Categories
Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

The Abandoned Building Crisis in Loíza, Puerto Rico: A Community Briefing 

Introduction

The history of Puerto Rico as a U.S territory is steeped in the violence of colonisation, resulting in a political landscape dependent on the desires of foreign stakeholders (Grosfoguel, 2003). This has led to a severe decline in the standard of living for Puerto Ricans residents, where their economy and welfare are risked for the economic gains of the US mainland (Backiel, 2015). For instance, the influx of abandoned buildings in Puerto Rico is one of the many consequences of this lasting colonial framework, as marginalised communities are not receiving the necessary aid for their rehabilitation (Hinojosa and Meléndez, 2018). This community briefing will explore how the abandoned building crisis manifests specifically in the municipality of Loíza and give recommendations to residents on what they should advocate for to rebuild their community. Prior to discussing my recommendations for this issue, this community briefly will first give context to the issue by discussing the colonial history of Puerto Rico on a macro scale, then focus on the community of Loíza and the multiple facets of this presented challenge. 

Colonialism in Puerto Rico  

Puerto Rico is an island understood as an unincorporated territory of the United States, a status often exploited by an ongoing colonial agenda. Puerto Ricans are US citizens yet lack the political representation in the US government constitutional to those in the US mainland, where decisions by congress are made without official votes from Puerto Rican elected representatives (Derieux, 2010). This has led to severe limitations on resources like federal tax provisions and welfare programs, thus ostracising Puerto Rico and their socio-political struggles (Derieux, 2010, pg. 800). The colonial legacy in Puerto Rico begins during its acquisition by Spain when the Taíno natives were enslaved and massacred in the early 1500s, followed by America’s seizing of the land after the Spanish-American war (Malavet, 2000). This history of exploitation demands for current socio-political issues like inadequate housing to be examined on an extended temporal scale, allowing for a recognition of these issues relative to colonialism and a weaponised dependence on the United States.  

Pharmaceuticals and manufacturing industries were the leading drivers of growth in Puerto Rico in the mid-twentieth century (Corser, 2022). These US Companies were attracted to the island’s generous tax incentives to foreign investors, such as section 936 of the Income Tax Act of 2007, which creates exemptions from corporate income tax on profits generated in Puerto Rico (Feliciano, 2018). Unfortunately, this prompted a lack of investment in local businesses and self-realised infrastructure, allowing for the large US corporations to gain market dominance (Corser, 2022). When the tax breaks and incentives were suddenly withheld by the US government in 1996, it led to sudden deindustrialisation as the industries moved out of Puerto Rico, inducing severe urban decay (Corser, 2022). This was made drastically worse by the tragedy of Hurricane Maria in 2017, beyond the tragic death of thousands of residents, crucial infrastructure used to deliver goods and services was devastated, forcing a waiting game on when or if supplies would be delivered from the US mainland (Meléndez and Venator-Santiago, 2018). Without US corporations and support, Puerto Rico was forced to deepen their debt at the cost of their own community and take austerity measures in infrastructure, housing, and other key facets of growth (Newkirk, 2018).  

Larger powers like the US mainland are continuing to fail in giving space to marginalised voices with the purpose of knowingly pursuing their own gain. This catered support for non-residents and rapid urban decay is leading to mass outmigration, significantly contributing to the current abandoned building crisis (Hinojosa, 2018). 

Positionality 

In regard to my present claim of prioritising the voices of Puerto Ricans, I feel it is crucial to address my own positionality within the issue, noting my own strengths and weaknesses for writing this report. My family are current residents of San Juan, Puerto Rico, where half of my lineage can be traced back to. However, most of my life has been spent in the US mainland, and I have limited experience with the consequences of neocolonialism and the racialised infrastructure I will be discussing in this briefing. However, I have spent time acting as a volunteer marketing coordinator for the non-profit Casa Taft 169, a non-profit working towards the sustainable transformation of abandoned buildings, bringing my attention to often-obscured issues like anti-Blackness in infrastructure (Moscoso, 2023). My work here has allowed me to develop a more acute understanding of the obstacles one must face in pursuing the sustainable and equitable transformation of a community in Puerto Rico. 

Additionally, I recognise how I myself have benefited from the colonial land relations as a person who has moved from the mainland to the island, but in this report, I hope to shed light on these persisting colonial structures, rather than participate in their concealment. 

The Community 

As previously stated, this report will focus on Loíza, a community described as an Afro-Caribbean enclave on the northeastern coast of the island. After hurricane Maria, the area was decimated and the recovery was slow, as represented by the federally distributed blue tarps meant to cover damaged roofs for 30 days remaining for many years after the tragedy (Garcia, 2019). Loíza has a high concentration of abandoned buildings, slowly deteriorating due to a lack of safeguards for environmental hazards and policies to rebuild the area (Pérez, 2002). However, this vulnerable position did not begin with the events of hurricane Maria, instead it can be traced back to the area’s history as a settlement for people who have escaped enslavement. 

In the nineteenth century, Loíza became a haven for people freed from or having escaped enslavement, as the abundant mangrove systems helped conceal this area from intruders (Declet-Barreto, 2022). The natural seclusion of this area in Puerto Rico helped foster this unique cultural enclave, where many African traditions manifested through music, food, dance, and other localised activities. However, Loíza became a community that was treated through a veil of ‘otherness,’ where there is a severe lack of investment in its socio-economic development due to the community being physically separated from other municipalities (Hiraldo, 2006). Until recently, there was only one road connecting Loíza to other parts of the archipelago, and this spatial distancing has inhibited the understanding of African culture in Puerto Rican heritage as one with the constructed national identity (Hiraldo, 2006, pg. 67). The racism and social exclusion embedded in Loíza’s infrastructure led to a slow rate of industrialisation which can be witnessed through the lack of hospitals and other crucial forms of infrastructure in Loíza (García and Hernandez, 2023). 

