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Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

New Orleans and The Lack of Adequate Infrastructure to be able to Withstand the Natural Environment: A Community-Led Grassroots Approach to Solutions 

Introduction

New Orleans is a place like no other, it is unique in every sense of the word, beautiful, soulful, hot and humid, overflowing with food, culture, pride, and one of the only places I believe can make anyone feel at home. But I am biased. Being born and raised in a place like New Orleans, Louisiana has given me a world view unlike most people I have ever met. On May 12th, 2021, at approximately 2am, a tornado tore the roof off my house, letting the storm outside in, while my entire family was home. But, despite this, despite being two years old when Hurricanes Katrina and Rita ravaged the city, despite the countless other hurricanes, tropical storms and disasters that defined my upbringing, I still love this city like no other. I was raised with the awareness of instability of place and the sense of looming threat that follows any strong breeze, hard rain or darkened sky, I was taught from a young age how Louisiana’s coast was slowly being washed away. I have lived and witnessed houses broken by wind and water, and people rebuilding them with passion and determination for this place called home. I know the people of New Orleans because I am one. Yet, I come from a part of the city that gets disaster relief first, I come from a household that can rebuild when disaster strikes and can afford to send me to university across an ocean. I am immensely grateful for my privileged experience of New Orleans and seek to give back to the city that made me who I am. I can never know the experience of another, but I live the experiences we share as a community and seek to understand the disproportionate ways others are affected, the ways in which we as a community have the power to change that. “The right to the city is not merely a right of access to what already exists, but a right to change it after our heart’s desire” (Harvey, 2003, p. 939). I believe as Harvey argues, we make the city and the city makes us, therefore the right to the city not only involves the right to change the physical makeup to more equitably suit its citizens, but it is the intrinsic right to “make the city different, to shape it more in accord with our heart’s desire, and to re-make ourselves thereby in a different image” (2003, p. 941). 

Hurricanes, Tropical Cyclones and the Historical Background of Southeast Louisiana 

According to data from the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) from the past 25 years, “the annual probability that New Orleans will experience a tropical cyclone is 92%. Due to its proximity to the Gulf Coast, in conjunction with ongoing coastal land loss and the likely impacts of climate change, New Orleans is especially vulnerable to tropical cyclones” (Ready NOLA, 2023). Broadly the Gulf Coast, and in this context, Southeast Louisiana are some of the most vulnerable regions affected by hurricanes, tropical storms and tropical cyclones (storm strength being the differentiating factor in classification). “Tropical cyclone winds can cause major structural damage to private homes, businesses, and the critical facilities of the signatories through water intrusion or structural failure” (Ready NOLA, 2023). The damage caused by storms of that magnitude is devastating and increasingly common in the region. In Leavitt and Kiefer’s post-Katrina analysis, they discuss how residents and political leaders alike would often describe their fear of “‘the big one,’ a storm that would come in from just the right direction and at the right strength to produce the wind and subsequent storm surge that would wipe out major portions of the region” (2006, p. 307). And they were right, on August 28, 2005, “Hurricane Katrina landed a devastating blow to the infrastructure of New Orleans and surrounding areas of the Gulf Coast. Katrina set in motion a series of failures in the region’s critical infrastructure that rendered significant areas uninhabitable for many months” (Leavitt and Kiefer, 2006, p. 307). There were many causes and reasons the devastation was so bad, many known to the local government predating the hurricane (Leavitt and Kiefer, 2006, p. 309), yet one of the most devastating results of the storm was the tearing of the social fabric of the city. “One of the first comprehensive surveys of the New Orleans evacuee population… determined that 39% of evacuees (some 50,000 households), mostly poor and Black, did not intend to return. If accurate, this will be the largest internal migration of Americans in a generation” (2006, p. 144), Campanella goes on to discuss the devastating ramifications this has, as so much of what makes a city is its communities. 

Orleans Parish 

The community which this briefing would like to address is that of Orleans Parish. Orleans Parish is New Orleans, but New Orleans is not only Orleans Parish. In other words, I have chosen this specific community because the scope of the Greater New Orleans Area (GNOA) is slightly too broad to address as one, in recent years neighboring parishes that are part of the GNOA such as Jefferson have become more self-determinant in rebuilding and improving infrastructure. Therefore, for this brief I will focus on Orleans Parish, and the neighborhoods within as a larger community that recognizes and celebrates the diversity it holds. Because, as Campanella states, “cities are more than the sum of their buildings. They are also thick concatenations of social and cultural matter, and it is often this that endows a place with its defining essence and identity” (2006, p. 142), and that the people of Orleans Parish do.  

Challenges of Inadequate Infrastructure to be able to Withstand the Natural Environment

As discussed in previous sections, New Orleans and the surrounding region are especially vulnerable to, and have been faced with, devastating tropical cyclones and hurricanes throughout their history. One of the primary challenges Orleans Parish faces is the insufficient infrastructure to be able to withstand and bounce back from the onslaught of natural disasters. Along with a lack of environmental justice that Pearsall and Pierce explain as, “characterised as a struggle against distributional inequity regarding environmental amenities…and efforts to increase the access of all populations to environmental decision-making” (Pearsall and Pierce, 2010, p. 570), with an emphasis on the last point of increased access to environmental decision-making. As a result of the lack of adequate infrastructure, New Orleans positions itself increasingly for normal disasters. Leavitt and Kiefer describe the concept of a normal disaster by explaining how it is almost inevitable or “normal” for a disaster to occur because of the reliance on high-risk technologies (2006, p. 307) and the multiple interactions of various complex and linear systems that are both tightly and loosely coupled (2006, p. 307). They argue, “that a normal disaster occurs when there is an event, disturbance, or problem that involves the complex interaction of interdependent infrastructures resulting in the unanticipated failure of multiple infrastructure systems” (Leavitt and Kiefer, 2006, p. 308). Which is exactly what happened in New Orleans in 2005 when the levees broke and the city became uninhabitable for months because of the failures of multiple critical infrastructures (Leavitt and Kiefer, 2006, p. 307). “The combination of normal disasters, such as Hurricane Katrina, and complex, interdependent, aging infrastructures does not bode well for the future” Leavitt and Kiefer urge, “substantial investment in infrastructure systems must once again become a national priority” (2006, p. 313) and that it must, if Orleans Parish is to survive. I contend normal disasters are still a major risk the city faces, as seen most recently in the past two months with the heightened attention (Edmonds, 2023) on the saltwater intrusion in the Mississippi River. 

