Tag: Traffic Congestion

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Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

Battling Traffic Congestion in Tondon, Manila: The Power of Vital Communities

An Open Letter to Tondo

Dear residents of Tondo, 

This community briefing aims to empower you as meaningful participants towards your vision of the future of transport in Tondo. Encompassing actionable recommendations developed through examples from around the Philippines and the world, this report intends to equip you with the necessary tools to design innovative and localised solutions to the ongoing traffic crisis. This briefing invites you to translate your experiences into community-championed results that will help to create sustainable and inclusive transit in Tondo. 

Introduction

As cities are progressively restructured and shaped by new disruptors to their vitality, envisioning just and humanising strategies has become one of the key challenges to creating sustainable urban futures. Increasingly uneven trends of resilience between communities, however, suggests a discrepancy in working with the unfamiliar. The metropolitan city of Manila in the Philippines is one of the fastest-growing urban centres in Asia, and they are witnessing the region’s worst traffic crisis. The COVID-19 pandemic ushered in a new era of urban mobility: devoid of the usual commotion of motorised vehicles, thousands of cyclists flocked to the empty streets and embraced active transport at an unprecedented level. Unfortunately, this ‘new normal’ would not last. Roads and highways quickly fell back into disrepute once quarantine restrictions were lifted, and Manila is once again in a state of perennial gridlock. Existing infrastructure is lamentably inadequate and impotent against the rapid pace of motorisation brought about by uncoordinated policy, leading to a premature decline in mobility (Hasselwander et al., 2022). Cyclists have, once again, become an invisible population. 

These systemic aberrations are most detrimental to the urban poor, who, barred by emotional impoverishment and material deprivation, are less able to effectively respond to the crisis. Tondo, one of the 16 districts comprising Manila, is a historically significant microcosm of the city. Characterised by a high incidence of poverty and overcrowding, it is further prone to the severity of the traffic crisis due to its proximity to two major commercial hubs, Divisoria and the Port of Manila. Contrarily, this places Tondo in an intriguing position for actionable and innovative community-based approaches, in lieu of failing traditional interventionist policy. This briefing begins by contextualising my positionality to the prevailing issue and examining the challenges against the background of the community. Following a brief overview of current policy, the report will conclude with a series of community-based initiatives catered to the socioeconomic profile of Tondo. 

Positionality

My choice to explore urban mobility in this briefing is motivated by my summer internship with the Land Transport Authority (LTA) of Singapore. Growing up there, I must admit that my ‘lived experiences’ of transport is vastly different from that in Tondo. Transiting through Singapore is a pleasant process expedited by multimodal connectivity: public transport is frequent and extensive, and transport routes have grown to accommodate active mobility into the first and last mile. 

With land scarcity and urban density being two of the biggest limiting factors to sustaining urbanism in Singapore, policy necessitates aggressive ambition and innovation. Through progressive engagement with civil society and social enterprises, various scales of transport planning are increasingly being supplemented by the meaningful participation of residents. I was most inspired by the work of Participate in Design (P!D), a non-profit organisation founded in 2013 that champions community-borne design in policy and planning. In an agency-wide seminar, Executive Director Larry Yeung spoke of P!D’s commitment to community empowerment through consistent grassroot engagement and proactive transparency. Their people-centric approach to solutionism is not disingenuous: guided excursions and focus sessions with neighbourhood residents have helped LTA to improve the wayfinding experience of active mobility users, fostering a success story of partnership and community integration. 

While the government has played an integral role in developing an accessible transport system, the efforts of P!D proved to me the efficacy of bottom-up endeavours and the significance of gathering input from the community. This briefing presented an opportunity for myself to explore the feasibility of grassroot involvement in a community that has yet to experience inclusive and equitable mobility options. I chose to focus on Manila – and more specifically, Tondo – for two reasons: (1) I have family that grew up there, and in my childhood, came to learn of the vast differences in lifestyle, and (2) the circumstances surrounding Tondo present a landscape for practicable action. I do, however, recognise my removal from Tondo and its residents and must clarify that this report does not intend to dictate the doings of the community in question but rather, to propose feasible initiatives that offer collective power to them from the perspective of mutual aid. 

The Problem

Out of the 278 entities named in the Asian Development Outlook 2019 Update, Manila topped the list as the most congested developing Asian city (Asian Development Bank, 2019). Further statistics rank Manila at 58th out of 60 global cities in Urban Mobility Readiness (UMR), an index which explores the efficiency and equitability of international transit systems across several fields (Oliver Wyman Forum, 2023). At a regional low of 31.2% in UMR, the metropolis is blighted by challenges in societal benefits, infrastructure, and system efficiency. Despite the worsening situation, there is a conspicuous absence of adequate infrastructure, and policy is saturated with homogenous top-down intervention that favours capital accumulation over the immediate needs of Filipinos. Other factors such as urban sprawl, a steadily increasing population, poor traffic etiquette and venal traffic enforcement exacerbate Manila’s traffic crisis.  