The recognition of structural racism in Puerto Rico is crucial when examining the abandoned building crisis in Loíza. These structures manifest on both the local and federal level, as on a local scale, afro descendant communities like Loíza are, as previously stated, subjected to a slow rate of industrialisation and other unjust concentrations of austerity measures. However, this manifestation of racialised infrastructure demonstrates how anti-blackness is not a byproduct of capitalist and colonialist societies, but rather a prerequisite (Bledsoe and Wright, 2019). This racialised hierarchy in Puerto Rico is what allows certain areas to prosper at the expense of others through the “systematic negation of black spatial agency” (Bledsoe and Wright, 2019, pg. 26). This spatial marginalisation can additionally cause federal agencies to fail in providing monetary aid on an equitable level, compounding the vulnerabilities of such Afro-Caribbean communities.  

As an example, the amount of aid distributed by organisations like the Federal Emergency Management Agency, FEMA, have been cited as unreflective of the community’s damage, as many Afro-Caribbean communities received far less funds than what was needed (Lloréns, 2021). The lack of necessary aid for Loíza after the hurricane is correlated to the influx of abandoned buildings as many households and schools were forced to be evacuated due to their hazardous conditions (Gomez, 2020). Additionally, this concentration of abandoned buildings has invited higher crime rates, as these abandoned sites became a popular site for drug exchanges and other illicit activities, due to the lack of supervision in these locations. (Jacobs et al., 2018). This contributed to the conceptualisation of Loíza as an abandoned site, creating determents for investments in the community. 

The Challenge 

In this section I will address how various sociopolitical factors like gentrification, property rights, and vulnerable infrastructure are impacting the abandoned building crisis in Loíza. By examining these external factors, I can take a systems approach in my recommendations and focus on sustaining the overall welfare of Loíza’s community while addressing the wickedness of the issue. 

Tax incentives in Puerto Rico are meant to encourage foreign investors to buy local property to ultimately circulate more funds in the regional economy. However, this influx of affluent investors has allowed prices to rise in the housing market, making it unsustainable for the locals to afford the cost of living in Puerto Rico’s rapidly changing economic landscape (Arrojado, 2022). This can create further obstacles for low-income residents to secure housing in urban areas, as these gentrified spaces can exclude marginalised groups like Afro-Carribean communities. Consequently, these marginalised residents are then pushed to areas in which lack federal investment like Loíza (Machicote, 2016, pg. 28). This then exasperates a feedback loop of people leaving the island because of the inaccessibility to resources and the lack of outlets to work towards rebuilding the community according to local needs. Thus, homes are continuing to become vacant, and Puerto Ricans continue to be displaced. 

FEMA formally recognises Loíza as a flood zone, where residents have increased exposure to coastal erosion and other natural hazards (García and Hernandez, 2023). Furthermore, the primary form of housing in Loíza are informal settlements outside of government regulation, leading to inappropriate land use and worsening conditions for flooding (García and Hernandez, 2023). This leads to coastal dunes and mangroves in Loíza being damaged from unprofessional constructions and the foot-traffic from unregulated beach access, inhibiting the natural environmental service of flood regulation (García and Hernandez, 2023). Homes which do not adhere to regulatory building codes often lead to issues like overcrowding or inadequate water sanitation, thus risking the health and safety of residents (Malik, et al., 2020). This serves as a crucial reminder that to ensure the welfare of Loíza residents, abandoned buildings must be rehabilitated according to governmental regulations and be officially incorporated in governmental databases. 

The reason for this disproportionate amount of informal housing can again be traced back to when Puerto Rico was under Spanish colonial rule. As stated, Loíza became an area concentrated with people who escaped enslavement due to a colonial decree (Garcia, 2019). Many families currently living in Loíza gained their property rights via this decree, and this land was then passed down generationally (Garcia, 2019). This type of property ownership differs from the wider Puerto Rican community, causing many residents of Loíza to not have formal titles to their land (Garcia, 2019). Additionally, without this proof of ownership many residents were unable to receive benefits like federal aid after Hurricane Maria as they were excluded from the provision of public services (Garcia, 2019). These lasting colonial structures make residents vulnerable and create unnecessary divisions between Loíza and the government. 

Recommendations 

From the context previously given, this abandoned building crisis requires collaboration between the public and third sector. With this approach, grassroots organisations and non-profits can cooperate with government agencies to ensure that rehabilitation programs are regulated to protect the health and welfare of Loíza residents. However, this briefing will maintain the prioritisation of a bottom-up approach to the crisis where the needs of the residents are regarded as paramount. The recommendations included in this community briefing will focus on creating a system for participatory urban design while enforcing regulations opposing the ongoing colonial agenda.  

Civic Centre for Receiving Input from Loíza Residents 

The first step in creating a system for participatory urban design is setting up formalised outlets for Loíza residents to voice their concerns and desires for their community. Through outlets like civic centres, it will be easier to decide how abandoned buildings should be transformed to best suit the needs of the community. The ability and right to transform abandoned buildings has already been secured by the non-profit Casa Taft 169, as their lobbying efforts resulted in the creation of Act 157, amending Puerto Rico’s 1930 Civil Code (Bernal, 2022). Through this act, nuisance properties can be assigned by the municipal government to be sold or rented to non-profit organisations, rather than having no formalised pathway to rehabilitate nuisance buildings. Casa Taft 169 has already used this opportunity to create civic centres out of abandoned buildings, where the community can gather to give their input into how they can redevelop their neighbourhood using sustainable infrastructure (Moscoso, 2017). This initiative has already proven successful in Machuchal, Puerto Rico, where Casa Taft 169 established the first self-run civic centre in Puerto Rico through the transformation of an abandoned building (Moscoso, 2017). This became a catalyst for the city’s sustainable transformation through enthusiastic and sustained civic engagement. By having a space like this in Loíza, most likely from one of the abandoned buildings already present, there will be a greater capacity for residents to speak to each other about the issues they are facing and to consider if the proposed changes risks further displacement for the community. These concerns can then be transcribed and used as qualitative data to be used as a crucial point of reference for the government and involved non-profits. 

