lived knowledge and that of new programs about infrastructure. Leavitt and Kiefer urge, “the importance of identifying, understanding, and analyzing…infrastructure interdependencies…if we are to respond effectively to normal disasters. Whenever possible the goal must be to find ways to allow for decentralization of infrastructure systems to promote rapid recovery from disasters” (2006, p.312-3), this decentralization is the perfect opportunity for simultaneous community education, engagement and empowerment. 

Emphasis on grassroots organizations empowerment and efficacy 

Based on past examples of participatory democracy New Orleans has the base for it to work, there have been and still are many grassroot neighborhood-based organizations that work to better their community (Irazábal & Neville, 2007). Irazábal and Neville discuss the pre- and post-Katrina examples of grassroots planning for community development and reconstruction (2007). They highlight ideas of active citizenship, embracing the culture of New Orleans using that as a tool to transform it in the ways the city knows how (Irazábal and Neville, 2007 p. 135-136). As previously mentioned, there are two major aspects of planning, preventative and post disaster. There needs to be urgent focus on both prevention measures in the infrastructure of the city as well as detailed plans for when disaster strikes. There are limitations for rebuilding after the fact at the grassroots level, as seen during Katrina with the amount of people who returned (Campanella, 2006) not being enough to bolster the efforts of those who remained (Irazábal and Neville, 2007, p. 146). Hence why now it is imperative that people make plans for when disaster inevitably strikes and, seize the opportunity to work on renewing existing infrastructure that is known to be insufficient, whilst people are in the city. We must utilize existing neighbourhood groups, social clubs and other forms of local organisation in Orleans parish to come together and begin to learn and action what needs to be implemented infrastructurally and what is feasible on the grassroots level. Although the Unified New Orleans Plan is a date plan on post-Katrina reconstruction this imperative still stands, “institutionalize the organizational framework of the Unified New Orleans Plan by permanently incorporating community-based planning with coordinated citywide infrastructure planning. In doing so, planners can help formalize neighborhood-level decision making without bureaucratically bludgeoning the democratic instincts and empowered participation of residents” (Irazábal and Neville, 2007, p. 150). The second half of that statement is what the community education seeks to aid in avoiding, although there will always be to some degree the “bureaucratic bludgeoning” of empowered participation a more attuned citizen aware of the issues will be more likely to remain persistent. 

Acknowledgement of the Limitations and the Imperative to Continue 

To acknowledge the limitations of grassroots efforts as Irazábal and Neville lay out by stating, “the trajectory of recovery of New Orleans also illuminates the limits of grassroots planning in such catastrophic circumstances, and suggests that only larger and more comprehensive efforts, such as those possible for government(s), can create the conditions under which the grassroots efforts may organize meaningfully and effectively” (2007, p. 147). I urge the community of Orleans Parish, that to get to a place where municipal government implements formalized ways grassroots efforts can have a place in prevention and reconstruction, they need to be shown the efficacy and desire for this. Without existing grassroots efforts, that have proven results, there will never be movement towards a formalized participatory democracy more thoroughly than what exists currently. With an informed community that supports, and is involved in, grassroots planning efforts then the formalization limitations can be overcome. It is the people of New Orleans, the “stricken neighborhoods who constitute the lifeblood of the Big Easy, carrying in their traditions, cuisine, musical heritage, mannerisms, and habits of speech what made New Orleans unique” (Campanella, 2006, p. 144) and it is those people who can make coordinated grassroots efforts effective and long lasting. 

