Introduction
As a resident of the Twin Cities Metropolitan Area (TCMA) and having grown up in a particularly disadvantaged neighbourhood in St Paul, I have seen the aesthetic effect of brownfields first hand. Although I have not experienced direct effects they can have on health and environmental indicators, I witnessed the conversion of brownfields in my own community and observed the effect they can have on community empowerment and coordination, as well as community members themselves.
This paper outlines specific challenges associated with brownfields that are faced by multiple Minneapolis inner-city neighbourhoods, and discusses environmental, social, health, and economic implications of brownfield clean up and redevelopment. It will also propose several recommendations for the local community; suggesting ways in which neighbourhoods can be active participants and take initiative of redevelopment strategies. The scale of this challenge is unique in that the severity of its implications are inherently spatial, as the proximity of brownfields to low-income communities and communities of colour is a coincidence of specific development and settlement patterns.
Historical Context
The city of Minneapolis, Minnesota, situated within Hennepin County, is the larger of the two cities within the TCMA. Highly sought after because of its placement surrounding the Mississippi River, Minneapolis possessed access to the only major waterfall on the river, St Anthony Falls, making it an industrial focal point in Minnesota (MHS, 2023). During the early 1850s, the falls were harnessed as a power source for industrial production, including the commercial lumber and flour milling industries (MHS, 2023). This economic growth of early Minneapolis through the exploitation of natural resources stimulated other ancillary activities such as the building of railroads, resource processing, and agricultural tool manufacturing (Tikkanen, 2023). Due to the push of industrial and economic development outwards towards suburban and undeveloped parts of the state, thousands of these abandoned and contaminated property sites were left across Minneapolis. Bjelland (2004) describes the effect of this rapid industrialization and subsequent disinvestment, claiming ‘Within a dynamic, competitive capitalist economy, capital moves with relative speed and ease while its imprint on the landscape remains relatively fixed in space’ (p.652). The occurrence of this process in centrally located industrial properties in Minneapolis has led to the creation of many brownfield sites.
As defined by the Minnesota Pollution Control Agency (MPCA), brownfields are ‘abandoned, idled, or underused industrial and commercial properties where financing or redevelopment is complicated by actual or suspected environmental contamination’ (MPCA, 2023). Brownfields can exist in various forms, ranging from abandoned industrial sites to landfills and gas stations, or ‘any commercial site where prior uses introduced contaminants into the environment’ (Cich, Blair, and Faust, 2019). There are more than 10,000 brownfield sites spanning across the state, 78% of these being concentrated within the Twin Cities Metro Area (MPCA, 2021). Inner city suburbs contain a disproportionate number of contaminated properties, which is simply reflective of the historic concentration of economic and population activity within their borders (Bjelland, 2004). The City of Minneapolis has identified several neighbourhoods within its boundaries as ‘green zones,’ which are groups of communities containing elevated levels of pollution, as well as social, political, and racial marginalization (Green zones, 2023). These include both a Southside Green Zone and Northside Green Zone, spanning multiple neighbourhoods from the greater Phillips community and Cedar-Riverside neighbourhood to the neighbourhoods of Hawthorne, Mckinley, and Near North (Young et al., 2023; Green zones map, 2022). These green zones are the focus of several environmental justice projects undertaken by the city. Many are place-based initiatives, aimed at the improvement of several factors, including health, economic factors, and other vulnerabilities these communities face. Despite efforts towards the creation of strategies towards mitigating these issues, community members of Minneapolis neighbourhoods have expressed concerns with the historic racism embedded in city planning. The Tangletown Neighbourhood Association has included several web pages detailing the purpose of the initiatives, as well as the impacts of environmental contaminants and pollutants from brownfields on health and their unequal exposure. Discussing discriminatory practices of housing and lending, they note: ‘low-income residents, Indigenous people and residents of colour in Minneapolis are disproportionately impacted by the cumulative effects of traffic, stationary sources of air pollution, brownfield sites, blight, substandard housing, lack of access to jobs, and the adverse effects of climate change’ (Young et al., 2023). The Northeast Midwest Institute states how historically unjust housing practices have contributed to these inequities, expressing that ‘African American neighbourhoods are disproportionately affected by vacancy and abandonment. This is not a coincidence, but an outcome explained by a history of explicit and implicit racially biased planning, development, and lending practices’ (Cain, 2016). Brownfields pose a multitude of environmental, social, and economic risks to communities in Minneapolis, as well as the inequalities driven by these factors.