The Saltwater Wedge 

Dubbed the Saltwater Wedge, in the past two months it dramatically garnered local, and even some national (Chavez, Edmonds, Rojanasakul, 2023) media attention sounding the alarms for yet another type of natural adversity the city faces. As a result of various factors including, “congressionally authorized enlargement of the Mississippi River’s deep-draft channel” (New Orleans District, U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, 2023) and “back-to-back years of drought throughout the Mississippi River valley” (Parker, Hazelwood and Juhasz, 2023). Saltwater has begun to move up the Mississippi River from the Gulf of Mexico. As the New Orleans District, U.S. Army Corps of Engineers’ website explains, “because salt water has a greater density than fresh water, it moves upstream in the form of a wedge” threatening not only the city’s water supply but over a million residents who get their water from the river (Chavez, 2023). Although this year it seems to have gained wider media coverage, “similar saltwater intrusions have happened about once every decade, including in 1988, 1999, 2012, and 2022” (Chavez, 2023). While initial predictions placed the wedge reaching the main intake pipe for Orleans Parish on October 28, updated predictions show that the wedge will not reach the city (New Orleans District, U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, 2023). Which is good news for Orleans Parish but the cataclysmic damage it would cause if it were to happen extends beyond the drinking water.  “Saltwater can accelerate the corrosion of pipes in water distribution systems[and] could corrode lead and galvanized steel pipes, possibly leaching heavy metals into drinking water, depending on how long the emergency lasts” (Chavez, 2023) which potential damages have been compared to the Flint, Michigan crisis. Another vulnerable system that would be heavily damaged, and likely shut down, if saltwater intruded upon it, is Entergy’s (the local power utility company) powerplants along the Mississippi leading to a string of affects within the cities critical infrastructures, a normal disaster. “It’s been a wake-up call for the region to upgrade water plants, expand pipeline networks, and make other improvements” (2023) Chavez says, echoed by Smith saying, “the threat this year has led New Orleans officials to call for a permanent solution to the problem, warning that it may occur more frequently given climate change’s impact on sea level rise and drought. That could involve a pipeline or desalination plant for the region, which would come at a high cost” (2023). A cost the people of Orleans Parish would pay. 

Brief Note of the Social Injustices Present in the City and the Vulnerabilities it Creates 

“Cities are extraordinarily durable” (Campanella, 2006, p. 141). This sentiment is like that of Harvey’s (2003, p. 939) explaining that cities are what remain, cities are what outlive us. Yet, what gives a city its character, soul and capacity to rebound (Campanella, 2006, p. 144) are its people. When discussing urban resilience in the context of post-Katrina New Orleans Campanella posits, “only with strong citizen involvement at the grassroots level will the rebuilding of New Orleans yield a robust and inclusive metropolis” (Campanella, 2006, p. 141). Which is true, but as previously mentioned, much of the city’s population was not able to immediately return after the devastation, and some not at all. Leading to the irony that, “the recovery of New Orleans as a real and robust city… rests heavily on the shoulders of those most burdened by the catastrophe” (Campanella, 2006, p. 144). Of which those most burdened are the black poor and other minorities within the city, which continue to suffer even after disasters as attempts to revive local economy begin. As Bledsoe and Wright argue, “civil society, therefore, is inherently antithetical to all manifestations of Black social life, yet requires Blackness for its political, economic, ontological, epistemological, and—as we aim to show—spatial coherence” (2018, p. 9). They highlight, “geographic interrogations of racial capitalism have analyzed the role of racist assumptions in implementing neoliberal reforms in the wake of a natural disaster” (Bledsoe and Wright, 2018, p. 11) which is especially poignant in a city as diverse as New Orleans. The capitalist agenda requires constant growth and expansion, so when I place is affect by natural disaster, which disproportionately affect minorities, and the whole mechanism halts and stutters, it becomes that much more imperative to restore it to a state of function as it was pre-disaster. That same pre-disaster state that perpetuates the social injustices that lead to the disproportionate effects on minorities in the first place. There is much more to this crucial topic, as Bledsoe and Wright discuss, so much so that an entire briefing should be written on this subject, but this briefing will refocus on the infrastructural dimension of the city that disproportionately effect the citizen of Orleans Parish. 

Recommendations

The primary way forward I recommend is the strong urge for an increased participatory approach to local decision-making, formalized lobbying for the local community to have say in planning infrastructure, other prevention methods and disaster relief. There are many ways to do this at various levels of influence from the bottom up. But for this to be a long-lasting, effective solution, that can be used as a model for other communities similarly affected by disasters, the first step is community education, which I argue needs to start from grassroots. A way this can be done is through grassroots organizations efforts as Irazábal and Neville describe, by empowering and emphasizing local community organizations people can take the power back into their hands. When this has been proven effective, it can then move into lobbying for a formal way of community input and regulatory power in municipal governments for an increased ability to have a say in what is prioritized and actioned by those who feel the direct affects. I would like to note, this is not intended to discount the efforts that have been made since Katrina to bolster the city’s infrastructure, which have been significant, it merely urges that the necessity for long-term change needs to come from the bottom by those most affected. 