Conclusion

New Orleans is faced with many natural disasters and, as recent events have re-highlighted many other potential risks to our critical and non-critical infrastructure. The first step in finding a solution is community education, which needs to be done from the bottom up. There are then two primary opportunities to approach these challenges, preventative measures and post disaster/event response. Both these can be affected and improved by local community engagement and participation, as I hope to have demonstrated in this briefing. Although there are many hurdles to be overcome it is only through collective community action that real change is seen. We cannot simply wait for the change to happen, it needs to start from the bottom and be brought to the top for lasting change to be permanently implemented, so the people who are most affected get a valued and deserved voice in infrastructure that is meant to protect them. “Humanity is now considered to be not simply one of earth’s biological factors, but a geological actor too; an actor that shapes geophysical transformations on the earth’s stratigraphy the way only ‘natural’ forces used to do in earth’s previous long history” (Kaika, 2018, p. 1716). If humanity is that crucial of an actor, who also needs take responsibility, in the geophysical transformation of our planet, then there is no doubt that the people of Orleans Parish can reshape their city into a more equitable, infrastructurally sound, community where no one’s right to the city (Harvey 2003) is called into question.

References 

Bledsoe, A. & Wright, W. J. (2018) ‘The anti-Blackness of global capital’, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 37 (1), 8-26. 

Campanella, T. J. (2006) ‘Urban Resilience and the Recovery of New Orleans’, Journal of the American Planning Association, 72 (2), 141-146. 

Campbell, S. (2013) ‘Sustainable Development and Social Justice: Conflicting Urgencies and the Search for Common Ground in Urban and Regional Planning’, Michigan Journal of Sustainability, 1, 75-91. 

Chavez, R. (2023) Why the saltwater wedge climbing up the Mississippi River is a wake-up call to the region. Available at: https://www.pbs.org/newshour/nation/why-salt-water-is-threatening-drinking-water-in-new-orleans-and-what-officials-are-doing-about-it (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

Edmonds, C. (2023) Saltwater in the Mississippi Threatens Water Supply in New Orleans. Available at: https://www.nytimes.com/2023/09/23/us/saltwater-mississippi-new-orleans.html (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

Harvey, D. (2003) ‘The Right to the City’, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 27 (4), 939-941. 

Irazábal, C. & Neville, J. (2007) ‘Neighbourhoods in the Lead: Grassroots Planning for Social Transformation in Post-Katrina New Orleans?’, Planning, Practice & Research, 22 (2), 131-153. 

Kaika, M. (2018) ‘Between the frog and the eagle: claiming a ‘Scholarship of Presence’ for the Anthropocene’, European Planning Studies, 26 (9), 1714-1727. 

Leavitt, W. M. & Kiefer, J. J. (2006) ‘Infrastructure Interdependency and the Creation of a Normal Disaster The Case of Hurricane Katrina and the City of New Orleans’, Public Works Management & Policy, 10 (4), 306-314. 

New Orleans District, U.S. Army Corps of Engineers (2023) A Saltwater Wedge Affects the Mississippi. Available at: https://www.mvn.usace.army.mil/Missions/Engineering/Stage-and-Hydrologic-Data/SaltwaterWedge/ (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

New Orleans District, U.S. Army Corps of Engineers (2023) An Overview of the Mississippi River’s Saltwater Wedge. Available at: https://www.mvn.usace.army.mil/Missions/Engineering/Stage-and-Hydrologic-Data/SaltwaterWedge/SaltwaterWedgeOverview/ (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

NOLA Ready (2023) About Saltwater Intrusion. Available at: https://ready.nola.gov/incident/saltwater-intrusion/about-saltwater-intrusion/?utm_source=nola&utm_medium=banner (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

NOLA Ready Tropical Cyclones. Available at: https://ready.nola.gov/hazard-mitigation/hazards/tropical-cyclones/#top (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

Parker, H. & Juhasz, A. (2023) We answer your questions about the saltwater wedge in the Mississippi River. Available at: https://www.wwno.org/coastal-desk/2023-09-27/we-answer-your-questions-about-the-saltwater-wedge-in-the-mississippi-river#q-2 (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

Parker, H., Hazelwood, G. & Juhasz, A. (2023) Saltwater wedge moving slower than projected; unlikely to reach New Orleans until late November. Available at: https://www.wwno.org/coastal-desk/2023-10-05/saltwater-wedge-moving-slower-than-projected-unlikely-to-reach-new-orleans-until-late-november (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

Pearsall, H. & Pierce, J. (2010) ‘Urban sustainability and environmental justice: evaluating the linkages in public planning / policy discourse’, Local Environment, 15 (6), 569-580. 