“Casa Taft 169 aims to set a different standard by demonstrating that public nuisance houses are not exclusively disposable, but instead offering great opportunities for the sustainable reimagining and redesigning of spaces” (Bernal, 2022, pg.1)  To redesign spaces, Casa Taft 169 has formed a partnership with La Maraña, an organisation dedicated to participatory urban design in Puerto Rico, and as stated on their website, “to facilitate the insertion of communities in the decision-making, design and creation processes of the spaces they inhabit” (La Maraña , 2023). This is done by using the qualitative data gathered from residents, as can be achieved through the implementation of civic centres, and transforming it into construction documents. Through this initiative, the imagination of residents can be realised while being grounded in current housing laws and regulations. Moreover, it is my recommendation and hope that La Maraña collaborates with local artists and professionals in the facilitation of these constructions, as it will encourage long-term and creative engagement with the community’s redevelopment. 

Through this partnership with Casa Taft 169 and La Maraña, there will also be an opportunity to address the community’s vulnerabilities to coastal erosion and flooding. Casa Taft 169 has previously hosted workshops to educate on sustainable home repair, and this was done by getting the community involved in the physical reconstruction of the deteriorating sites. While Casa Taft 169 was being rebuilt into a civic centre the neighbourhood was invited to learn how the renewable energy systems were installed, ways to use recycled building materials, the installation process of the water harvesting systems, and much more (Moscoso, 2023). Through this initiative, abandoned buildings can also become a place for education, allowing the community of Loíza to learn how to create stronger infrastructure as a vulnerable flood zone.  

Official Inventory for Abandoned Buildings 

Currently, the Puerto Rican government relies on citizens to identify, and report abandoned buildings, as the public nuisance procedures in place are ineffective due to the excessive administration and high costs associated with it (García and Gallardo, 2021). Yet, self-reporting remains a long and overly bureaucratic process, often leading to people abandoning this pursuit according to anonymous Puerto Rican lawyers (García and Gallardo, 2021, pg. 69). This bureaucratic red tape is also associated with the slow provision of aid after hurricane Maria, especially in Loíza where many do not have formal titles to their land. This creates an inaccurate picture of the issue’s scale and allows for the further deterioration of buildings which can go beyond the reasonable capacity for repair. For instance, the “Inventory of Properties Declared as Public Nuisances” created in 2016 to address the inaction from the government in the abandoned property crisis, only reported 106 properties out of what is believed to be more than 40,000 (García and Gallardo, 2021, pg.64). It can be assumed that the government’s inefficiency in addressing this problem is made worse in Loíza, due to the isolated and informal nature of the housing in the municipality. The lack of awareness and recognition of the issue’s scale and the unique barrier in gaining titles to properties in Loíza exasperates the crisis, thus demanding full cooperation from the government in creating an efficient plan of action. To break this punitive cycle of Loíza being subjected to the slow provision of aid, a partnership between the Puerto Rican government and relevant NGOs could help streamline the process to create a reliable inventory of vacant properties. 

Due to this prioritisation of efficiency and speed in creating this updated property inventory, I am recommending partnerships with NGOs who have access to advanced mapping technologies. As a point of reference, the city of Baltimore in Maryland addressed their vacant building crisis through their Vacants to Value program, which used GIS technology to compile market data on housing demands with a vacant housing inventory updated monthly using various mapping resources (Kvit et al., 2022). This created a visual which private developers could refer to, thus driving up incentives for involved stakeholders to take action in allocating abandoned properties (Kvit et al., 2022). Regarding Loíza, I recommend that the community contact NGOs with access to GIS technology, such as Direct Relief, a humanitarian aid organisation who provides help using their extensive mapping technologies and request a governmental collaboration with them (Hensmans et al., 2023). Additionally, Direct Relief already has a relationship with Puerto Rico through the aid they provided after many natural disaster crises, allowing for a greater capacity to build this relationship further (Hensmans et al., 2023).  

Community Driven Home Repair  

The afterlife of colonialism has left Loíza in a continuous state of disrepair, and to resolve this proliferation of abandonment there needs to be an intensive repair program. As already stated, Loíza is made up of informal housing in environmentally hazardous areas and this has led to homes to be extensively damaged to the point where they are inhospitable for people to continue to live in. There is already a Hazard Mitigation Planning Process being put in place in Loíza, however this initiative maintains a focus on implementing preventative infrastructure rather than rebuilding what is already damaged (PR.gov, 2021).  

I recommend the implementation of funding programs which support the home repair costs of residents, rather than depending on external bodies to repair the issue. This will build up the autonomy of the Loíza community in creating unique and sustainable infrastructure as seen in the Casa Taft 169 initiative.  In addition, I want to emphasise a focus on creating programs specifically for Loíza’s senior population. There is a housing disparity for senior citizens in Puerto Rico, as many are struggling to afford Puerto Rico’s rapidly changing economy in their retirement (García and Rúa, 2018). Homes owned by the elderly can also be a significant cause of the proliferation of vacant housing, as once the owner of the property has passed, it can be difficult to find relatives to pursue the rehabilitation of the building. My recommended senior home repair program will be founded on building relationships with Loíza’s elderly population, where participants can help rebuild their homes sustainably and the elderly can communicate their concerns about land inheritance.  