Alternative means of travel are similarly ineffectual in servicing the community. Although 94% of Filipinos do not own private vehicles (Bauck, 2023), public transport is unreliable and inconvenient, and micro-mobilities – namely walking and cycling – face compounding arbitrariness. Expenditure in active transport infrastructure peaked during the pandemic following a nationwide cycling boom initiated by the termination of mass mobilities, including the bus and rail networks. By 2021, the Department of Transportation had invested ₱801.83 million in building 500 kilometres of new bike lanes complete with quality wayfinding and safety details (Mercurio, 2021). The Philippine government, however, has failed to maintain this momentum, and was most recently criticised for slashing the budget for active transportation by ₱1.5 billion in their National Expenditure Programme between 2022 and 2024 (Relativo, 2023). This de-prioritisation of improving active mobility is worrisome. Data shows that bicycle ownership outnumbers car ownership 5:1 in Metro Manila, and an additional 2.7 million households adopted cycling as a primary mobility between 2022 and 2023 (Social Weather Stations, 2022; 2023). Despite this, 72% of road traffic comprises car travel (Japan International Cooperation Agency, 2014) and little has been done to enforce the value of cycling post-pandemic. Dedicated cycling lanes have reportedly been relegated to sharrows and misused as parking spaces (de Santos, 2023), undoing significant progress in the transition towards cycling as a primary mobility. 

The Light Rail Transit (LRT) train, Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) and jeepney systems form the bulk of Manila’s mass transport network. All three industries are ineffectively utilised by the state and beset with sociopolitical complications. Despite a total ridership of 109.6 million in 2022 (Abadilla, 2023), the LRT does not offer a convenient commuter experience: they are highly inaccessible due to overcrowding, irregular scheduling, and inadequate comfort features (Moreno, 2023). Peripheral districts like Tondo are further afflicted with low station densities in spite of high demand (Damian and Mabazza, 2018). Coupled with the ongoing shortages in bus drivers and jeepneys – a consequence of job redundancy during COVID-19 (Siy, 2023) and a shutdown of operators in response to unmanageable costs imposed by the PUV Modernisation Programme (Ramos, 2023) respectively – mass transit journeys are made more unpredictable, forcing commuters to turn to private transport and thus contributing to traffic congestion. 

Tondo Background

History: A migrant economy 

“Isang kahig, isang tuka” – this Tagalog idiom represents the most impoverished in society and their living “from hand to mouth”. Exemplified in the social fabric and economic composition of Tondo, this Manilan district houses a population of 654,220 urban poor within the city’s largest slum (Philippine Statistics Authority, 2021). Here, poverty is both a historical and geographical characteristic. Since its claimancy by the Spanish Empire, Tondo has been considered an informal settlement: with land ownership formalised only in the eyes of the Church, its location outwith the historic centre of Intramuros meant that the district was naught but a jumbled populace in colonial times (Celdran, 2014). Its geographic position was later instrumental to the armed conflict in the Second World War: located on the northern bank of the Pasig River, the Americans secured Tondo as a strategic foothold against the Japanese, who had retreated into Intramuros on the southern bank (Connaughton et al., 1995). And when Intramuros was later razed to the ground by American artillery, survivors fled the desolate lands and settled up north of the Pasig River as squatters (Celdran, 2014). 

Post-war changes to the economy engendered a potential for prosperity. From the provinces came migrants, attracted to Tondo by its proximity to markets, transport networks and the docks of Manila Bay, alongside a recognition that these were sources of opportunity in employment, education and entertainment (Poethig, 1970; Beltran Jr., 1982; Poppelwell, 1997). While Tondo was hardly mature, the people were uncomplaining – “The discomforts of the slum can be tolerated for the advantages that city life can bring” – and applied themselves as an unskilled workforce (Beltran Jr.,1982). In the rapid industrialisation that followed, “the adoption of mechanised production left migrants who lacked specialised skills ill equipped to compete for jobs” (Poppelwell, 1997). Forsaken by urban development, poverty in Tondo now runs at least three to four generations deep (Celdran, 2014). 

Today: Challenges in Context 

Divisoria, the central hub for competitively priced goods and bulk manufacturing, is alive with informal economies. From street vendors to night markets and bazaars, this famous commercial centre straddles the south end of Tondo, providing generations of residents with “sources of casual employment” (Beltran Jr., 1982). The bisecting thoroughfare, Recto Avenue, is exceptional in historical purpose: once a railway that serviced Manila Bay, it linked squatter settlements to further employment in the Port of Manila (Balbutin Jr., 2023). Now, Divisoria is afflicted by a violence of motor vehicles and small-business vendors, congesting this familial hub of work and known life. The Port of Manila is similarly blighted by gridlock, as it struggles to accommodate the influx of labourers from Tondo. Choked by poor traffic discipline and narrowed roads, areas like these have been met with persistent efforts to decongest the streets – though rather than focusing their intent on the vehicular side of the traffic crisis, attempts to do so concentrate on the warding off of sidewalk and street vendors.  

