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Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

Achieving Food Security and Sovereignty in Brasilândi: Peripheries also Deserve Good Food

Introduction

I have lived in Brazil for most of my formative life where inequalities were blatant and part of my quotidian. It is gripping growing up in a place where the huge gaps between groups of society are so common and yet unsettling for most people observing it. Hunger is perhaps one of the injustices that reflects the country’s social divide the most. I would like to rewrite this famous quote from Brazilian scholar Josué de Castro (1946) and perhaps add its message to the context of why I personally am concerned with this topic:

“Half of Brazil does not sleep because it is hungry, and the other sleeps worrying about those who are hungry”.

I come from a privileged background in Brazil. I lived in the centre of my city where issues of access were never a concern. Nevertheless, this is still something I am passionate about and feel connected to. Although I am aware that my investigation is purely theoretical, paling in comparison to the insights you’ve garnered through years of practical experience and daily confrontations with these matters. I have studied food insecurity in the Brazilian context in depth and this is my humble attempt to communicate what I have learnt.

This report is addressed to Brasilândia. A community in the northern region of São Paulo, Brazil’s largest city. I will contextualise the issue in the country’s economic and social settings and perhaps shine a light on the scale to which food insecurity is felt by the Brazilian population. Furthermore, I will talk about the urban geography of São Paulo’s periphery and link it to the problem of food deserts and swamps which represent a great difficulty of access and right to the city of its inhabitants. By framing Brasilândia within this context, I will be able to better address the issue of food insecurity and propose relevant answers to the unjust reality of the community.

Finally, I will offer potential solutions, drawing inspiration from the resilience shown by other communities. By focusing on the positive impact of local food production, restructuring supply chains, and addressing food habits and waste, I will show how the community can attain food sovereignty. My role as a bridge between Brasilândia and these communities is meant to encourage you to examine your own circumstances in a similar light.

The Context – Brazil, a country that claims to feed the world but can’t feed itself

Five years after proudly celebrating the achievement of being removed from the UN Hunger Map in 2014, Brazil, unfortunately saw itself back on it since 2019 (FAO, 2023). This is partly attributed to the change in the country’s export strategy and focus under a new government. Additionally, Brazil faced significant setbacks from the pandemic, which starkly underscored the deep-seated inequalities within the country, and highlighted troubles of food insecurity. Today, 30.7% of the Brazilian population lives in moderate or serious food insecurity (PESSAN 2022, p.36). This is equivalent to approximately 60 million people.

According to the Brazilian Food Insecurity Scale (Ministério do Desenvolvimento Social e Combate à Fome, 2014), moderate food insecurity consists of changes in adults’ eating patterns where there is restriction in quantity. Moreover, severe food insecurity is characterized by a break in the usual eating patterns which restrict the quality and quantity of food of the whole family – this may also encompass experiences of hunger.

Hunger is a merciless injustice in Brazil. It prompts us to think of the self-reinforcing cycle that traps marginalized communities into such vulnerable places. Enforcing principles of citizenship, accessibility, and solidarity is key for disrupting this pattern which seems to be cemented into the Brazilian order (PESSAN, 2022, p.9).

Brazil takes pride in being a major global exporter of vital agricultural commodities such as soy and corn (Delgado N. and Zimmerman S., 2022). However, the regrettable truth is that a substantial portion of their agricultural efforts is directed towards export rather than domestic consumption. This has led Brazilians to rely significantly on imported food items for their sustenance. To ensure the competitiveness of these exports, the Brazilian Real remains consistently devalued (Costa M. 2022; Peres J., 2022).

Additionally, Brazil’s current frame results in small-scale producers to be discouraged to continue because of the high barriers to the market. Their reliance on longer supply chains and the lack of support from the government makes it difficult for such produce to be a reliable option for small farmers who usually end up turning to soy (Duarte A. et al., 2020). Consequently, staple elements of the Brazilian diet, including rice, beans, manioc, coffee, and vegetables, continue to experience significant levels of inflation.

How can a country which prides itself on feeding the world justify such high levels of food insecurity?