Community participation programs as I am suggesting are said to be effective in building the strength of a community through the relationships it builds within a neighbourhood. This can create more channels for communication when addressing the abandoned building crisis and act as a preventative measure for unaccounted-for vacant buildings (Osterkamp, et al., 1995). However, there are studies which doubt the effectiveness of community participation programmes, as communities are often not homogenous and want to address the issue in contrasting ways (Rifkin, 1986). Yet, I believe by opening these avenues for people to share skills and resources, there will be a growing social consciousness in favour of helping vulnerable populations in Loíza. 

Conclusion 

This community briefing of Loíza has outlined how the colonial history of Puerto Rico has led to the ostracization of the Loíza community, leading to the spread of crumbling infrastructure and abandoned buildings. Through a discussion of Loíza as a community and its history, the abandoned building crisis could be understood as a wicked issue connected to other systems of oppression. In closing, my recommendation in addressing this issue requests for Loíza residents to advocate for a formal assessment of the crisis’s scale and to collaborate with various participatory non-profits to rebuild their community according to their own visions. 
 

Bibliography

Arrojado, J. (2022) Minding the Gap: Applying a Rent Gap Analysis for Short-Term Rentals in Puerto Rico. 

Backiel, L. (2015) Puerto Rico: The crisis is about colonialism, not debt. Monthly Review, 67(5), pp.11-18. 

Bledsoe, A., & Wright, W.J. (2019) The anti-Blackness of global capital. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 37(1), pp.8-26. 

Corser, M. (2022) Hedgepaper 76: Pharma’s failed promise: How big pharma hurts workers, dodges taxes, and extracts billions in Puerto RicoHedge Clippers. Available at: https://hedgeclippers.org/hedgepaper-67-pharmas-failed-promise-how-big-pharma-hurts-workers-dodges-taxes-and-extracts-billions-in-puerto-rico/#post-4930-footnote-89 (Accessed: 26 October 2023).  

Cui, L., & Walsh, R. (2015) Foreclosure, vacancy and crime. Journal of Urban Economics, 87, pp.72-84. 

Declet-Barreto, J. (2022) Building resilience in afro-puerto Rican community based on feminist practicesThe Equation. Available at: https://blog.ucsusa.org/juan-declet-barreto/building-resilience-in-afro-puerto-rican-community-based-on-feminist-practices/ (Accessed: 26 October 2023).  

Derieux, A.I.C. (2010) A most insular minority: Reconsidering judicial deference to unequal treatment in light of Puerto Rico’s political process failure. Columbia Law Review, pp.797-839. 

Flood Map: Elevation Map, Sea Level Rise Map. Available at: https://www.floodmap.net/ (Accessed: 27 October 2023).  

Feliciano, Z.M. (2018) IRS Section 936 and the Decline of Puerto Rico’s Manufacturing. Centro Journal, 30(3). 

Garcia, I. (2019) The lack of proof of ownership in Puerto Rico is crippling repairs in the aftermath of Hurricane Maria. Human Rights, 44(2), pp.20-23. 

García, I. and Gallardo, L. (2021) Tackling vacancy and abandonment – community progress. Available at: https://communityprogress.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/2021-09-Tackling-Vacancy-and-Abandonment-Book-Publication.pdf (Accessed: 27 October 2023).  

Garcia, I., & Hernandez, N. (2023) “They’re just trying to survive”: The relationship between social vulnerability, informal housing, and environmental risks in Loíza, Puerto Rico, USA. World Development Sustainability, 2, p.100062. 

Gomez, D. (2020) Long-Range Economic Development and Resilience Planning at Loíza, Puerto Rico. MUP Capstone. 

Grosfoguel, R. (2003) Colonial subjects: Puerto Ricans in a global perspective. Univ of California Press. 

Hensmans, M., Ballesteros-Sola, M., & Axelrod, D. (2023) Direct relief: a tradition of public service efficiency in global humanitarianism. The CASE Journal, 19(3), pp.348-380. 

Hinojosa, J., & Meléndez, E. (2018) The housing crisis in Puerto Rico and the impact of Hurricane Maria. Hunter College, NY: Centro de Estudios Puertorriqueños. 

Hinojosa, J. (2018) Two Sides of the Coin of Puerto Rican Migration: Depopulation in Puerto Rico and the Redefinition of the Diaspora. Centro Journal, 30(3). 

La Maraña. (2023) Available at: https://hedgeclippers.org/hedgepaper-67-pharmas-failed-promise-how-big-pharma-hurts-workers-dodges-taxes-and-extracts-billions-in-puerto-rico/#post-4930-footnote-89  (Accessed: 27 October 2023). 

Kvit, A., Corrigan, A.E., Locke, D.H., Curriero, F.C., & Mmari, K. (2022) Can restoring vacant lots help reduce crime? An examination of a program in Baltimore, MD. Urban Forestry & Urban Greening, 74, p.127630. 

Lloréns, H. (2021) Toxic Racism in Puerto Rico’s Sacrifice Zone: In Jobos Bay, Afro-Puerto Rican communities living in the shadow of two polluting power plants fight for the right to a safe environment. NACLA Report on the Americas, 53(3), pp.275-280. 

Malik, S., Roosli, R., & Tariq, F. (2020) Investigation of informal housing challenges and issues: experiences from slum and squatter of Lahore. Journal of Housing and the Built Environment, 35, pp.143-170. 

Meléndez, E., & Venator-Santiago, C.R. (2018) Puerto Rico Post-Hurricane Maria: Origins and Consequences of a Crisis. Centro Journal, 30(3), pp.2-10. 

Moscoso, por M., & Moscoso, M. (2023) CASA TAFT 169. Available at:https://casataft169.com/2016/10/ (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

Natural hazard mitigation plan – PR (2021) Junta de Planificación. Available at: https://jp.pr.gov/wp-content/uploads/2022/04/Loiz-HMP-ExeSummary.pdf  (Accessed: 27 October 2023). 