Under the direction of Isko Moreno, the former Mayor of Manila, these everyday economies were assiduously swept aside by clearing operations (Beltran, 2019). The Department of the Interior and Local Government (DILG) followed suit with formal administrations that sought to direct the clearances of road-obstructing structures, while offering empty promises of “displacement strateg[ies] for those affected … which may include designation of unused spaces for their relocation, provision of alternative livelihood for vendors, and other similar efforts” (DILG, 2019; 2020) While it is recognised that street vendors may occupy or encroach upon cycling lanes, the choice to target small-business vendors is contentious: the Task Force on Urban Conscientisation (1992) had previously determined, through interviewing, that many of these vendors did not have the educational or financial capacity to abandon their professions in favour of another and as a result, obstinately continue to work in Divisoria in spite of adverse politico-economic conditions.  

Current Policy

As a constituent district, Tondo falls under the jurisdiction of Manilan and Philippine legislation. This absence of municipal council and local ordinance subjects the district to policy practices that are unsuited to the socio-spatialities of Tondo. Stewarded by car-centric and technocratic administrations, infrastructural programmes in the Philippines have routinely neglected the potential for multi-modality in the transport sector. Two prominent programmes in the past decade, Build! Build! Build! (under the administration of Rodrigo Duterte) and Build Better More (led by Bongbong Marcos), were purposefully aimed at increasing global economic competitiveness and reducing car travel time (Rosario et al., 2023). These projects have ambitious goals of creating seamless trade corridors through increasing roadway capacities, rural-urban connectivity and other large-scale networks (Bangko Sentral ng Pilipinas, 2023). Such reactionary measures have a marginal impact in reducing gridlock in the long term and often end up inducing greater congestion instead (Litman, 2013). 

At the same time, transport authorities have made almost antithetical commitments towards the prioritisation of vulnerable road users. They have, in several official publications, outlined codes of conduct to inform motorists on appropriate behaviour towards cyclists and their spaces (see DILG et al., 2020; Land Transport Office, 2021). While these may seem constructive, the guidelines are mostly transgressed due to a lack of respect for the exclusivity of bicycle lanes and poor enforcement of these rules (Manila Bulletin, 2023).  

Commuity Recommendations

The traffic crisis is a wicked problem that, indisputably, should involve state-society collaboration. It is clear, however, that the situation is not benefiting from the long-standing inscriptions of statecraft and ad hoc, reactionary policies. Alleviating traffic congestion in Tondo is therefore contingent upon a transition from ‘vehicular mobility’ to ‘people mobility’. This would involve stimulating change in the vehicular makeup of the district through the democratisation of the roads in a way that is both affordable and inclusive. Given current road capacities and proximity between nodes, cycling makes for an exceptional alternative, especially with its growing prevalence (Litman, 2013; Portugal-Pereira et al., 2013). As current policy fails to provide the urban poor with the instruments to work around congestion, the following recommendations have been devised with community-based action and empowerment in mind. 

Organised Collaborations 

As a veritable first step, partnering with constituents of existing coalitions and organisations could offer Tondo residents “a network of people across the city who are primed to mobilise to protect bikers’ interests” (Bauck, 2023). This would provide the community with the guidance of well-informed cycling advocates from groups such as MoveAsOne Coalition and Bicycle Friendly Philippines, which have inspired social movements for cycling in Manila and Pasig City respectively. Through the provision of free cycling lessons, mass bike rides and support groups (MoveAsOne Coalition, 2023; Bicycle Friendly Philippines, 2023), organisations like these promote cycling as an essential and sustainable mode of transportation, thus enforcing collective behaviour in the community and subsequently reducing traffic congestion. 

Since this community strategy involves diligent intra-communication and cooperation, there is considerable potential to then transition from vertical collaboration to building horizontal relationships. Local participation in the formation of working groups and coordinated bike pools has demonstrated its effectiveness in collective mobilisation (Social Weather Stations, 2022). I propose that such initiatives would be especially beneficial to those employed in Divisoria and the Port of Manila, as workers could amalgamate under the old adage of “safety in numbers”. The community could further invigorate their efforts by employing the help of Samahan ng Mamamayan – Zone One Tondo Organisation (SM-ZOTO), a registered federation of urban poor local groups with a history of community organisation. Their ‘Training-Organising Programmes’ (TOP) are designed to empower residents by providing them with opportunities to upskill their management and advocacy capabilities (SM-ZOTO, 2023a). Local attendance and partnership with these TOPs would strengthen the foundations of community-based action in Tondo by equipping proactive residents with the skills to mobilise the wider community. In the long term, the meaningful participation of residents on multiple levels would deliver an assured future of inclusive mobility, thus incentivising others to adopt cycling as their primary mode of transport. 