Rojanasakul, M. (2023) When Will the Saltwater Wedge Reach New Orleans? We Mapped It. Available at: https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2023/09/29/climate/new-orleans-saltwater-map.html?action=click (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

Skilton, L. (2023) Hurricanes in Louisiana. Available at: https://64parishes.org/entry/hurricanes-in-louisiana (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

Smith, M. (2023) The new saltwater forecast is out for the New Orleans area. Here’s what is shows. Available at: https://www.nola.com/news/environment/new-saltwater-forecast-means-good-news-for-new-orleans-area/article_2624ced4-6e90-11ee-8a93-0747faff9b9b.html (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

Sonne, B. (2014) ‘Managing Stormwater by Sustainable Measures: Preventing Neighborhood Flooding and Green Infrastructure Implementation in New Orleans’, Tulane Environmental Law Journal, 27 (323), 323-350. 

Categories
Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

Reconstructing war-torn Ukrainian Cities: Addressing the Need for a Community-based Recovery model in Bucha, Ukraine 

An Open Letter to Bucha Residents

1. Introduction and Positionality 

    Dear inhabitants of Bucha, this community report aims to equip you (the community) with the tools necessary to implement your vision of rebuilding Bucha from the ground up. Whilst it may appear easier to rebuild the material foundations of the city (buildings, apartments, houses), I worry that the top-down planners will not be able to relate to the distressing events you lived through 18 months ago. Therefore, I ask in this report how we can rethink the urban reconstruction process in an embodied way, one that accounts for the commonness of traumatic experiences within the new urban fabric of the city. The main aim of this report is to think about how to give the Bucha community tools to become a ‘proper stakeholder’ of the restoration. Ultimately, it is the residents of Bucha that know what they need most and therefore the role of their community is to not only advocate but validate what is needed from the top down. Finally, I suggest that if Bucha is rebuilt with its citizens at the centre of what will be a drawn-out process, it will have great potential to serve as a superb model of urban justice for years to come. 

    I want to confess that I am a UK citizen and do not have a connection to the Bucha community I am writing about. This makes me an outsider to the lived experiences of the Bucha community. Even though I cannot relate to the lived experiences the individuals residing in Bucha have experienced, the first thing I want to say is I do care and deeply sympathise with your community, otherwise, I would not be writing this report and would be diverting my attention elsewhere. However, I must acknowledge that there is an immediate issue that arises with someone from outside a community offering solutions. As I do not have a connection to the Bucha community, I cannot give an ongoing first-hand account of how the reconstruction process in Bucha is materialising. Instead, I must rely upon academic sources and second-hand knowledge to offer recommendations for the reconstruction of Bucha. To counteract such issues, I aim to critically analyse such recommendations and suggest some recommendations of my own within the report.  

    I want you to spare time to read this report because I worry about ‘for whom’ the post-war reconstruction of Ukraine will benefit. For instance, EU President Ursula von der Leyen stated recently “We will reconstruct Ukraine. Our vision is to turn the destruction of war into opportunities to build a beautiful and healthy future for Ukraine” (Europa.eu, 2023). However, I fear that if Ukraine’s post-war construction becomes a developmental free-for-all for top-down planners to redesign Ukrainian cities, there is a risk that the psychological suffering of Bucha’s residents will be extended. This is because it is likely top-down urban planners cannot relate or know how space within the city was used by Russians often to commit war crimes. Therefore, there is a need to strengthen the role of the Bucha community in its reconstruction to know which parts of the city should be memorialised or rebuilt. This represents the most efficient way for its citizens to come to terms with the psychological effects of war. If this is of interest to you, please read on. 