Challenges
Brownfields have negative social, economic, and health implications for inner-city neighbourhoods, particularly those specified in the city’s green zone initiatives. The challenge of brownfields is a unique community issue in that it is quite widely recognized by the state as a problem affecting local neighbourhoods, but it falters in that it lacks initiatives that adequately address the issues in ways most effective to the communities themselves. The majority of focus on research and redevelopment of brownfields centres on economic, environmental, and community gain through the conversion of idle brownfields into compact development, whereas communities may benefit more from the formation of affordable housing, urban farms, and other environmental amenities.
Health
A previous study from Wang et al. has shown that one of the most powerful determining factors of health inequities is the physical environment; one that may be triggered by uneven spatial distribution of brownfield sites (2023). Contaminants present in brownfields due to past uses can migrate on and off site and can expose community members to harmful toxins through vapor or dust inhalation from the site, as well as drinking groundwater that has been contaminated (Berman et al., 2022). Common contaminants can have serious health effects, including decreased cognitive function due to lead poisoning in children and adults and lung diseases such as pleural disease, asbestosis, and lung cancers (Health effects of asbestos, 2016). Aside from health effects experienced due to environmental contaminants, studies also show that exposure to derelict or vacant land can have negative effects on wellbeing, including heart rate variability, stress-led inflammatory responses, and worsening mental health (South et al., 2015). Fears surrounding the impacts of environmental pollutants are felt by Minneapolis residents directly, one example being Kathryn Savage, a nonfiction writer from Shoreham Yard, Minneapolis. In her most recent publication, Ground Glass, Savage contemplates the loss of her father, and whether it was due to his living near a polluted industrial site in the Victory neighbourhood of the city (Manzella, 2022). The nonfiction piece confronts the offenses of brownfields against land, water, neighbourhoods, and people, drawing on her first-hand experiences of growing up surrounded by environmental risk factors. Without proper redevelopment and decontamination of these sites, they run the risk of continued deterioration and subsequent environmental problems, compounded with a weakened economic base of surrounding communities (Collaton and Bartsch, 1996).
Economic
Brownfield properties can be unattractive to investors and developers for several reasons spanning issues of inadequate infrastructure, high crime rates in areas of potential development, or lack of a skilled workforce (Coffin and Shepherd, 1998). Leigh and Coffin (2005) also examine the effect of brownfields on property values in surrounding areas, finding that the labelling of a site as a brownfield can have negative impacts for housing value in nearby or adjacent properties. As a result of this, neighbourhoods containing brownfields sit at a lower achievable income for land and rental units before redevelopment, highlighting inequities between communities. Another substantial issue for potential developers of brownfield sites is the elimination of liability through the remediation of environmental contamination. Developers who choose to take on brownfield sites must account for a much longer development process to include pre-development investigation and clean-up of the property, legal logistics and costs of demolition if needed (Cich, Blair, and Faust, 2019). This contributes to the avoidance and fear of risks associated with clean up. Another issue for developers with the logistics associated with brownfield redevelopment is the fact that many sites tend to be located within already existing property groupings with multiple landowners (Cich, Blair, and Faust, 2019). Fragmented ownership presents a difficulty through the need to discuss and negotiate with multiple stakeholders.
Environmental Justice
Green gentrification (Becerra, 2022) is a term defined as the increase of local property value due to environmental repair or green development in a previously polluted and disadvantaged neighbourhood, which subsequently attracts a wealthier class, poses a risk to environmental justice and redevelopment initiatives in Minneapolis communities. While the creation of green spaces in urban areas seeks to amend problems of environmental justice as well as making neighbourhoods more attractive and residents healthier, these ‘improvements’ can increase housing and property values (Becerra, 2022). This then can create an even further separation between disadvantaged groups and environmental amenities through the supersedence of wealthier classes. A multitude of environmental justice studies have examined the existence of environmental burdens that are felt at disproportionate rates in low-income and minority neighbourhoods (Mohai, Pellow, and Roberts, 2009). Explanations touch on the perception of these areas as efficient locations for industrial developments, and because of a lack of political resources, these neighbourhoods are often targeted for the placement of dangerous and polluting waste and industrial facilities, as well as other land uses unwanted by local communities (Lee and Mohai, 2012). Approximately 25% of all minorities in the US live within 1 mile of a brownfield site, as well as 29% of all households below the poverty level, and 31% of the black population in the US (US EPA, 2021). The Environmental Protection Agency briefly addresses this injustice, claiming ‘While there is no single way to characterize communities located near our sites, this population is more minority, low income, linguistically isolated, and less likely to have a high school education than the U.S. population as a whole’ (US EPA, 2021, p.2). The recognition and consideration of the ways in which brownfields have manifested spatially and are indicative of pre-existing residential segregation and class divisions in tandem with the processes of deindustrialization is key to understanding brownfield site creation in Minneapolis.
What has been done?