Increasing and improving community education 

Though Sonne’s article pertains specifically to stormwater management, the ideas it argues can be applied more broadly, they state, “creating a supportive community educated about the benefits of such measures will alleviate some of the resistance that new utility fees often garner from the public. A public education program for New Orleans must begin now and must become increasingly aggressive to reach as much of the affected public as possible before any stormwater remediation fee can be successfully implemented” (2014, p. 347). This is a useful idea in the broader context of the city’s afflictions and the need to raise awareness of what they are and what can be done to prevent them. “When citizens have a clear understanding of what it takes for sustainable success in stormwater management, it is easier to embrace the unfamiliar, providing a lasting solution to their common problem” (Sonne, 2014, p. 348), and the same can be said about what it takes for improved infrastructure. The people of Orleans Parish have the capacity to understand the ways in which the infrastructure of the city needs to be revitalized yet require a means to gain that knowledge. Looking now at a historical example of an attempt at this, Leavitt and Kiefer offer us a glimpse of pre-Katrina New Orleans and “a series of regional ‘tabletop’ exercises [that] were conducted in the Greater New Orleans region for the past few years, each exercise examining the physical, geographic, and cyber-interdependencies of much of the region’s infrastructure” (2006, p. 309). Dubbed the ‘Purple Crescent exercises (Leavitt and Kiefer, 2006, p. 309), the ones that did take place were apparently quite useful for highlighting the interdependencies and vulnerabilities of the region’s infrastructure (2006, 309). Which I propose needs to happen once again, in a more sustained way that, hopefully, would not get cut short due to a cataclysmic failure in the exact infrastructural vulnerabilities being discussed (Leavitt and Kiefer, 2006, p. 310). A key opportunity for community oversight is highlighted by the response in the aftermath of Katrina, “although dependent on a system of regional infrastructure for protection, oversight of this infrastructure was fragmented among various municipal governments and agencies, many with long histories of mutual distrust and even animosity” (Leavitt and Kiefer, 2006, p. 311). If educational initiatives are as effective as they could be, local insight could aid municipal government invaluably, combining their lived knowledge and that of new programs about infrastructure. Leavitt and Kiefer urge, “the importance of identifying, understanding, and analyzing…infrastructure interdependencies…if we are to respond effectively to normal disasters. Whenever possible the goal must be to find ways to allow for decentralization of infrastructure systems to promote rapid recovery from disasters” (2006, p.312-3), this decentralization is the perfect opportunity for simultaneous community education, engagement and empowerment. 

Emphasis on grassroots organizations empowerment and efficacy 

Based on past examples of participatory democracy New Orleans has the base for it to work, there have been and still are many grassroot neighborhood-based organizations that work to better their community (Irazábal & Neville, 2007). Irazábal and Neville discuss the pre- and post-Katrina examples of grassroots planning for community development and reconstruction (2007). They highlight ideas of active citizenship, embracing the culture of New Orleans using that as a tool to transform it in the ways the city knows how (Irazábal and Neville, 2007 p. 135-136). As previously mentioned, there are two major aspects of planning, preventative and post disaster. There needs to be urgent focus on both prevention measures in the infrastructure of the city as well as detailed plans for when disaster strikes. There are limitations for rebuilding after the fact at the grassroots level, as seen during Katrina with the amount of people who returned (Campanella, 2006) not being enough to bolster the efforts of those who remained (Irazábal and Neville, 2007, p. 146). Hence why now it is imperative that people make plans for when disaster inevitably strikes and, seize the opportunity to work on renewing existing infrastructure that is known to be insufficient, whilst people are in the city. We must utilize existing neighbourhood groups, social clubs and other forms of local organisation in Orleans parish to come together and begin to learn and action what needs to be implemented infrastructurally and what is feasible on the grassroots level. Although the Unified New Orleans Plan is a date plan on post-Katrina reconstruction this imperative still stands, “institutionalize the organizational framework of the Unified New Orleans Plan by permanently incorporating community-based planning with coordinated citywide infrastructure planning. In doing so, planners can help formalize neighborhood-level decision making without bureaucratically bludgeoning the democratic instincts and empowered participation of residents” (Irazábal and Neville, 2007, p. 150). The second half of that statement is what the community education seeks to aid in avoiding, although there will always be to some degree the “bureaucratic bludgeoning” of empowered participation a more attuned citizen aware of the issues will be more likely to remain persistent. 

Acknowledgement of the Limitations and the Imperative to Continue 

To acknowledge the limitations of grassroots efforts as Irazábal and Neville lay out by stating, “the trajectory of recovery of New Orleans also illuminates the limits of grassroots planning in such catastrophic circumstances, and suggests that only larger and more comprehensive efforts, such as those possible for government(s), can create the conditions under which the grassroots efforts may organize meaningfully and effectively” (2007, p. 147). I urge the community of Orleans Parish, that to get to a place where municipal government implements formalized ways grassroots efforts can have a place in prevention and reconstruction, they need to be shown the efficacy and desire for this. Without existing grassroots efforts, that have proven results, there will never be movement towards a formalized participatory democracy more thoroughly than what exists currently. With an informed community that supports, and is involved in, grassroots planning efforts then the formalization limitations can be overcome. It is the people of New Orleans, the “stricken neighborhoods who constitute the lifeblood of the Big Easy, carrying in their traditions, cuisine, musical heritage, mannerisms, and habits of speech what made New Orleans unique” (Campanella, 2006, p. 144) and it is those people who can make coordinated grassroots efforts effective and long lasting. 