Newkirk, V. (2018) Puerto Rico Enters a New Age of Austerity. The Atlantic. Available at: https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2018/05/puerto-rico-enters-a-new-age-of-austerity/559565/  

Osterkamp, L.B., & Chapin, R.K. (1995) Community-based volunteer home-repair and home-maintenance programs for elders: An effective service paradigm?. Journal of Gerontological Social Work, 24(1-2), pp.55-76. 

Pérez, M.A. (2002) The place of abandonment: Geography, race, and nature in Puerto Rico. University of California, Berkeley. 

Hiraldo, S.H. (2006) “If God Were Black and from Loíza” Managing Identities in a Puerto Rican Seaside Town. Latin American Perspectives, 33(1), pp.66-82. 

Categories
Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

San Francisco’s Education Systems’ Relationship to the Fentanyl Crisis 

Introduction 

This community briefing will address the fentanyl crisis in San Francisco and how it is targeted toward minority groups through deep-rooted systematic racism shown through the inattention to the public education system. The concerns related to minority groups will be addressed by focusing on the specific impact of the public education system on these communities. The San Francisco Unified School District (SFUSD) and involved politicians will be addressed when outlining my recommendations for the future of these communities.  

Why This Community Should Believe What I Have to Say 

I was raised in the San Francisco Richmond District, attending public elementary, middle, and high schools in various locations around the city. My high school, Lowell High School, has the reputation to be a ‘high-performing’ public school in California, as it remains the only school in San Francisco to admit based on the test in the system. This has placed the institution in a place of criticism, as this led to the underrepresentation of non-Asian students of colour (Ma, 2023). Due to this, a bandaid coverup in the form of changing the admissions system into a lottery-based admission was implemented. This change has made many realize that this problem cannot be solved by simply changing the system and hoping everyone will easily accommodate, as those who attended underfunded elementary and middle schools struggled greatly with the curriculum at hand. This change made it evident that the challenge extends further than changing the admission process, as students who were not prepared to be placed in a challenging work environment struggled.  

Furthermore, I witnessed first-hand the worsening drug and homeless crisis in the San Francisco community. The little effectiveness in the attempts made by the policymakers necessitates a more thorough evaluation of the problem. Understanding the historical significance behind funding inequalities in public education has opened my eyes to potential approaches for addressing the drug crisis more effectively. My research for this community briefing was influenced by my first-hand experience of these changes.  

I would like to preface this by acknowledging my privilege as a white woman. I have never experienced what the minority communities in San Francisco have endured, and I will not pretend otherwise. I am utilizing my experience as a San Francisco native to offer recommendations for bettering the community. 

The Community 

A minority group is characterized as a linguistic, ethnic, or religious community that represents less than half of the population of the territory they reside in (United Nations, 2023). The race of the minority groups varies, and in San Francisco, there are a few different groups. According to an Axios article, the city’s population of 800,000 people includes 39.2% White, 34.4% Asian, 15.4% Hispanic or Latino, 8.4% mixed-race, 5.2% Black, 0.5% Indigenous, and 0.4% Pacific Islander individuals (Chen et al., 2022). Unfortunately, systematic racism, a form of racism that is embedded in laws, systems, or unwritten politics that creates practices or beliefs that condone unfair treatment towards people of colour, has led to the fentanyl crisis in San Francisco.  

The history of the United States of America and educational segregation began with the deliberate denial of education to African-American people. Even after the abolition of slavery, African-American education remained segregated as well as receiving fewer years and months of schooling a year, yet the government played it as “separate but equal” (The California Reparations Report, 2023).  It wasn’t until the Brown v. Board case of 1954 that the Supreme Court found school segregation unconstitutional. Still, there were various forms of segregation, argued through Johnson v. SFUSD, in which SFUSD assigned less experienced and lower-paid teachers to predominantly African-American (SFUSD, 2021). 

In response, SFUSD created the Horseshoe Plan in 1971, which assigned students to schools within their geographical zones to foster racial balance. Although it reduced segregation, some families were unsatisfied and desired to move to schools outside their zones (State of California – Department of Justice, 2023). Many white families moved their children to private schooling facilities, reducing public school enrollment by 20,000 students.  

This problem was mitigated in 1983 with the Optional Enrollment Plan and a race cap, which allowed students to transfer to schools outside of their district, with the condition that no ethnic or racial group exceeded 45%. As assumed, this disrupted the desegregation plan, and since then, SFUSD has struggled with maintaining a plan for racial inclusivity in schools making desegregation today worse than it was 30 years ago. The current plan consists of families’ ability to apply to any school in the district, using the ranked-choice system. However, this led to schools enrolling 60% or more of the same racial/ethnic group, which has resulted in ‘unintentional’ segregation throughout San Francisco and less funding for schools with majority-minority groups (SFUSD, 2020). Unfortunately, progress since has been limited.  

An overview of fentanyl-related deaths from 2020-2022 reveals the racial disparities in mortality rates. African-American individuals have a higher overdose rate of 1,217.2 per 100,000 people, compared to 249.5 per 100,000 White individuals (City and Council of San Francisco, 2022). This statistic is appalling, and yet, it underscores the urgency of addressing systematic racism that remains so apparent through the San Francisco education system. 

Since the start of the fentanyl crisis, it is apparent that the racial minority are the groups that are most greatly affected and this is in part due to the deficits in the San Francisco public education system. 

The Challenge 

Since the 1970s, the fentanyl and homeless crisis in San Francisco has remained prevalent, but it did not rise unprovoked. This crisis has been decades in the making, with state and federal funding cuts for housing and mental health outreach as well as skyrocketing housing costs creating an unlivable environment for minority groups. As present in these politicians’ struggles to rid of the fentanyl and homelessness crisis, it has become apparent that this needs more than a bandaid coverup, and branches into the origins of systematic oppression. The paragraphs below will outline the failed attempts, past and present, mayors have made to improve the homelessness/drug crisis.   