Looking to the future, ensuing creative action could model itself after large, concerted efforts, such as Critical Mass (CM), in order to garner the attention of governing bodies. Conceived as a social movement in celebration of cycling, this global phenomenon institutes a culture of defiance against the dominance of the automobile through monthly unsanctioned bike rides organised by the community. CM has a distinctive structure of “self-determination [and] self-rule” (Furness, 2010), lending its participants with both an amorphous, adaptable power and customisable initiative. While it can represent a culmination of cyclists’ efforts, its very essence is interpretable: an open invitation to non-cyclists to join their cause; a signifier of people-power, or even a political revolution (Dyer, 1993; Edinburgh Critical Mass, 2023). Whichever direction the community chooses to follow, CM can help to raise the profile of community-based action in Tondo. Tangible efficacy, however, is conditional upon “real advocacy – such as lobbying … for bike lanes and progressive legislation” (Smith, 2010). The most amenable results therefore require a combination of organised collaboration and conceptualisation through participatory design. 

Participatory Design 

Research indicates that to achieve high cyclability and successfully cultivate active mobility as a social habit, the community must have the assurance that “[their] voices [can be] translated into tangible outcomes” (P!D, 2023; Rivera and Castro, 2023). By developing a collective vision, residents can actuate their transport aspirations of creating safer and more respectful streets. This reconstituting of transport planning as a shared responsibility conceptualises itself in the appointment of residents as creatives and actors in infrastructural design. It “do[es] not take civil society as mere participants in government consultations … invited just to comply with bureaucratic requirements” (Gatarin, 2023) but rather, enables them to participate meaningfully in place-based initiatives. 

Illustrating this is Walkable Pearl Drive, a civic movement in the Philippine City of Pasig that advocated for improved safety and accessibility in the Central Business District. Highlighting the obstruction of sidewalks by parked cars, residents and office workers banded together to launch an online petition appealing to the wider community and local authorities to prioritise the rights and needs of pedestrians (Friends of Pearl Drive, 2018). Since its inception, Walkable Pearl Drive has been successful in reorienting community outlook on shared road spaces through the reclamation of sidewalks (Gatarin, 2023). Recalling Tondo’s comparable challenges of lane obstruction by small-business vendors and automobiles, residents could espouse these promising strategies to reclaim their bicycle lanes and in turn, their mobility. While the success of such projects does rely on a combination of personal motivation and mutual partnerships, the current volatile outlook on motorised-versus-active transport could practicably inspire social reform and mass action. 

Public Education 

Research indicates that education has a positive causal effect on social engagement, in that it influences democracy and participation through “the provision of information relevant to politics” (Mayer, 2011). At present, there is a conspicuous lack of transport data in educational curricula and academic research (Social Weather Stations, 2022), leaving a significant vacuity in situational awareness. Bringing data to schools would inform the younger generation of cycling behaviours and provide dedicated spaces for dialogue, thereby inculcating sustainable habits from an early age. Beyond the perimeters of school, urban forums and conferences provide the opportunity for the wider community to build their capacities and gain place-based insight. For example, SM-ZOTO frequently engages with the urban poor and other marginalised groups in public conferences to address their concerns and close the feedback loop with partnering authorities (SM-ZOTO, 2023b). Similar effects can also be achieved virtually: in 2021, the World Bank Group organised online bicycle infrastructure trainings for “stakeholders involved in active transport in the Philippines” to advise them on the principles of planning and design (Global Road Safety Facility, 2021). With groundings in action learning (a reflexive approach to problem solving), participants-turned-practitioners are encouraged to adapt their learnings to the local context and nurture a sense of belonging in their communities. In Tondo, the community can apply these fundamentals to enhance their reference base for organised collaborations and participatory design initiatives, and thus galvanise the masses towards a common purpose.  

Conclusion

“While the community does exhibit a sense of cohesiveness, [there has been] a decline in the propensity for residents to be involved in organising” (Poppelwell, 1997). A review of the circumstances surrounding traffic congestion has revealed the exigencies of the Tondo community and their dismissal by dominant narratives of fiscal policy. As explored in this community briefing, this portrayal of mobility as a syndrome of socio-political drivers demands immediate reform through community engagement and bottom-up mobilisation. To confront the transport crisis, therefore, is to restructure Tondo as a vital community with the adaptive capacity to respond to geographies of urgency. 

In pursuance of solidarity, the recommendations proposed in this briefing embrace a relational and collective approach to community-based action. These comprised organised collaborations (both within and outwith the community), engaging in participatory design, and sustained public education. While each initiative can be implemented independently of each other, the most compelling outcome involves a combination of these three elements. Through the power of the vital community, and as witnessed in other international contexts, such clamorous and consistent efforts have the incredible potential to engender significant changes in public outlook and statutory organisation.  