    2. Defining the Community and Context 

      Before we properly investigate the problematic nature of Bucha’s reconstruction, it is important to look at how the community’s disproportionate suffering at the hands of the Russian occupation might complicate efforts to rebuild the city. Russia launched a large-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24th 2022. As part of the invasion, the Russian military entered Ukraine from neighbouring Belarus with the aim of swiftly capturing Kyiv. Bucha is a city in “Ukraine’s Kyiv Oblast with a prewar population of 37,321” (populationhub.com, 2023) and therefore to get to Kyiv, the Russians had to capture Bucha which they did on the 27th of February 2022 before eventually withdrawing on the 31st of March 2022 due to strong Ukrainian resistance.  

      Figure one: Map of Bucha relative to Kyiv (knownsinsiders.com, 2023)  

      After Ukrainian forces captured Bucha, reports of the Bucha massacre began to circulate. Approximately “458 bodies were recovered from the town” (Andreikovets, 2022) and the mayor of Bucha, Anatoliy Fedoruk, reported that “almost 90% of the dead residents had bullet wounds, not shrapnel wounds” (Andreikovets, 2022). In short, Bucha residents were systematically executed whilst under the Russian occupation. Simultaneously, Russia indiscriminately shelled the city causing significant infrastructure damage. With respect to private infrastructure, “861 private houses [and] 122 apartment buildings” (Kulish, 2023) were destroyed. With respect to social infrastructure, “26 educational institutions [and] 5 religious institutions were destroyed” (Kulish, 2023). With respect to economic infrastructure, “127 industrial facilities were destroyed” (Kulish, 2023). The consequence of this was it created a physical landscape that was completely baron whilst simultaneously creating an extremely psychologically scarred community.  

      Furthermore, whilst other cities around Western Ukraine such as Kyiv and Lyiv were bombed, they were not physically under the occupation of the Russians. This is where the current Ukrainian Government’s ‘one size fits all approach’ to reconstructing Ukrainian cities faulters. Whilst Kyiv and Lyiv were bombed destroying the material fabric of their cities, as they did not experience the first-hand brutality of the Russians under occupation, I would argue that the embodied after-effects are felt to a much greater extent amongst the community in Bucha relative to other urban communities.  

      This makes the reconstruction element of Ukrainian cities non-linear as each urban community has a different lived experience of war. However, the multifaceted losses in Bucha go beyond simply physical structures and therefore the trauma the community experienced is now emplaced within their urban fabric. In essence, the violence in Bucha is multilayered which means it is essential urban planners consider what spaces in the city now represent and subsequently how to use spaces in the city to cope with trauma. I would argue it is the community of Bucha rather than top-down urban planners who are therefore best placed to think about this. 

      3. The Challenges and Current Policy Analysis 

        Kyiv’s focus remains firmly on the war on the southern and eastern flanks of their country. Despite this, Kyiv wants to start rebuilding Ukrainian cities such as Bucha now as an “act of resistance” (Cohen, 2023) against Russia. This could become problematic because the urban way of life has become a staple mode of attack of Russia by air which could delay any reconstruction efforts. On the other hand, it is promising that the Ukrainian Government has taken this stance. It shows that they recognise the city as playing a fundamental role in the socio-economic life of people but also as “spaces and places that support social connection and sociality” (Klinenburg, 2019) which as this report will argue is integral for the Bucha community to come to terms with their trauma. 

        Defined challenge: How does war limit the effectiveness of community-led reconstruction? 

        Current Policy Analysis

        The next section of this report will evaluate how Ukraine has initially proposed to reconstruct its cities. The main point this report wants to highlight is that urban recovery in Bucha is not only about physical repair but is also about the process of healing. As Sukhomud (2023) states “physical repair alone can be employed as a continuation of violence, further displacement, and forgetting” and therefore it is important for this report to assess the extent individuals in the community of Bucha are put are the centre of the policy. 