Dianne Feinstein, San Francisco’s mayor from 1978-1988, implemented the ‘shelter-sandwich’ response, which relied on creating church-based soup kitchens, shelters, and city-funded short-term hotel stays. Due to this being addressed as a transient issue, this approach failed, as lack of management and funding quickly led to an increase in the homeless population (Green, 2019).  

According to Green, Arthur Christ Agnos, her successor who campaigned as a social worker, created the ‘Beyond Shelter’ strategy, with the goal of providing services to the city’s homeless population through housing and mental health outreach programs. He began to construct two multi-service centres which would act as mental and physical health service stations for the homeless but he prematurely opened the centres. Due to a lack of resources and workers, the clinics became overcrowded and unable to operate as promised.  

As a former police chief, Jordan created the ‘Matrix’ program in which he forcibly moved the homeless into housing services. This method was immediately unhelpful, as within the first six months of the program, the police had given 6,000 citations to the homeless, according to Green. The majority of residents supported the plan due to their fear of the deteriorating city, but critics despised the criminalization of people due to their homelessness.  

In 1996, Mayor Willie Brown developed a more promising plan in which he pledged to expand social services through outside government funding. He was successful in creating new housing areas by renovating cheap hotels, rent subsidizing and increasing the affordability of housing, but the plans were halted due to the economic expansion and gentrification in the 1990s. He became more controversial when he removed the Misson Rock homeless shelter to build a parking lot, showing where his priorities lay. During his second term, due to homelessness spiking by 8,600 people, he began to believe that homelessness was an unsolvable issue. 

In 2004, Gavin Newson, a city supervisor, created Proposition N: Care Not Cash, which was understandably controversial. Prior to this measure, 3,000 homeless adults were given roughly 450 dollars monthly for housing and food, however, Newson decided to cut this funding, due to concern about using it for drug purchases (Academic Dictionaries and Encyclopedias, 2010). He instead put it into creating a baseline for affordable housing, mental health care, and substance abuse treatment. He then introduced a 10-year plan which consisted of creating 3,000 housing units and opening 24-hour clinics. This was temporarily successful, decreasing homelessness by 30% yet Newson continued to believe that homelessness was an unresolvable issue.  

Mayor Ed Lee began his two terms by paying little attention to homelessness as he desired to appeal to tech companies, opening him up to criticism. Due to this, he opened the first navigation centre, which provided drug rehabilitation and provided assisted housing. He proceeded to invest $1 billion into a citywide homeless department with the goal of grouping all services for the homeless in one area (Green, 2019). A year after this was implemented, there was a significant decrease in youth and family homelessness, but public complaints about encampments increased.  

The most recent effort has been from the current Mayor London Breed whose campaign was based around her promise of continuing Mayor Ed Lee’s implementations of building 5,000 annual housing units. She strongly advocated for implementing safe injection sites to promote responsible drug use (Office of the Mayor, 2021a). Regardless, the homeless count in January 2023 identified a 30% increase in homelessness since 2017, with 9,800 people being unhoused. Proposition C proposed creating a tax on large corporations which would’ve surrendered the $300 million to homeless services, however, Breed was in opposition to this. Her approach to the drug crisis is ‘picking a hornet’s nest’ according to (Sturm, 2023) San Francisco Public Press, as arresting for possession of fentanyl is leading to a greater issue of non-compliance.  

There is a common lack of interest in these politicians; their lack of acknowledgement towards the failures in the San Francisco public school system and their disregard for the need for improvement. No mayor has addressed this when discussing the potential causes of the drug crisis.  

According to an article by California Matters, San Francisco has the worst African-American student achievement out of all California counties, and that is the fault of SFUSD (Calefati, 2017). SFUSD is expected to lose $5 million in funding by 2026, due to a decrease in student enrollment in public schools (Quintana, 2023). This decrease could be caused by San Francisco’s high living costs, or families moving their children to private schools for better education. This means a decrease in public school teachers’ salaries, causing many to resign and put their efforts elsewhere. We have seen this in the past couple of years, as SFUSD claims that 15% of classrooms have been run by substitute teachers. This puts many public schools at risk of shutting down, mainly in underprivileged areas, leading to increased inequality in the school systems (ReView, 2023). Unfortunately due to the underperformance of African American students, caused by the underfinanced school system, the schools with majority-minority students will be mainly affected, leaving them only with the choice of moving to a different school that is also financially unstable.  

There is an obvious correlation between ethnicity, the public education system, and the fentanyl crisis that people in power refuse to acknowledge.  

My Recommendations for Improvement  

The Community School Model 

SFUSD’s struggle in supporting their students is an obvious fiscal deficit, regardless the main focus should be properly implementing a school system that allows the students to remain educated while preparing them for a successful future. I believe that a community school model would be their most successful way to ensure the well-being of students for the present and future. A community school is defined as a school that provides support and services that directly implement the needs of each community individually through making collaborative decisions with families, students, and staff (SFUSD, 2023). These public schools partner with stakeholders to achieve the goals the community sets for students to thrive. One of the hopeful aspects of a community school is that each school is distinct, and organized around the community itself, resulting in a well-rounded education for what the students require. There are seven main principles that guide the implementation of a community school; pursuit of equity, investment in the whole-child approach to education, building the school learning through the strengths of the community, use of partnerships within the community for progress, commitment to shared accountability and interdependence, investment in trusting relationships, and fostering a purely learning institution (Institute For Educational Leadership, 2018). It is important to note that every implementation is more difficult than it sounds, however, if every staff member is meeting the requirements, there should be no crucial issues.  

A firm implementation of student support in the forms of counselling and clinics for mental, physical, and emotional assistance to ensure each student gets help regardless of whether their family is capable of providing that for them. This requires the teachers and families to be fully knowledgeable about these services to make sure the students are aware of the help they can receive. These services need to be culturally and linguistically relevant to be fully able to appeal to the community.  