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Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

The potential of community-level recommendations in tackling traffic congestion on LBS Marg

Introduction 

Mumbai is a symphony of beauty and chaos, with vibrant colours, sounds and smells evoking a visceral experience. Its bustling streets portray the pursuit of ambitions in the ‘city of dreams’, whose allures have helped mould it into the financial capital of India. The result of this is an ever-growing urban population, with the Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR) being home to approximately 22 million people, at a per km² density of 20,000 (Bharadwaj et al., 2017). The city’s roads are a mix of “cars, trucks, pedestrians, animal-driven carts, two-wheelers, cycles…auto-rickshaws” and cattle (Verma and Kulshrestha, 2018). This has resulted in Mumbai being one of the most congested cities in the world, with road trips in the MMR taking 51% more time than they would under “free flow conditions” (Bharadwaj et al., 2017). Congestion contributes to an economic loss equivalent to “17% of the GDP of Maharashtra”, as the average Mumbaikar spends “11 days a year stuck in traffic” (Jain et al., 2021). This congestion causes and exposes citizens to higher emissions and air and noise pollution, while “[decreasing] productivity and [imposing] costs on society” (Bharadwaj et al., 2017). Traffic problems continue to grow as a significant middle-class population resides in “the periphery of Mumbai” (Shirgaokar, 2014), and primarily uses road transport for travel to commercial districts (Das and Mandal, 2021). Traffic troubles are aggravated by largely unchanged road infrastructure in a time of increasing car ownership (Jain et al., 2021). Between 2005-2017, Mumbai’s “vehicular population” increased by 60%, while vehicular speeds in the last decade decreased by 50% (Bharadwaj et al., 2017). This trend is set to continue as growing incomes, inconvenient public transport, successful car marketing and the ease of auto loans incentivize private car ownership (Das and Mandal, 2021; Shirgaokar, 2014). In addition, sociocultural tendencies and the comfort of private transport means that a growing middle class continues using their cars despite increasing levels of traffic congestion (Lesteven, 2014).

   

Context  

Lal Bahadur Shastri Marg, hereon referred to as LBS Marg or LBS is a 21km, four-lane arterial road that traverses through areas of high population density in the Eastern Suburbs, where 400,000 vehicles use the road everyday (Kulkarni and Pancras, 2015; Sen, 2018). This report examines traffic congestion on the stretch of LBS that passes through Ghatkopar West (Appendix 1 and 2), with the specified geographic area highlighted in Appendix 2. This area is notorious for traffic jams, with near complete halts in traffic and vehicle speeds regularly going down to 3km/h (Sen, 2018; Soni and Chandel, 2020). Here, wrong-side driving (Appendix 3), illegal parking (Appendix 4), metro line construction (Appendix 5), street vendors occupying footpaths (Appendix 6) and insufficient traffic rule enforcement, exacerbate traffic congestion. I am a resident of a large residential apartment complex located on this stretch of LBS, called Kalpataru Aura, referred to hereon as Kalpataru. This report will focus on the experience of Kalpataru residents with traffic congestion. Kalpataru’s entry and exit points (named ‘A’ and ‘B’), open directly onto LBS Marg, making this the only way to enter or exit the compound (Appendix 7,8 and 9). Consequently, unpredictable traffic conditions on LBS hold direct repercussions for Kalpataru residents, who face uncertain travel times, reduced leisure hours, increased fuel usage, increased car maintenance, and added stress (Metropolitan Council, 2020). Alongside residents, the report’s target audience is the residential complex’s administrative body, Kalpataru Management. Recommendations made will be directed at Kalpataru Management, who have the executive power to undertake initiatives. 

Problems within Kalpataru  

The Kalpataru Aura residential complex is a bustling community, home to over 1200 families living in 17 buildings (Kalpataru Limited, 2014), who regularly host social and religious events. Kalpataru is visited by guests, alongside hundreds of drivers who enter the compound every day for taxi and delivery purposes. This means that along with navigating traffic on LBS, residents must also deal with congestion caused by vehicles within the compound. The consequences of Kalpataru’s congestion are especially significant given the risks to children and the elderly, who are most vulnerable. Cars pose a safety risk for children who use the open space between apartments for recreation. When I was younger, I remember callously batting an eye at the risks, as my friends and I played around moving cars and commotion. However, retrospectively the risks this poses are alarming. Today, a simple walk around the compound requires one to navigate around the numerous cars, autorickshaws and two-wheelers that drive through. The often chaotic crowd of cars in Kalpataru contrast the image of a well-maintained residential area. Given that Kalpataru residents pay a monthly maintenance fee of ₹10,000 (£100), it is no surprise that this disorder is cause for frustration. Given this context and the significance of congestion within Kalpataru, solutions that focus only on congestion on LBS and not within the compound would be tunnel-visioned. 