Conclusion

New Orleans is faced with many natural disasters and, as recent events have re-highlighted many other potential risks to our critical and non-critical infrastructure. The first step in finding a solution is community education, which needs to be done from the bottom up. There are then two primary opportunities to approach these challenges, preventative measures and post disaster/event response. Both these can be affected and improved by local community engagement and participation, as I hope to have demonstrated in this briefing. Although there are many hurdles to be overcome it is only through collective community action that real change is seen. We cannot simply wait for the change to happen, it needs to start from the bottom and be brought to the top for lasting change to be permanently implemented, so the people who are most affected get a valued and deserved voice in infrastructure that is meant to protect them. “Humanity is now considered to be not simply one of earth’s biological factors, but a geological actor too; an actor that shapes geophysical transformations on the earth’s stratigraphy the way only ‘natural’ forces used to do in earth’s previous long history” (Kaika, 2018, p. 1716). If humanity is that crucial of an actor, who also needs take responsibility, in the geophysical transformation of our planet, then there is no doubt that the people of Orleans Parish can reshape their city into a more equitable, infrastructurally sound, community where no one’s right to the city (Harvey 2003) is called into question.

References 

Bledsoe, A. & Wright, W. J. (2018) ‘The anti-Blackness of global capital’, Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 37 (1), 8-26. 

Campanella, T. J. (2006) ‘Urban Resilience and the Recovery of New Orleans’, Journal of the American Planning Association, 72 (2), 141-146. 

Campbell, S. (2013) ‘Sustainable Development and Social Justice: Conflicting Urgencies and the Search for Common Ground in Urban and Regional Planning’, Michigan Journal of Sustainability, 1, 75-91. 

Chavez, R. (2023) Why the saltwater wedge climbing up the Mississippi River is a wake-up call to the region. Available at: https://www.pbs.org/newshour/nation/why-salt-water-is-threatening-drinking-water-in-new-orleans-and-what-officials-are-doing-about-it (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

Edmonds, C. (2023) Saltwater in the Mississippi Threatens Water Supply in New Orleans. Available at: https://www.nytimes.com/2023/09/23/us/saltwater-mississippi-new-orleans.html (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

Harvey, D. (2003) ‘The Right to the City’, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 27 (4), 939-941. 

Irazábal, C. & Neville, J. (2007) ‘Neighbourhoods in the Lead: Grassroots Planning for Social Transformation in Post-Katrina New Orleans?’, Planning, Practice & Research, 22 (2), 131-153. 

Kaika, M. (2018) ‘Between the frog and the eagle: claiming a ‘Scholarship of Presence’ for the Anthropocene’, European Planning Studies, 26 (9), 1714-1727. 

Leavitt, W. M. & Kiefer, J. J. (2006) ‘Infrastructure Interdependency and the Creation of a Normal Disaster The Case of Hurricane Katrina and the City of New Orleans’, Public Works Management & Policy, 10 (4), 306-314. 

New Orleans District, U.S. Army Corps of Engineers (2023) A Saltwater Wedge Affects the Mississippi. Available at: https://www.mvn.usace.army.mil/Missions/Engineering/Stage-and-Hydrologic-Data/SaltwaterWedge/ (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

New Orleans District, U.S. Army Corps of Engineers (2023) An Overview of the Mississippi River’s Saltwater Wedge. Available at: https://www.mvn.usace.army.mil/Missions/Engineering/Stage-and-Hydrologic-Data/SaltwaterWedge/SaltwaterWedgeOverview/ (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

NOLA Ready (2023) About Saltwater Intrusion. Available at: https://ready.nola.gov/incident/saltwater-intrusion/about-saltwater-intrusion/?utm_source=nola&utm_medium=banner (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

NOLA Ready Tropical Cyclones. Available at: https://ready.nola.gov/hazard-mitigation/hazards/tropical-cyclones/#top (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

Parker, H. & Juhasz, A. (2023) We answer your questions about the saltwater wedge in the Mississippi River. Available at: https://www.wwno.org/coastal-desk/2023-09-27/we-answer-your-questions-about-the-saltwater-wedge-in-the-mississippi-river#q-2 (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

Parker, H., Hazelwood, G. & Juhasz, A. (2023) Saltwater wedge moving slower than projected; unlikely to reach New Orleans until late November. Available at: https://www.wwno.org/coastal-desk/2023-10-05/saltwater-wedge-moving-slower-than-projected-unlikely-to-reach-new-orleans-until-late-november (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

Pearsall, H. & Pierce, J. (2010) ‘Urban sustainability and environmental justice: evaluating the linkages in public planning / policy discourse’, Local Environment, 15 (6), 569-580. 

Rojanasakul, M. (2023) When Will the Saltwater Wedge Reach New Orleans? We Mapped It. Available at: https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2023/09/29/climate/new-orleans-saltwater-map.html?action=click (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

Skilton, L. (2023) Hurricanes in Louisiana. Available at: https://64parishes.org/entry/hurricanes-in-louisiana (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

Smith, M. (2023) The new saltwater forecast is out for the New Orleans area. Here’s what is shows. Available at: https://www.nola.com/news/environment/new-saltwater-forecast-means-good-news-for-new-orleans-area/article_2624ced4-6e90-11ee-8a93-0747faff9b9b.html (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

Sonne, B. (2014) ‘Managing Stormwater by Sustainable Measures: Preventing Neighborhood Flooding and Green Infrastructure Implementation in New Orleans’, Tulane Environmental Law Journal, 27 (323), 323-350. 