The school is required to enrich learning through summer programs, interactive activities, field trips, and offering extra classes to children who seek added guidance. This would mean that community partners would have to provide opportunities to students during non-school hours to promote further engagement and education. This could be through assigning projects that encourage the students to actively educate themselves outside of school hours, or simply offering a supportive environment for students before, during, and after school hours. An enriching after-school program that aligns with the curriculum would meet this requirement and would mean SFUSD would need to provide well-paid partners to engage in this process with students.  

It is crucial for these schools to engage with the communities and families who surround the children being educated so that they have the ability to provide knowledge of what the school needs to better their children’s learning environment. This requires families to have equity of voice and power in the school’s decision-making as well as support and value of these families. Family encouragement to support their students learning at home and providing resources for families to adequately perform this is crucial. Most importantly, the families and communities acknowledge the school as a place of learning and they do not interfere with this process.  

Collaborative leadership between students is necessary to promote confidence and motivation for students to actively remain a part of their community and learn from their peers in a positive way. This learning through your peer’s technique from an early age will actively bring this trait forward in each child when in the workplace and ensure they remain conscious of their actions consequently.  

Community schools have proven successful, as when properly implemented, this model has encouraged more funding on both the state and national levels (Wolff, 2022). This is a product of lower rates of absenteeism, higher graduation rates, more encouraging grades and test scores, and further enrollment in college classes (Community Teachers Association, 2023). This model has been implemented in a few schools around San Francisco and has increased child involvement in education but it is crucial that these spread to ALL the public education institutions in the city to ensure overall successful post-education.  Providing resources in schools that will encourage children to strive for a better future for themselves will further lower the risk of drug involvement and open judgement-free communication. 

Decriminalize Drug Possession  

Throughout San Francisco, drug possession has remained criminalised. California’s Proposition 47 altered non-violent crimes into misdemeanours with the goal of using prison resources on more serious offences. Drug possession has since resulted in the maximum sentence of 1 year in jail and a $1000 fine. Although this reduced the number of people in jail throughout California and saved the state $150 million, this proposition has failed to implement other methods of reducing illegal substance usage such as therapy programs or simply reducing fear (National Institute of Justice, 2021). What I mean by that is that there are many citizens who are scared to reach out for help due to the fear of being criminalized for their actions. I believe that decriminalising drug possession is the most effective method of reducing overall drug use.  

There has been increasing evidence that drug busts/heavy police involvement increase overdoses. A study performed by Brown University has been proven to be due in part to drug users fear of reporting an overdose to authorities and searching for other sources of drugs after having their drugs removed from their possession, which decreases their tolerance level while searching for a new source of drugs which could have an unexpected potency (Brown University, 2023). These drug busts coupled with a lack of health and safety resources for struggling users have increased the mortality rate from fentanyl.  

Democratic citizens of the USA are increasingly concerned about the effect these criminalizing measures have on the safety of their peers. Denise Cullen, a victim of losing her child to an overdose, has written “But he didn’t have to die. There were two people with Jeff that day,…They could have called for help but, instead, they pulled him from the SUV and left him on a lawn. And while people will say that they were monsters, they weren’t. The monster was fear…Criminalization and punitive drug laws have resulted in nothing but more imprisonment, more deaths, and more devastated families.” (Cullen, 2023) Due to her first-hand experience with drug loss, she advocates for health-based solutions (Ludwig, 2023).  

In 2001, Portugal decriminalized drug possession and invested in health-based solutions, which decreased the number of drug-related deaths. This does not mean that they legalized drugs, but people who possess drugs face no criminal prosecution.  They are sent to a dissuasion commission which places the victim in front of a social worker, psychologist, and a lawyer who are present to assist the person rather than harm (SFNext, 2022). This could lead to a recommendation of a therapeutic community for at least a year, or simply outpatient treatment which are both aimed to treat these people like people.  

San Francisco could effectively implement this system and significantly reduce the rampant effects fentanyl has on the city by simply investing the $150 million saved from reducing prison time into creating a dissuasion commission plan and removing the fear of the policing system (SFNext, 2022). Mayor London Breed should utilize this money for these solutions by initially decriminalizing drug possession to take fear away from admitting to drug use.  

Increase Minority Resources In Schools 

My final recommendation is for San Francisco to invest time and money into advocating for minority resources in public schools. In 2020, Mayor London Breed and Supervisor Shamann Walton claimed they were going to further allocate a portion of the San Francisco Police Department budget to support the African-American community (Office of the Mayor, 2021b). They invited community members to share their ideas on how to accomplish this through a citywide survey and two weeks of nightly meetings to gather feedback from the public. Although this is extremely productive, Breed should also implement inclusion programs for minority students. This could be in the form of a permanent education class or an after-school program aimed to educate students on the history of African-American  

Inclusion of programs led by the African-American community to educate students on the benefit of education to all youth should be implemented. There are a multitude of organizations specific to assisting minority students with planning their future or with simply discussing present challenges in their lives. These organizations should be actively promoted by schools if not provided.  

100% College Prep is an example of an organization dedicated to serving underserved communities through assisting with applying for and achieving post-secondary degrees. They also provide services on how to apply for scholarships while engaging with each individual student. Programs such as this should be implemented in schools to encourage students to value their education regardless of the drawbacks of systematic racism (100% College Prep Institute, 2023). As Breed promised, the money from defunding the police should be implemented into in-school support and education. By receiving input from students through a community school model, actively engaging in the bettering of educational assistance should be prioritized.  

Conclusion 

To conclude, the fentanyl crisis in San Francisco has developed through systematic racism shown through the inattention to the public education system. I recommend implementing a community school model, decriminalising drug possession, and investing in minority resources in schools. It is the responsibility of SFUSD and policymakers to integrate these to decrease fentanyl mortality rates and increase active participation in each student’s education.  