The nature of problem-solving efforts  

Past policy failure complicates efficient traffic management in Mumbai, with the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), often placing significant focus on “public transport improvement”, while disregarding “traffic demand management” (Alam and Ahmed, 2013). Here, it is valid to criticize the BMC for inadequate road infrastructure improvements, metro construction misplanning, failure to establish targeted fuel subsidies or the neglection of efforts in “driver education” on “road safety” (Alam and Ahmed, 2013). Even efforts by the traffic department of the Mumbai Police have not yielded sufficient action from the BMC (Kulkarni and Pancras, 2015). There is no question that bigger-picture solutions from the BMC would reduce congestion. However, in their absence, it is imperative to seek local, community-level solutions, which, albeit on a smaller scale, seek to make meaningful change. This report believes that such community-level solutions hold the potential to alleviate traffic congestion on LBS and within Kalpataru. Thus, this report aims to provide community-level recommendations that seek to find local activities that exacerbate congestion and tackle them in an intertwined manner, whereby solutions build upon each other. Recommendations try implementing a two-pronged approach to traffic congestion in the relationship between Kalpataru and LBS Marg. First, congestion within the apartment complex will be addressed, followed by efforts to reduce congestion on the adjacent stretch of LBS. 

Recommendation 1: Parking Management using a mobile application 

Let us begin by addressing the congestion within Kalpataru that stems from parking mismanagement. Kalpataru is frequented by visitors, guests, autorickshaws, taxi and delivery drivers, who face challenges in navigating the unfamiliar compound and finding a parking spot. The inability to reserve parking spaces means that even drivers familiar with the compound cannot know if spaces are occupied or free to park. This leads to cars chasing the same space or roaming around the compound, exacerbating localized congestion. The solution here is inspired by a proposition from Kazi et al. (2018), who suggests the implementation of a ‘Reservation-based Smart Parking System’. I recommend the implementation of a similar system within Kalpataru, with a mobile application that functions through user reporting. Let us tentatively refer to this app as ‘Kalpataru Smart Parking’. A map feature in the app will mark unoccupied slots in green, whilst occupied/reserved slots will be red. Before starting this system, a Kalpataru management team member will visit all parking sites and check which slots are free. Given that Kalpataru has security guards in the parking lot and around the compound, these guards can be tasked with checking the app once a day to ensure that slots marked available (green) on the app are indeed unoccupied. This allows a layer of verification on top of user reporting.    

The app will require users to create profiles and input the following information: their name, contact details (phone and email) and specifics of their vehicle such as its type and registration number. This information is stored on the app’s server and does not need to be re-entered and is used to validate reservations. After a user’s reservation expires, they can choose to extend their stay or vacate the slot. Upon vacation, the slot is listed as unoccupied for other drivers. Given information on the slot’s availability comes directly from the driver who last used it, we can ensure that the information is “the most up to date” (Zargayouna, Balbo and Ndiye, 2016). The recommendation is for 2 hours of free parking, followed by an hourly charge of ₹50, which falls under the guidance of the BMC (Baliga, 2013). Payment options here will be cashless, with the app accepting credit/debit cards or the popular GPAY and/or UPI payment options. A timer feature on the app enforces this, tracking the parking time and calculating the parking fees that goes beyond 2-hours. This feature also sends a notification 30 minutes before the end of the parking time, acting as an alert for drivers. User reporting allows drivers to flag parking slots that are marked as available but are occupied. If this is due to an error, the flagging helps Kalpataru Management with quick troubleshooting. If the flagged parking slot is being occupied without the occupant paying, then the vehicle will be fined ₹2000, which disincentivizes this practice.       

This recommendation helps facilitate a remote search for parking space, devoid of ticket machines, sensors, or any additional physical infrastructure. Through user reporting from residents and frequent visitors, this solution seeks to tackle parking mismanagement and problems stemming from it. Having targeted congestion within Kalpataru, we can now look at recommendations that primarily focus on alleviating congestion on LBS Marg.  

Recommendation 2: Relocation of street vendors  

The stalls of street vendors are a familiar sight on LBS Marg, dotting the footpath adjacent to Kalpataru (Appendix 10). A by-product of this is reduced footpath space for pedestrians, who opt to walk on the road itself, in process worsening traffic congestion and posing safety risks. While acknowledging the role they play in aggravating congestion, we must also recognize the effects roadside vending has on the vendors. These individuals spend a significant time on the hectic LBS, which exposes them and their products (notably fresh food and vegetables) to vehicle emissions such as “carbon monoxide, carbon dioxide…hydrocarbons, nitrogen oxides [and] particulate matter” (Bharadwaj et al., 2017).    

The recommendation here asks management to approach vendors who primarily cater to Kalpataru residents and offer to relocate their shops within the Kalpataru compound. Alongside relocation, management will assist vendors in adding their stall on the popular InstaMart platform, an online chain of convenience stores. Here vendors can list the products they sell and set prices. This will expand vendors’ digital presence, allowing them to appeal to Kalpataru residents and non-residents, who can make physical or online purchases. By assisting with relocation and the move online, we not only empower vendors but also improve the physical conditions they work in, reducing their exposure to negative externalities of traffic on LBS Marg. Kulkarni and Pancras (2015) interviewed vegetable vendors on the Kurla stretch of LBS, learning that potholes, noise and air pollution had become a daily nuisance for them. This is why the relocation benefits vendors, who are placed in a privately maintained apartment complex that provides a better work environment and gets them off the footpaths. Importantly, for this report, the relocation means that LBS’s footpath can now accommodate more pedestrians, who are less encouraged to walk on the road. Part of this move involves charging vendors a small weekly rental fee for being based in the thriving residential community, which increases their exposure to a large customer base and expands their reach beyond a temporary structure on LBS.   