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Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

The Effects of Extreme Heat on Low-Income Communities in Phoenix, Arizona, U.S.A. 

Introduction 

The southwestern area of the United States of America, or more commonly known as the ‘Southwest’, is a region which would be considered by many as incompatible to sustaining human life. The Environmental Protection Agency (2023) describes the region as one that has high temperatures, a minimal water supply, and an overall arid landscape. These qualities of the Southwest are antithetical to the functions of modern society that require consistent access to water and arable land. Despite these challenges however, the Southwest region of the U.S. has experienced considerable growth over the past few decades. One city in particular that has seen some of the highest growth in the region in recent years is Phoenix, Arizona. 

Located in the northeastern reaches of the Sonoran Desert, Phoenix is a quintessential desert city with its year-round hot temperatures and sunlight. As mentioned in the previous paragraph, Phoenix has also experienced significant growth which shows no indication of slowing down. Between July 2021 and July 2022, the city saw a population increase of 19053 people, making it the second fastest growing city in the United States and the largest city in the Southwest with a population close to 1.65 million people (United States Census Bureau, 2023). Phoenix’s ability to sustain and accommodate this growth in a harsh desert climate can be attributed to its proactive city planning. For example, one major issue which plagues the Southwest region is droughts and Phoenix has been able to mitigate this by planning its water supply many years into the future and through the diversification of its water sources, thereby ensuring a consistent water supply regardless of droughts (City of Phoenix, 2023). Even though the city has been able to adapt to the Southwest region’s major challenge of water supply, the city has yet to do the same for the equally significant desert issue of extreme heat.  

Cities across the world are struggling with the issue of extreme heat and its wide-ranging consequences that impact different groups of society in a multitude of ways. While Phoenix has always experienced high temperatures, factors such as climate change and the increased urbanisation spurred by population growth have worsened heat and its effects on the people of the city in recent years. In particular, the low-income communities of Phoenix are disproportionately impacted by the increasingly high temperatures which the city is facing. 

This community briefing seeks to address the unequal impacts of extreme heat in Phoenix, Arizona in regard to the city’s low-income communities and will provide potential solutions on how to narrow these inequalities. Firstly, this briefing will examine the effects of extreme heat on Phoenix as a whole and will describe the low-income communities of the city in conjunction with the disproportional effects which they face from extreme heat. Afterwards, this briefing will also summarise and analyse policy actions taken by the city of Phoenix that attempt to combat the effects of extreme heat. Finally, this briefing aims to provide recommendations which members of low-income communities can utilise in order to lessen the many impacts of extreme heat on their neighbourhoods. Overall, this paper seeks to provide advice on how the low-income communities can address this issue without wholly relying on the help of the city government of Phoenix. 

Statement of Positionality 

I believe that it is essential to state my positionality given that this is a complex and multi-faceted issue. To start, I am an outsider who comes from an upper-class background. I am not a resident of Phoenix, Arizona nor have I ever visited the city. As a result, I am not fully aware of or accustomed to what it is like to be a low-income resident of the city. Therefore, my recommendations are only a product of my analyses of primary and secondary sources. Given the fact that I am an outsider, I aim to base my recommendations as much as possible on community and policy actions that were already taken in the city of Phoenix and elsewhere in Arizona. By doing this, my recommendations could potentially be easier for members of the community to follow and ultimately be more realistic. Lastly, because my outsider perspective does not allow me to be fully attuned to the abilities and limitations of Phoenix’s low-income communities, I aim to make my recommendations as inclusive as possible by forming them as ones which all of the city’s residents could contribute to, therefore increasing the chances that these recommendations can be implemented successfully.  

The Challenge 

As the title of this briefing suggests, the challenge which the city of Phoenix is facing is heat. Being in the Sonoran Desert, Phoenix has always had to cope with heat and its effects. Yet in recent years this heat has become more extreme. In fact, during 2023, Phoenix had temperatures of over 110 Fahrenheit (43.3 Celsius) for 54 days, breaking a previous record set in 2020 (PBS, 2023). This extreme heat can have fatal consequences as evidenced by 425 people dying of heat-related causes in Maricopa County—which consists of Phoenix and its metropolitan area—in 2022 alone (Healy, 2023). Unfortunately, it is exceedingly difficult for the city of Phoenix to mitigate the issue of extreme heat because the city’s rapid growth is one major factor which is worsening it. 

As mentioned earlier, Phoenix is one of the fastest growing cities in the United States, but its explosive growth is exacerbating the issue of extreme heat through a concept known as the ‘urban heat island effect.’ In essence, the urban heat island effect is a phenomenon where the air temperature in an urban area is higher than the air temperature of the surrounding rural environment (Kleerekoper, Esch and Salcedo, 2012, p. 30). One way in which Phoenix’s increased urbanisation creates a heat island is due to the extensive presence of the materials which urban environments are made of: asphalt and concrete. According to NASA (2023), materials such as asphalt absorb up to 95% of solar radiation and have a high heat capacity, meaning that heat is easily stored during the day but is consequently released slowly at night. Due to the already extreme heat levels in Phoenix, the urban island effect is made more profound as the intense heat stored in the pavement releases so slowly that even temperatures at night hover around 33 Celsius (Partlow, 2023). The urban island effect essentially makes it so that the residents of Phoenix rarely receive any relief from the heat, even when the Sun is not out. 

While heat is an invisible force, its impacts on people are quite visible. In the city of Phoenix, extreme heat poses significant risks towards people’s health. Aside from the risk of fatality, extreme heat can cause issues such as heatstroke, dehydration, and even severe burns from pavement which reaches temperatures of up to 71 Celsius (Partlow, 2023). In other words, people in Phoenix can quite literally get cooked on the ground which they walk on. Furthermore, according to Arizona PBS (2023), heat can cause long-term health issues in people such as worsened mental health, sleep problems, and an increase in migraines. These serious health risks are compounded for vulnerable populations such as the elderly or those with pre-existing conditions like diabetes.  