        Ukraine is creating the conditions of economic recovery whilst fighting a war. According to Rauws (2020), the development of cities “challenges spatial planners and decision-makers because of the wide variety of uncertainties they encompass”. The central government in Kyiv does not know when the war is going to end and therefore they are “creating conditions for development which support a city’s capacity to respond to any changing circumstances” (Rauws, 2020). This concept of adaptive planning can be illustrated through Kyiv’s proposed ‘DREAM’ policy. 

        The Digital Restoration Ecosystem for Accountable Management (DREAM) is a “centralised statistical database that provides a single digital pipeline for all reconstruction projects” (DREAM.gov, 2023). DREAM puts communities at the centre of the reconstruction process as they can “create projects and present them to international partners to attract financial resources and can manage the reconstruction process themselves” (DREAM.gov, 2023). Furthermore, DREAM is extremely beneficial for reconstructing Bucha. This is because “it prioritises communities based on the level of socio-economic and human impact” (DREAM.gov, 2023) that has occurred to which Bucha should be prioritised as it has disproportionately suffered. DREAM therefore represents a democratised approach to the reconstruction of urban spaces. The people of Bucha “have a right to change themselves by changing the city” (Harvey, 2012) and therefore part of my community recommendations will be how residents in Bucha can fully utilise this system.  

        Despite the Ukrainian Government giving agency to communities, there are some shortfalls that need to be considered. Firstly, there may be some inequalities in participation amongst the Bucha community. Some individuals may not have access to digital tools or have the skills to use technology. Furthermore, there is a lack of tangibility involved in the process (online system) which when you consider the trauma of the Bucha community, may appear to be insensitive to their experiences. 

        Furthermore, it could be conceivable that war could make the process of adopting this ‘DREAM’ model more challenging. As this report will argue in the recommendations section, the biggest asset of a community is the people living there and you therefore want to utilise their local expertise to start rebuilding. However, the war has displaced people who previously lived in Bucha in two ways. Firstly, by people fleeing to escape Russian occupation and secondly by compulsory conscription calling up the working-age population to serve on the frontlines. This displacement could make the process of community reconciliation challenging. Rebuilding a community isn’t just about physical structures. It also involves re-establishing social networks, a sense of identity, and a shared community vision. However, whilst a minority of people lived through occupation, the majority of residents managed to flee. This could be socially challenging because some returning residents have not experienced the same extent of trauma relative to individuals who lived under the city’s occupation. Thus, the needs of individuals living within the affected community may differ and I question whether DREAM has the capacity to respond to every individual’s needs. However, the biggest concern for this report is that if the community of Bucha has been displaced to such an extent, then ‘who’ speaks for the community? If priority is given to residents who stayed during the occupation, then does this account for everyone’s needs in the Bucha community in a fair and equitable way. 

        Finally, it is essential that the community-orientated focus of DREAM is not lost at the expense of Western corporate interests. The World Bank’s “recent estimation for the reconstruction of Ukraine has grown to $411 billion” (Cohen, 2023) and therefore what this report worries about is that if the primary source of funding comes from Western institutions, there may be conditions attached to this that ignore Ukraine’s community-orientated approach. For instance, according to Sukhomud (2023), when the “reconstruction process is directed by Western audiences, discussions about trauma often lead to people being disqualified as irrational” which is a particularly prominent concern for the community of Bucha. Worryingly, phrases such as ‘The World Bank’s mission for rebuilding Ukraine’ keep appearing in the media which makes me question whether Western institutions will engage with the DREAM system at all. 

        Community Recommendations

        These recommendations aim to illustrate the possible ways the residents of Bucha can become a ‘proper stakeholder’ of restoration through community-based action. These will think about how to restore agency and responsibility to the Bucha community and in some recommendations will think about how community-led action could complement the Ukrainian Government’s DREAM policy. 