Much of the focus for brownfield redevelopment programs is placed on economic advancements, including tax base expansion, increasing property values, and market demand for compact developments. Few are dedicated to the incorporation of improved public health and sustainability, which may serve to lessen the social and environmental inequalities experienced in areas with brownfields (Berman et al., 2022).
The United States Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) estimates that there are nearly 450,000 brownfield sites in the US (US EPA, 2023). The United States EPA Brownfields Program began in 1995 and provides funding for functionary levels of the brownfield redevelopment process, including environmental assessment, clean up, and job education (Berman et al., 2022). Other site remediation programs can be unique to regions or states, which causes problems with the complexity of a national approach to redevelopment of brownfields. Despite the EPA’s involvement with brownfield redevelopment, ‘less than 7% of the estimated brownfields in the U.S., however, have undergone assessment and only a fraction of these have been cleaned up with U.S. EPA funding’ (Berman et al., 2022).
Currently, state agencies can provide funding assistance to facilitate various stages of brownfield development. The Minnesota Pollution Control Agency (MPCA) Brownfield Program, which includes both the Voluntary Investigation and Cleanup (VIC) Program as well as the Petroleum Brownfields (PB) Program, each of which aid towards investigations into contaminated sites and their clean up (Cich, Blair, and Faust, 2019). The 2001 Brownfield Revitalization and Environmental Restoration Act (BRERA) provides developers and brownfield site purchasers with federal liability exemptions once the state and local governments have set clean-up standards for sites (Lee and Mohai, 2010). Because of this, there has been a clear lowering of development standards in order to reduce costs for developers and has potentially jeopardized public health (Lee and Mohai, 2010). In light of environmental and class disparities also existing along racial lines with the proximity of these communities to brownfields, the standard for site remediation and clean up should be of great concern. In order to not further exacerbate environmental burdens that are spatially concentrated, clean-up standards should be reconsidered.
Community Recommendations
Brownfield redevelopment is unique in that multiple steps to achieve beneficial development of sites requires effective removal of potentially toxic or dangerous substances, ones that may put community members at risk if not properly remediated. Because of this, neighbourhood groups working in partnerships with corporate communities, environmental professionals, and potential developers of brownfield sites is the most realistic route of site repair. To ensure that brownfield redevelopment is within the best interests for the affected community, clear goals must be set, and economic, environmental, and social benefits considered. Before targeting local brownfield sites, being knowledgeable about the local regulatory environment and potential funding opportunities is essential, and determines which sites are potentially economically and environmentally viable. A process in which local sites are considered in tandem with social and environmental factors unique to their neighbourhood will be most effective in the process of revitalization.
Before targeting local brownfield sites, being knowledgeable about the local regulatory environment and potential funding opportunities is essential, and determines which sites are potentially economically and environmentally viable. A process in which local sites are considered in tandem with social and environmental factors unique to their neighbourhood will be most effective in the process of revitalization. The recognition of structures of disinvestment, racism, and oppression that must be disassembled (by elected leaders and investors) is of extreme importance to the process of restoration and in order to understand local histories associated with brownfield development. This is also crucial in the prevention of creating further disparities through phenomena such as green gentrification.
Reaching out to Developers, Environmental Professionals, and Corporate Communities
Eckerd and Keeler (2012), maintain the notion that ‘realistically, few brownfield sites are remediated without at least some infusion of government funding’ (p.296). This confirms recommendations that propose leading with stakeholder development, as it is crucial in community-facilitated brownfield development. Private-led brownfield development, which would be most likely to occur in a location where there is significant development potential for the property, as well as a market demand that would warrant an acceptable return on their investment, necessitates the involvement of stakeholders such as private developers (US EPA, 2019). Communities can find success in reaching out to developers through encouraging consideration of positive impacts of brownfield site clean-up and reuse. Despite the negative perceptions that may be associated with a site, such as ‘the longer timeline associated with pre-development investigation and clean-up; upfront capital costs of demolition and remediation; legal protocol and communication with state and federal agencies’ (Cich, Blair, and Faust, 2019), realization of the health, financial, and environmental benefits for infill development on brownfield sites is a key argument in the subject of profitability for developers. as many seek projects or sites that will maximize capital gain. In a survey of state regulatory and economic development agencies conducted by Wernstedt and Hersh (2006), they question relative importance of the reasoning for redevelopment in local contaminated properties, finding that ‘In general, respondents identified environmental and health rationales more frequently than they did economic impacts (tax revenues and jobs), but both were viewed as very important by significant minorities’ (Wernstedt and Hersh, 2006). This suggests that developers and other corporate communities hold significance to environmental and health factors, offering an applicable avenue for persuasion on the importance of redevelopment of environmentally hazardous brownfields within communities. The encouragement of environmental professionals to pursue further research and development of brownfields can also alleviate some burden of private developers in the process of risk minimization as well as safety during the redevelopment process. Knowledge surrounding economic, environmental, and social consequences of brownfield sites as well as benefits from their redevelopment could also be extremely beneficial to the broadening of redevelopment training and avenues to brownfield clean-up. Finally, the utilization of and collaboration with nonprofits such as The Minnesota Brownfields, an organization focused on the support and enhancement of brownfield reuse and development, will foster valuable connections through partnership with regulatory agencies, environmental consulting firms, as well as both the private and public redevelopment communities (MN Brownfields, 2023).