The feasibility of this recommendation is high as the solution falls in line with current trends of digitization and online delivery in Mumbai. Cashless transactions are at an all-time high in India, with banknote demonetization and COVID-19 contributing to a 30% “growth rate” (Panda and Sahoo, 2022) in digital payments. Furthermore, this recommendation is logistically feasible for Kalpataru Management, given the compound has space to host these vendors. The vacant space under several buildings is used to store miscellaneous construction waste, such as cement sacks (Appendix 11). I recommend the decluttering of these spaces, followed by their use in hosting the street vendors. There is precedent for this, as Kalpataru’s main parking lot hosts a fresh fruit and vegetable vendor (Appendix 12), who is in high demand. The accommodation of this vendor shows that similar, smaller street vendors can set shop within the compound.       

Alongside vendors, residents benefit from being able to purchase products within the comfort of the compound, avoiding the crowd, noise and pollution of LBS. The convenience of purchase is greater for children, who avoid safety concerns of the busy LBS footpath. Furthermore, InstaMart’s delivery option allows online orders and home deliveries, which is an upside for vendors and residents. Both parties benefit from established product availability and prices, while also avoiding the traditional bargaining that is a common shopping practice in India (Dawra, Katyal and Gupta, 2016). This recommendation provides benefits for residents and vendors while reducing congestion on LBS. On top of this, the collected rental revenue allows the funding of the app in the next solution, a carpooling initiative. 

Recommendation 3: A carpooling initiative  

As the peripheries of Mumbai expand, more people commute to business districts such as Nariman Point, Bandra-Kurla Complex, Lower Parel and Worli. In Kalpataru, the daily work commute means that during rush hours, the influx of drivers leaving Kalpataru worsens traffic congestion on LBS Marg. A recommendation here is a planned carpooling system, whereby groups of officegoers travel together. Currently, several cars leaving Kalpataru during rush hour are occupied by only the driver. Carpooling remedies this, maximizing the movement of people by increasing the number of passengers per car, hence reducing “the number of vehicles on the road and the travel times” (Sandaruwan et al., 2019). Carpooling’s success depends on Kalpataru management taking leadership in the early stages. Before implementation efforts must be taken in promoting and advertising this initiative (Dewan and Ahmad, 2007). At the heart of this recommendation is an app that facilitates carpooling, focusing on morning and evening office commuters. The rental revenue from the previous solutions can be used to outsource the creation of this app, tentatively called “Kalpataru Kommuters”. Through real-time matching and facilitating the “on-the-spot arrangement of rides”, this initiative makes last-minute commuting easier and minimizes “irregular trips” (Massaro et al., 2009), providing residents with an alternative to driving on their own. 

Management must emphasise the advantages of carpooling to residents, especially individual benefits such as reduced “fuel, maintenance and parking” (Dewan and Ahmad, 2007) costs for those who drive alone to work. In an example from New Delhi, Dewan and Ahmad (2007) calculate that a group of four carpooling 40km a day would save “Rs.4044 per month” by travelling together. Conveying this cost saving is important in kickstarting carpooling culture. There is promising carpooling potential in Kalpataru, especially given that commuters have the same pick-up and drop-off location. Compared to other carpooling initiatives in the city, residents have the added comfort of travelling with those who live in Kalpataru and work in a similar area. Plus, carpooling provides the opportunity to build a wider social network. If not new social opportunities, the option to carpool with known individuals allows greater ease in accepting the initiative.   

The app requires users to create profiles and request a ride. From here, a sophisticated route-matching algorithm will bring users together based on the time of day and destination. The server will use registered phone numbers to connect users. If all parties accept the ride, they will receive a notification confirming the match. From here, users can discuss their means of commuting (if one of them drives or if they share a taxi service). An app feature allows users to either “request for a ride” or offer to drive (Massaro et al., 2009). Here, with the novelty of carpooling in Kalpataru, individuals might have concerns of “security and safety” (Das and Mandal, 2021). Therefore, privacy protection and safety are high priorities. After consent from users, a GPS feature will assist tracking and user safety. The safety aspect can be strengthened through users needing to verify their status as Kalpataru residents. Trust is further reinforced through the app allowing users to link their professional pages, such as LinkedIn, to their profile. Furthermore, as suggested by Massaro et al. (2009), the app will allow users to “block” or “favourite” others, a feature that would then “give preference” to or eliminate options when deciding a match. Another point of resistance to carpooling is the discomfort of “negotiating finances” (Massaro et al., 2009). To remedy this, an app feature will automatically calculate the fares, helping split the bill if the group uses a taxi service or helping reimburse the group member who opted to drive. By implementing these features, we streamline carpooling, reducing barriers to its acceptance and, in the process encouraging consistent app use.    