        The mindset, models, determination, and assessments of Western government are deeply ingrained with traditional, policy-dominated, top-down approaches. This approach views urban problems as ones that require government action and strict policy to solve. However, the urban trauma experienced in Bucha means that it is necessary to “rethink urban reconstruction processes in an embodied way” (Sukhomud, 2023) to account for the commonness of traumatic experience within the community. Therefore, the Ukrainian Government has tried to find a balance by “integrating bottom-up processes of knowledge with top-down agency” (Semeraro, 2019) through its DREAM policy.  

        Whilst this is a welcomed start, I suggest community-based action (CBA), a community-led process “based on an individual community’s needs, priorities, knowledge and capacity” (Khan, 2020) needs to come before DREAM. In essence, the community of Bucha will not be able to make the most out of the policy if community ties are not strengthened in the first place. Therefore, I will suggest bottom-up initiatives that aim to rethink how the Bucha community can use space to cope with the psychological effects of war and strengthen community reconciliation.  

        1. Rubble clear ups 

          The first step in reconstructing Bucha is thinking about how we can rebuild community ties.  The Russians continue to bomb Bucha adding to the infrastructure damage they caused during their short occupation. Therefore, I propose the Bucha rubble clean-up initiative as the initial step in creating community reconciliation in Bucha. 

          Everyone in the community should work together to clear up rubble in the aftermath of any Russian bombing on the city. Even though this form of civic mobilisation is small-scale, the symbolic significance of this practice should not be underestimated. The process of collective cleaning is organised in a way “that allows the trauma of ruination to be dealt with” (Sukhomud, 2023). Therefore, as the clear-up is done collectively, working together becomes an embodied cultural practice. Thus, small-scale efforts such as these will bring short-term relief in dealing with the initial destruction whilst also providing the foundations for the long-term rebuilding of the local community ties. 

          However, I would argue civic mobilisation only provides short-term relief for a limited number of people in the community. It is not at a scale large enough to assure the inclusion of everyone in the community of Bucha within the reconstruction process. Therefore, the next section of the recommendations will think about (through a wider lens) how we can take space into account to achieve urban justice in Bucha.  

          2. Community centres as ‘spaces of social dialogue and learning’ 

            The second step in reconstructing Bucha is starting to think about how to redesign public spaces that are responsive to the needs of the Bucha community. However, this process becomes quite complex due to the fact the Bucha community is extremely displaced. 

            In order to make sure the needs of everyone in the Bucha community are represented, I suggest the need for the strengthening of local participatory governance to create suitable solutions to the immediate developmental challenges brought by the War. Therefore, social dialogue is needed. This refers to the “consultation, negotiation and information exchange between government and non-government actors on issues of common developmental objectives” (ILO, 2014). To facilitate social dialogue, I suggest the creation of a community centre as a physical space for local public participation and dialogue on the ground.  

            Here residents can discuss how to frame DREAM policy in three core areas. Firstly, Bucha’s immediate needs such as rebuilding essential infrastructure that gets food and water into the city. Secondly Roy (2016) refers to the “urban as having a historical geography”. Therefore, it is important to think about what made Bucha a great city to live in before the war. Finally, the most important discussion that must occur surrounds what ‘spaces’ take priority to be rebuilt over others. For instance, sites within the city that symbolise the most psychological trauma for residents such as execution sites should be given priority to be reconstructed over other spaces in the city. 

            Finally, the creation of a community hub in Bucha could educate the community about the Ukrainian Government’s DREAM policy. Older residents who may not be comfortable using a digital system to input their views could be helped in the centre to understand how to use the DREAM system. Therefore, the new community centre could possess an additional meaning as a ‘space for learning’ about the DREAM system and a space to collaboratively propose policy harmoniously as a community. 

            3. Restoration of livelihoods  

              Creating livelihood options again for the people of Bucha is fundamentally the most important principle in making sure the people of Bucha feel agency and responsibility again. According to Lyudmila (2019), one of the core aspects of life in the city is understanding urban space as a “machine of social and economic interaction”. Therefore, restoring these interactions will be vital in making Bucha a vibrant urban community again. 