Urban Farms and Greenspaces
Urban greenspaces provide a range of environmental services in cities and are in some ways a determinant in the ‘liveability’ of cities. Carroll (2016) notes how the underused or vacant structures on brownfields where contamination is present offer opportunities for urban agricultural projects and developments (Carroll, 2016). Urban agricultural renewal projects, although they vary nationwide, offer an opportunity for community reuse of brownfield properties, which can be advantageous for several reasons. Brownfield land may be available at a lower cost to other properties, and therefore are more accessible for community redevelopment (Carroll, 2016). Brownfield sites are also more common in disadvantaged areas where few alternatives to urban agriculture exist, which may be targeted by public health and sustainability advocates, as well as the local food movement. In their search for the expansion of local production and improved access to fresh and healthy produce and foods, they may focus on neighbourhoods with brownfield properties. Urban farms are significant for this reason in the prevention of forms of gentrification associated with increased housing prices and contribute to improved environmental resources for residents (Carroll, 2016). Community familiarization with local or state brownfield programs, reviewing grants, and consulting educational materials for organizations and individuals is necessary for a thorough understanding of redevelopment organization.
Community Partnership and Knowledge Exchange
Community residents possess an understanding of environmental problems and social needs plaguing their neighbourhood, which are essential for just and inclusive sustainable development planning. Steps such as identifying the sites of most concern and defining clear goals for redevelopment are vital to processes of renovation. McCarthy (2002) argues that local participation in redevelopment processes of brownfields produces quicker and more community-oriented resolutions. In order to broaden the level of involvement and capacity of neighbourhood groups, it is beneficial to fully understand the process of redevelopment. Brownfield redevelopment training programs, which are generally designed for the private sector, offer the opportunity for local community members to engage directly with redevelopment projects. Although emphasis on these trainings is placed for developers, environmental engineering firms and financial institutions, they would allow for members to gain a more comprehensive understanding of brownfields and the realistic level of involvement community members can have in the redevelopment process. Community-based organizations can offer significant pathways for the process of predevelopment work on brownfield sites, which often inhibit private sector interest. This would include the assessment of environmental conditions, confirmation of site control or ownership, protection from liabilities, and the elicitation of support from the local community for the project (Brachman, 2003). Furthermore, community cooperation and collaboration with developers and corporate communities can facilitate the beginning of investment in local brownfield properties, as well as protect the inclusion of community-oriented uses for viable properties. McCarthy highlights the ways in which local participation in brownfield redevelopment is effective, maintaining that ‘early involvement of the community can help foster understanding and consensus, and prevent protests and litigation,’ highlighting the ways in which local participation in brownfield redevelopment is effective (2002, p.294). Community land trusts (CLTs), which are non-profit organizations made up of community members, are also a strategy to minimize displacement of local communities and maintain housing affordability (Strategies to minimize displacement, 2023). In their most basic form, community land trusts buy or are gifted land, and contract building facilitators and project managers in order to build outwards, providing homes and other assets that are and will remain affordable to rent and buy. CLTs can use grants and subsidies at the town, state, and federal levels for funding, and can also receive grant funding from private institutions, and living costs can be dramatically reduced and based upon what communities earn. This may ameliorate some risks related to gentrification through brownfield redevelopment and prevent the displacement of lower-income residents and small businesses (Strategies to minimize displacement, 2023).
Conclusions
The rectification of brownfield sites in the city of Minneapolis is a serious environmental and health issue; one that is most acutely experienced by communities of colour and low-income communities. Recommendations outlined in this briefing for community-led redevelopment focus on the involvement of multiple stakeholders, community capacity building through brownfield training programs, the transformation of urban farms and greenspaces, as well as community partnership and community-based organizations. It stresses the importance of strengthening action towards dismantling structural racism and working to reduce the disproportionate effects of brownfields through environmental justice initiatives and dialogue with community members. Finally, collaboration with environmental professionals, developers, non-profit organizations, and other corporate communities will greatly increase the accessibility of redevelopment projects as well as a favourable outcome that best serves the community.
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