With factors such as climate change and urbanisation working in tandem to increase heat levels in Phoenix, the major obstacle for the city is finding a way in which it can grow sustainably without worsening the effects of extreme heat. Most crucially, this challenge highlights the need for solutions to take into account all of the city’s residents, including vulnerable populations such as members of low-income communities, as these members of the city face the brunt of the consequences from extreme heat. 

The Community 

As emphasised throughout the briefing, extreme heat affects all the residents of Phoenix, yet there are a variety of elements which create disproportionalities. The most influential of these elements is socioeconomic status, as evidenced by the increased hardships which Phoenix’s low-income residents receive from extreme heat in comparison to the city’s wealthier residents. 

It is important first to define where Phoenix’s low-income residents live. Generally speaking, Phoenix’s low-income residents are concentrated in the urban core of the city while the wealthier residents tend to reside in the suburbs surrounding the peripheries of Phoenix. More specifically, as explained in a case study performed by the Economic Innovation Group (2023), the city’s low-income residents are concentrated in the southern part of the city in neighbourhoods adjacent to the airport such as Central City as well as in the neighbourhood of South Phoenix. However, the neighbourhood of South Phoenix contains the majority of the city’s low-income residents with a population of around 359,000 people or nearly one-fifth of Phoenix’s total population. The level of poverty in these neighbourhoods are significantly higher than the overall level of poverty within Phoenix’s metropolitan area. In South Phoenix for example, the poverty rate sits at 31.9 percent with a median household income of $36800; A stark contrast to Phoenix metropolitan area’s overall poverty rate and median household income of 12.7 percent and $67100 respectively (Economic Innovation Group, 2023). The element of low socioeconomic levels alone plays a massive role in making neighbourhoods such as South Phoenix disproportionately affected by extreme heat. In fact, there is a high correlation between socioeconomic status and heat levels in Phoenix as residents in low-income neighbourhoods on average show temperatures 3 to 5 degrees higher than wealthier neighbourhoods (James, 2023). 

Low-income communities in Phoenix are more vulnerable to extreme heat for a variety of reasons. The most noteworthy reason is the lack of heat-mitigating measures in low-income neighbourhoods. One of the most effective forms of heat-mitigation is through vegetation because it does not absorb heat as effectively as surfaces such as concrete or asphalt. In Phoenix, wealthier residents tend to reside in low-density areas where they have the space and money to grow ample vegetation, resulting in cooler temperatures than the urban heat islands of dense and industrial low-income neighbourhoods such as South Phoenix (Chow, Chuang and Gober, 2012, p. 289). Socioeconomic status plays a role in this because the low-income residents of Phoenix simply do not have the space or the income necessary to maintain the amount of vegetation required to cool an area. The lack of vegetation means that low-income residents are unable to receive relief such as shade from trees and are therefore highly exposed to extreme heat. This disparity also applies to other forms of cooling as evidenced by wealthy neighbourhoods having increased access to relief measures such as swimming pools and air-conditioning in comparison to low-income neighbourhoods (Chow, Chuang, and Gober, 2012, p. 288). For the poorest residents of low-income communities, their vulnerability to extreme heat is only magnified. In particular, homeless members of the community are the most disproportionately affected by extreme heat. Healy (2023) explains that of the 425 heat-related deaths in Maricopa County in 2022, a majority of the victims were homeless. This can be explained by the fact that homeless people tend to be outside for longer periods of time which increases their exposure to extreme heat. In combination with other risk factors such as drug use, the consequences can be severe as evidenced by incidents such as homeless drug users falling unconscious within urban heat islands and consequently receiving severe burns (Partlow, 2023). Even the low-income residents who have access to housing are just as vulnerable as those who are homeless as they tend to be employed in outdoor positions such as landscaping and are reliant on public transportation—which often requires them wait outdoors at unshaded bus stops—at a higher rate than Phoenix’s wealthier residents (Economic Innovation Group, 2023). Overall, the disproportional impacts which Phoenix’s low-income residents face highlight the crucial role which socioeconomic status plays in regard to resilience towards extreme heat. 

Policy Analysis 

For years, the city of Phoenix’s government had not implemented any meaningful policies which addressed the issue of extreme heat, simply treating it as an unavoidable reality of living in Phoenix. However in the recent decades as extreme heat has become more prevalent, the city has taken a variety of steps to deal with the effects of extreme heat on the city as a whole and for its low-income communities. For example, one of Phoenix’s most significant strides in addressing extreme heat was in 2021 with the creation of the first publicly funded Heat Response & Mitigation Office (Garza, 2023). The implementation of an office that exclusively concentrates on heat demonstrates a formal commitment from the Phoenix city government that it takes the issue of extreme heat seriously and that extreme heat poses a threat to the city’s sustainable growth. The city has also implemented specific policy plans in the past which have sought to address the issue of extreme heat in a variety of ways, yet these policy actions have had varying degrees of success. 