              One community-based solution to restore economic livelihoods in Bucha is community-led tourism. Bucha has suffered disproportionately as an urban community due to Russian occupation. Therefore, this trauma the residents experienced is now emplaced within the urban fabric of the city. An effective way to come to terms with the trauma experienced is to tell their story to others so people around the world do not forget the atrocities that occurred. In order to cope with their psychological suffering and to provide a steady income, locals could take tourists around the city to various locations where they can learn about the history of the city before the war and understand what life was like for locals in Bucha whilst under occupation.  

              The income generated from this community-led tourism could then be used to stimulate further community initiatives that is representative of all groups in the community. For instance, the income generated could be used to set up a mental health centre for returning veterans or a scheme to help displaced returnees find housing. Therefore, community-led economic growth could support the creation of further initiatives that would be beneficial in the long-term community development of Bucha. 

              Community-led tourism could be an effective DREAM proposal as it restores the economic livelihoods of some residents, encourages further community measures and helps individuals come to terms with their experiences under Russian occupation. 

              4. Grassroot Movements in Bucha 

                Finally, it is essential the Ukrainian Government does not back track on its promises to allow communities to lead reconstruction efforts and bow to pressure from Western institutions. This means creating a community of accountability in Bucha where the citizens of Bucha should demand transparency and accountability from the central Government in Kyiv. There is a danger that in the process of generating knowledge for collective action in Bucha, this may interfere with the official politics of the central Government. 

                Therefore, in order to ensure community-led reconstruction is upheld, a grassroots organisation in Bucha should be created that would put pressure on the central Government in the event that the citizens of Bucha started to lose their voice in the reconstruction process. This grassroots movement would give agency to locals in Bucha to feel a sense of duty to their community. After the disruption to routine and day-to-day living due to the war, I think this grassroots movement would be beneficial in giving many community members a sense of purpose again. Finally, a grassroots movement could be important for the reestablishing of community ties. If you have all different groups within the community rallying around a common cause, this in my opinion will prove effective in giving the Bucha community a sense of identity again whilst also creating a culture of accountability and transparency between the central government and Bucha. 

                Finally, given that Ukraine has a reputation as “the most corrupt country in Europe after Russia” (Bullough, 2015) it is more important than ever for a grassroots organisation to make sure that funds support and go to local communities rather than government officials after the war. 

                Further Thoughts

                This briefing sought to give a succinct overview of the difficulties Bucha’s residents are facing as they aim to rebuild their city. The proposed DREAM policy was then analysed in the briefing, with both its advantages and disadvantages discussed. This analysis then informed four community-led proposals that could accompany and complement the central government’s DREAM policy. These were rubble clear-ups, community hubs, community-led tourism and a Bucha grassroots movement. The proposed solutions in this paper offer the urban community alternative ways to rebuild community ties and make the most out of DREAM from the bottom up. 

                It is difficult to see how city planning that benefits urban residents now and in the future can ever be realised unless we develop more community-based approaches. Thus, I hope this community briefing serves as a starting point to think about how we can marshal inside-out thinking for reimagining who Bucha is for and under what conditions.  

                Slava Ukraini! 

                Reference List

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                Images and Videos

                Bucha vector map. (2023) Vector & Photo (Free Trial) | Bigstock. Available at: https://www.bigstockphoto.com/image-452256513/stock-vektorgrafik-bucha-vector-map-detailed-map-of-bucha-city-administrative-area-cityscape-panorama-royalty-free-v (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

                KnowInsiders (2023) Where is Bucha: History, travel, people, before & after the War, KnowInsiders. Available at: https://knowinsiders.com/where-is-bucha-history-travel-people-before-after-the-war-34478.html (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

                Youtube.com (2023) Rebuilding Bucha after a massacre – War in Ukraine a year on | Life on the frontline YouTube. 25 February. Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n7qRmtVxAa4 (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

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