This recommendation seeks to reduce the number of vehicles entering LBS from Kalpataru during rush hours. This is done through an initiative that seeks to maximize individual benefits for users and fulfil the social benefit of maximizing the movement of people, consequently reducing congestion on LBS.   

Conclusion 

This report addressed community-level solutions implemented by Kalpataru Management to reduce traffic congestion within the Kalpataru Aura complex and on the adjacent stretch of LBS Marg. We began by acknowledging the extent of congestion, its growing trends, and the absence of adequate action by the municipal corporation. Then, three recommendations provided direction in resolving this issue. The first addressed parking mismanagement in Kalpataru using an app that guided drivers to unoccupied parking spaces. The aim here is to make parking easier and to reduce the time drivers spent in search of unoccupied spaces. This allows a reduction in the flow of traffic and alleviates the safety risks that roaming vehicles pose, especially to children. The second recommendation suggested the relocation of street vendors from the LBS footpath to the Kalpataru compound. I further suggested assisting these vendors with setting up their shop on InstaMart. The goal here is to incentivize relocation by giving vendors a better work environment, a digital presence and greater exposure to their customer base. These moves also benefit residents by making the process of product purchase more convenient. Most importantly, by reducing the number of vendors on the footpath, this recommendation allows for greater room for pedestrians, who have less reason to walk on the road. This reduces safety concerns and congestion on the road. The revenue earned from these two solutions helps fund the third recommendation, a carpooling initiative. Here, an app helps connect individuals commuting during morning and evening rush hours. Motivated by economic benefits and considerate app features, commuters are urged to travel together. This helps reduce the number of vehicles leaving Kalpataru, while increasing their occupancy, in the process, maximizing the movement of people on LBS.   

While prioritizing the needs of community members, these recommendations provide feasible solutions that seek to minimize maintenance costs and avoid building new infrastructure. This is done through the cascading, intertwined nature of solutions. For example, parking management reduces the flow of traffic in the compound, making it easier for vendors to set up shop. The revenue earned here then helps fund the carpooling app. While the reduction of congestion directly helps Kalpataru residents, the community also benefits through what these recommendations bring to the table. To a resident, the parking management solution reduces congestion, chaos and disorder in the compound, while also making it safer for their child to play. The relocation of street vendors opens the LBS footpath for more pedestrians, while making it easier and more convenient for residents to make purchases. The carpooling initiative reduces the number of cars leaving Kalpataru while holding economic benefits and allowing the expansion of social networks.   

With Kalpataru Management taking a leadership role, there is potential for these solutions. As the administrative body, this group holds the ability to influence actions and usher in meaningful change. It is high time for action. Management needs to show enthusiasm and openness in actively disseminating information and answering questions that residents might have. Given inadequate action from the BMC, we cannot be dependent on local government. In the absence of bigger-picture action, it is the responsibility of communities like Kalpataru to act, rather than sitting idle and being victims to worsening traffic conditions. I believe that the recommendations presented in this report do just that, providing a viable and practical course of action in reducing traffic congestion in Kalpataru and on LBS Marg. 

Reference List  

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Appendix  

Appendix 1: Location of Ghatkopar West in Mumbai (Google Maps, 2021)  

Appendix 2: The geographic area that this report focuses on (Google Maps, 2021)  

  

Appendix 3: Wrong side driving and illegal parking on LBS Marg (Raj, 2018). This is a common sight on LBS. An illegally parked heavy goods truck and wrong-side driving, with the two-wheeler and autorickshaws driving in opposite directions.  

Appendix 4: Illegal two-wheeler and van parking (Srivastava, 2019)  

Appendix 5: Metro construction in front of Kalpataru Aura Entry and Exit Point A (Google Maps, 2023)  

Appendix 6: A street vendor occupying the footpath on LBS Marg (Self Captured, 2023)  

  

Appendix 7: Kalpataru Aura Entry and Exit Point A (Google Maps, 2021) 

Appendix 8: Kalpataru Aura Entry and Exit Point B (Google Maps, 2021)  

Appendix 9: Entry and exit points A and B, marked on the map (Google Maps, 2021)  

  

Appendix 10: Vegetable vendor located right outside Kalpataru (Self Captured, 2023).  Several vendors set up shop in front of the compound. Here, Kalpataru Aura’s entrance sign can be seen in the background. 

  

Appendix 11: Miscellaneous construction waste stored under a building in Kalpataru Aura (Self Captured, 2023)  

  

Appendix 12: Fruits and vegetables vendor set up in the Kalpataru parking lot (Self Captured, 2023).  Note, unfortunately, Monsoon conditions and dim lighting posed challenges in acquiring a clearer image.   

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