One of Phoenix’s most comprehensive policies relating to extreme heat is the ‘Tree and Shade Master Plan’ created in 2010. Essentially, this master plan aims to cool the city by lessening the urban heat island effect through the utilisation of shade provided by trees as well as by extensively growing native desert plants. According to the City of Phoenix (2010), the plan aims to achieve an average of 25 percent canopy coverage in Phoenix by 2030 with an added focus on planting trees in low-income neighbourhoods such as South Phoenix. If successful by 2030, the plan could reduce temperatures in neighbourhoods with little to no vegetation by as much as 7.9 degrees Fahrenheit (Lurie, 2014). Unfortunately, since the city’s last official tree cover measurement in 2014 which estimated the coverage to be at 10 to 11 percent (the same levels since the plan started implementation in 2010), the city has barely made any progress as current estimates put canopy coverage levels in 2023 at only 12 percent (Yurow, 2023). This indicates that Phoenix’s city government has made little progress with this master plan and still needs to essentially double the percentage of tree coverage that the city currently has. As Montanari (2020) explains, reaching the goal by 2030 would require the city to plant 10000 trees each year from 2020 until 2030, ultimately making the master plan unrealistic as the most trees that the Phoenix city government had ever managed to plant in a year was around 5000 trees. Based off the city government’s current progress with the Tree and Shade Master Plan in combination with an absence of any significant increases in funding to the program, it is unlikely that they will reach the goal of 25 percent coverage in 2030 and have therefore failed the city and its low-income residents on this ambitious policy.  

In regard to policies which provide immediate relief from extreme heat, Phoenix’s government once again falls short as evidenced by their implementation of ‘cooling centres’ placed around the city. Cooling centres are essentially air-conditioned buildings available to the public often used by low-income residents who cannot afford adequate cooling at home and are especially important for low-income residents who are homeless. According to Garcia (2023), during the summer of 2023, the city had 62 cooling centres yet only one is open 24 hours a day. This presents a major issue as the urban heat island effect causes night temperatures in low-income neighbourhoods to still be dangerously hot and this leaves low-income residents more vulnerable to heat-related injuries and illnesses. Moreover, the city government fails to adequately communicate the locations of these cooling centres and only lists them on an online map. As Healy (2023) explains, this causes issues for low-income residents as many of them do not have access to phones or the internet, therefore leaving them unaware that such centres exist and consequently increases their vulnerability to extreme heat.  

The examples of the two policy actions listed above demonstrate that Phoenix’s government has been largely ineffective at implementing long-term and short-term policies that combat extreme heat. The Phoenix city government’s inability to adequately implement such policies emphasise not only the need for solutions to be inclusive, but they also highlight the need for community action in order to help make the goals of such ambitious policies a reality. 

Community Recommendations 

Community Gardening Fund 

The first community recommendation is the creation of a ‘Community Gardening Fund’ which would tackle extreme heat by mitigating the urban heat island effect. This recommendation builds upon the city government’s Tree and Shade Master Plan and would make vegetation more accessible for low-income communities in Phoenix. One issue with the city’s Tree and Shade Program is that many of the trees have to be planted on private property in order to provide effective shade and this also means that residents are in charge of maintaining them, leading many low-income residents to be hesitant towards trees on their property as they feared that they would be unable to afford the maintenance (Lurie, 2014). However, Lurie (2014) emphasises that low-income residents in Phoenix still desire to have trees as it helps reduce heat and they believe it beautifies their neighbourhoods. The Community Gardening Fund would help alleviate the issue of affordability by acting as a general fund which could be utilised for covering the costs of planting and maintaining the trees. With the Community Gardening Fund, anyone outside low-income communities could also donate to the fund in order to widen the potential donation sources and increase funds available for utilisation. This means that low-income residents could contribute little to no money and be able split the costs of planting and maintenance between the entire community. In other words, low-income residents would have access to heat-mitigating trees for a fraction of the cost. With the combination of this Community Gardening Fund and the Phoenix city government’s existing policies, the urban heat island effect could more realistically be lessened and most importantly, the members of the city’s low-income communities could see relief from extreme heat. 

Community Heat Action Plan 

The next recommendation to mitigate the effects of extreme heat towards low-income communities in Phoenix is for the low-income communities of the city to create a ‘Community Heat Action Plan.’ A Community Heat Action Plan is highly comprehensive and encompass all aspects of heat mitigation, making it the strongest community-based solution to addressing extreme heat. Furthermore, Community Heat Action Plans have already been utilised in different towns and neighbourhoods in Arizona with successful results (Guardaro, et al., 2020). The main benefit of a Community Heat Action Plan is that it encourages inclusivity and community bonding because it requires multiple workshops in order to create a comprehensive plan. The workshops which create the Community Heat Action Plan are also significantly helpful as they make residents more aware of the problems and inequalities which they are facing compared to other neighbourhoods (Guardaro, et al., 2020). Such a workshop would be useful for low-income communities such as South Phoenix as it would likely make residents more motivated to take action as they become fully aware that they are being disproportionately impacted by extreme heat. Furthermore, these workshops can utilise academic volunteers who are experts in the field of sustainability and heat-mitigation from places such as Arizona State University in order to aid the residents in the workshops. According to Guardaro, et al. (2020), in workshops done elsewhere in Arizona, the academic volunteers helped to guide the members of the community and they also helped make information more understandable. Given the wide range of people who live in Phoenix’s low-income neighbourhoods, these academic volunteers can help to make the process towards a Community Heat Action Plan more inclusive and unambiguous. The last benefit of a Community Heat Action Plan is that they are designed to be tailored towards specific neighbourhoods based off the feedback from residents in each community. In Phoenix, this means that low-income neighbourhoods like Central City and South Phoenix could have more realistic plans for addressing extreme heat because it is based on the unique wants and needs of the residents in their respective neighbourhoods rather than having both neighbourhoods rely on a generic plan provided by the city government. Overall, a Community Heat Action Plan gives low-income residents the power to make specific policies that adequately address extreme heat in their neighbourhoods in a comprehensive and inclusive manner.  