Reference List 

100% College Prep Institute (2023). 100% College Prep. [online] 100% College Prep Institute. Available at: https://www.100collegeprep.org/

Academic Dictionaries and Encyclopedias (2010). Care Not Cash. [online] Academic Dictionaries and Encyclopedias. Available at: https://en-academic.com/dic.nsf/enwiki/678094. 

Brown Political Review. (2023). What Lowell High School Teaches Us About Educational Inequity in San Francisco. [online] Available at: https://brownpoliticalreview.org/2023/04/educational-inequity-in-san-francisco/#:~:text=For%20example%2C%20in%20San%20Francisco

Brown University (2023). Fatal overdoses increase after police seize drugs, study finds. [online] Brown University. Available at: https://www.brown.edu/news/2023-06-07/law-enforcement-drug-seizure. 

Calefati, J. (2017). Why is San Francisco the state’s worst county for black student achievement? CalMatters. [online] 25 Oct. Available at: https://calmatters.org/education/2017/10/san-francisco-states-worst-county-black-student-achievement/

Chen, S., Fitzpatrick, A. and Beheraj, K. (2022). How San Francisco’s racial demographics have changed since 2000. [online] AXIOS. Available at: https://www.axios.com/local/san-francisco/2023/07/06/san-francisco-demographic-trends. 

City and County of San Francisco (2022). Unintentional drug overdose death rate by race or ethnicity | San Francisco. [online] sf.gov. Available at: https://sf.gov/data/unintentional-drug-overdose-death-rate-race-or-ethnicity. 

Community Teachers Association (2023). Community Schools. [online] California Teachers Association. Available at: https://www.cta.org/our-advocacy/issues/community-schools#:~:text=A%20community%20school%20is%20both. 

Ludwig, M. (2023). GOP Presidential Contenders Cling to Drug War Policies Fueling Overdose Crisis. [online] Truthout. Available at: https://truthout.org/articles/gop-presidential-contenders-cling-to-drug-war-policies-fueling-overdose-crisis/. 

Institute For Educational Leadership (2018). Community School Standards . [online] communityschools.org. Available at: https://www.communityschools.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2020/08/Community-School-Standards-2018-1.pdf. 

ReView, S.F.R. (2023). City Hall: Connie Chan. [online] Richmond Review/Sunset Beacon. Available at: https://sfrichmondreview.com/2023/09/04/city-hall-connie-chan-32/. 

SFUSD (2023). Community Schools | SFUSD. [online] www.sfusd.edu. Available at: https://www.sfusd.edu/community-schools. 

SFUSD (2021). Facing Our Past, Changing Our Future, Part I: A Century of Segregation in San Francisco Unified School District (1851–1971) | SFUSD. [online] www.sfusd.edu. Available at: https://www.sfusd.edu/facing-our-past-changing-our-future-part-i-century-segregation-san-francisco-unified-school-district. 

SFUSD (2020). Facing Our Past, Changing Our Future, Part II: Five Decades of Desegregation in SFUSD (1971-today) | SFUSD. [online] www.sfusd.edu. Available at: https://www.sfusd.edu/facing-our-past-changing-our-future-part-ii-five-decades-desegregation-sfusd-1971-today#:~:text=The%20Horseshoe%20Plan%20had%20dictated. 

State of California – Department of Justice (2023). EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ‘THE CALIFORNIA REPARATIONS REPORT’. [online] Available at: https://oag.ca.gov/system/files/media/exec-summary-ca-reparations.pdf. 

Sturm, S. (2023). Drug Crackdown Has Sparked Violent Turf Warfare in Central San Francisco, Supervisor Says. [online] San Francisco Public Press. Available at: https://www.sfpublicpress.org/drug-crackdown-has-sparked-violent-turf-warfare-in-central-san-francisco-supervisor-says/. 

National Institute of Justice (2021). Program Profile: The Impact of California’s Proposition 47 (The Reduced Penalties for Some Crimes Initiative) on Recidivism. [online] CrimeSolutions, National Institute of Justice. Available at: https://crimesolutions.ojp.gov/ratedprograms/740. 

Office of the Mayor (2021a). Mayor London Breed Advances Historic Homelessness Recovery Plan with Four New Innovative Projects | Office of the Mayor. [online] sfmayor.org. Available at: https://sfmayor.org/article/mayor-london-breed-advances-historic-homelessness-recovery-plan-four-new-innovative-projects

Office of the Mayor (2021b). Mayor London Breed Announces Spending Plan for Historic Reinvestment in San Francisco’s African-American Community | Office of the Mayor. [online] sfmayor.org. Available at: https://sfmayor.org/article/mayor-london-breed-announces-spending-plan-historic-reinvestment-san-franciscos-african. 

Podcast, F.O.C. (2022). What San Francisco can learn from Portugal decriminalizing drugs. [online] San Francisco Chronicle. Available at: https://www.sfchronicle.com/podcasts/article/Listen-How-Portugal-dealt-with-its-heroin-17564952.php

Quintana, A. (2023). San Francisco school board proposing cuts that could include closing schools. [online] KTVU FOX 2. Available at: https://www.ktvu.com/news/san-francisco-school-board-proposing-cuts-that-could-include-closing-schools. 

United Nations (2023). About minorities and human rights. [online] OHCHR. Available at: https://www.ohchr.org/en/special-procedures/sr-minority-issues/about-minorities-and-human-rights#:~:text=Concept%20of%20a%20minority%3A%20mandate

Wolff, P. (2022). Opinion | Proposal to Support Struggling Students Deserves Voter Support. [online] The San Francisco Standard. Available at: https://sfstandard.com/2022/07/26/proposal-to-support-struggling-sf-students-deserves-voter-support/.