Conclusion 

This briefing has made clear that the issue of extreme heat in Phoenix, Arizona effects everyone in a myriad of ways, yet it is the members of Phoenix’s low-income neighbourhoods who are disproportionately affected by extreme heat. Factors such as the urban heat island effect and ineffective implementation of policies by the city government foster these inequalities. Most crucially, the unequal effects faced by Phoenix’s low-income residents stress the need for community-based solutions which are comprehensive, inclusive, and realistic. 

Reference List 

Arizona PBS (2023) Heat-related health problems. Available at: https://azpbs.org/horizon/2023/08/heat-related-health-problems/ (Accessed: 22 October 2023). 

Chow, W. T. L., Chuang, W. C. and Gober, P. (2012) ‘Vulnerability to extreme heat in Metropolitan Phoenix: Spatial, temporal, and demographic dimensions’, Professional Geographer, 64 (2), pp. 286-302. doi: 10.1080/00330124.2011.600225. 

City of Phoenix (2010) Tree and Shade Master Plan. Available at: https://www.phoenix.gov/oepsite/Documents/Tree%20and%20Shade%20Master%20Plan.pdf (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

City of Phoenix (2023) Water Supply Q & A. Available at: https://www.phoenix.gov/waterservices/resourcesconservation/drought-information/climatechange/water-supply-q-a#:~:text=The%20city%20of%20Phoenix%20’s,which%20transports%20Colorado%20River%20water. (Accessed: 22 October 2023). 

Economic Innovation Group (2023) Advancing Economic Development in Persistent-Poverty Communities. Available at: https://eig.org/persistent-poverty-in-communities/case-studies/south-phoenix/#:~:text=Geography%20and%20background&text=The%20persistent%2Dpoverty%20tract%20group,adjacent%20to%20the%20city’s%20airport. (Accessed: 24 October 2023). 

Environmental Protection Agency (2023) A Closer Look: Temperature and Drought in the Southwest. Available at: https://www.epa.gov/climate-indicators/southwest#:~:text=see%20Figure%203).-,Background,to%20its%20characteristic%20desert%20climate. (Accessed: 22 October 2023). 

Garcia, N. (2023) This is the only 24-hour cooling center in Phoenix. Available at: https://www.fox10phoenix.com/news/this-is-the-only-24-hour-cooling-center-in-phoenix (Accessed: 26 October 2023).  

Garza, A. D. L. (2023) The Mayor of America’s Hottest City Learned a Lot From July’s Heat Wave. Available at: https://time.com/6303354/phoenix-mayor-kate-gallego-interview-heat-wave/ (Accessed: 26 October 2023).  

Guardaro, M., Messerschmidt, M., Hondula, D. M., Grimm, N. B. and Redman, C. L. (2020) ‘Building community heat action plans story by story: A three neighborhood case study’, Cities, 107. doi: 10.1016/j.cities.2020.102886. 

Healy, J. (2023) In Phoenix, Heat Becomes a Brutal Test of Endurance. Available at: https://www.nytimes.com/2023/07/11/us/phoenix-heat-wave.html (Accessed: 22 October 2023). 

James, I. (2023) Low-income and Latino neighborhoods endure more extreme heat in the Southwest, study shows. Available at: https://eu.azcentral.com/story/news/local/arizona-environment/2021/03/15/poor-and-latino-neighborhoods-endure-hotter-temperatures-study-finds/6920826002/ (Accessed: 25 October 2023). 

Kleerekoper, L., Esch, M. V. and Salcedo, T. B. (2012) ‘How to make a city climate-proof, addressing the urban heat island effect’, Resources Conservation and Recycling, 64, pp. 30-38. doi: 10.1016/j.resconrec.2011.06.004. 

Lurie, B. T. (2014) Growing Phoenix’s urban forest offers cooling potential. Available at: https://news.asu.edu/content/growing-phoenixs-urban-forest-offers-cooling-potential (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

Montanari, S. (2020) Will Phoenix Be Able to Plant 100,000 Shade Trees in the Next 10 Years. Available at: https://www.phoenixmag.com/2020/10/26/will-phoenix-be-able-to-plant-100000-shade-trees-in-the-next-10-years/ (Accessed: 26 October 2023).  

NASA (2023) NASA Data Shows Fierce Surface Temperatures During Phoenix Heat Wave. Available at: https://www.nasa.gov/centers-and-facilities/jpl/nasa-data-shows-fierce-surface-temperatures-during-phoenix-heat-wave/ (Accessed: 22 October 2023). 

Partlow, J. (2023) Burning pavement, scalding water hoses: Perils of a Phoenix heat wave. Available at: https://www.washingtonpost.com/climate-environment/2023/07/13/phoenix-heat-wave-conditions/ (Accessed: 22 October 2023). 

PBS (2023) Phoenix hit 110 degrees on 54 days in 2023, setting another heat record. Available at: https://www.pbs.org/newshour/nation/phoenix-hit-110-degrees-on-54-days-in-2023-setting-another-heat-record#:~:text=It%20was%20the%2054th%20day,streak%20could%20reach%2055%20days. (Accessed: 22 October 2023). 

United States Census Bureau (2023) Large Southern Cities Lead Nation in Population Growth. Available at: https://www.census.gov/newsroom/press-releases/2023/subcounty-metro-micro-estimates.html#:~:text=Fort%20Worth%2C%20Texas%2C%20had%20the,five%20cities%20by%20numeric%20growth. (Accessed: 22 October 2023). 

Yurow, J. (2023) As heat-related deaths soar in Arizona, cities and other local activists launch tree-planting initiatives. Available at: https://ktar.com/story/5482168/as-heat-related-deaths-soar-in-arizona-cities-launch-tree-planting-initiatives/ (Accessed: 26 October 2023).