When urban geography becomes an obstacle for a healthy diet

The lack of access to in natura (minimally processed) food by peripheral neighbourhoods is one of the components constructing the rigid wall isolating the outskirts from its city. Looking into this, Duran (2013) and Borges C. (2018) observed that areas scoring badly in social indicators such as education and wellbeing have limited access to good quality food. Showing that it is not only a question of food; it’s a broader struggle for a good quality of life.

The PESSAN 2022 report states that 15% of the urban population in Brazil experiences severe food insecurity (p.37). It is safe to infer that most of the difficulty is felt by the marginalized populations and that the cityscape only emphasises this barrier. The issue of insecurity has become pressing, Guilherme Simões from the National Secretariat of Peripheries reports that there have been more than 2000 new initiatives to fight against hunger since the pandemic (IBGE, 2023). I argue that there is an important link to be made between Brazil’s urban expansion and the reinforcement of inequalities by the geography of cities.

Latin America’s informal and social production of urban spaces is a distinctive characteristic (Fernandes, 2007, p.203). The informal has had the connotation of disorganized or inferior, but in this context, it is perhaps more subtle than this. Pongeluppe (2022, p.2780) describes “the favela effect” as a phenomenon through which spatial inequalities reinforce and perpetuate socioeconomic disparities by separating what is formal and what is informal – what a city is or is not, who is hungry and who is not.

Henri Lefebvre’s (1968) concept of the right to the city together with Via Campesina’s (1996) understanding of food sovereignty are good lenses through which we can examine this phenomenon. Understanding that the issues of access are fundamentally connected to social justice and the design of food systems is essential. Having the city as a right also means being autonomous and able to sustain yourself independently of your location within the urban area. Food deserts are places where access to in natura foods is scarce or impossible. Similarly, food swamps are areas where the sale low-nutrient products predominate (Alimentando Políticas, 2018, p.1). In both scenarios, people are forced to travel long distances to secure healthy food. This is the unfortunate reality of many people living it São Paulo’s peripheries. Its urban sprawl to peripheral areas started in the 1970s (Alves H. and Ojima R., 2013, p.119). The growth of peripheries also meant the consolidation of its limited access to essential infrastructure such as food systems. Considering this background, food deserts, represent a violation of Brazilian’s right to the city and sovereignty, as they disproportionately affect marginalized communities, perpetuating social injustices. It is therefore clear that the unequal geography of urban spaces in Brazil exacerbates social inequalities, particularly in the context of food access. The concept of “food deserts” and the struggle for the right to the city underscore the pressing need to confront these disparities in pursuit of social justice and the establishment of healthier and more inclusive urban environments.

Brasilândia, North of São Paulo

Vila Brasilândia is in the northern zone of São Paulo and falls under the jurisdiction of the Subprefecture of ‘Freguesia do Ó’. This neighbourhood is among the 1,747 favelas in the city of São Paulo (SP2, 2023). It’s estimated area is covers 21,0 km², with a population of approximately 264 thousand residents (Prefeitura de São Paulo, 2023).

Like many other peripheric communities in Brazil, the forming of these neighbourhoods is a fusion of individuals from diverse backgrounds, all drawn together by the allure of the city’s opportunities. Based on a documentary featuring community members (Brasilândia, 2013) the origins of Brasilândia are traced back from the conversion of cane sugar farms into informal residential centres the 1930s. Brasilândia is named after Basílio Simões who, at the time, led the community to build the Church of Santo Antonio.

Brasilândia experienced sizeable changes after the 1940s when the neighbourhood witnessed a significant influx of migrants. These migrants included individuals from the northeast of the country who were escaping drought in their home states, families from the interior of the state seeking opportunities in the capital, and a significant number of Europeans and Japanese seeking refuge from the war and a fresh start in the Americas.

Since then, Brasilândia expanded in a predominantly hasty manner. Consequently, obstacles to accessing city services such as electricity, healthcare, transport, and food suppliers. The community’s right to the city turned frail as inequalities and vulnerability became increasingly evident. The lack of recognition by the inner city became more patent when the Covid-19 affected peripheral communities disproportionately. People in the densely populated favelas did not have the “privilege” of self-isolation, most had to continue working, living from one paycheck to the next. This necessity, coupled with the additional burden of long commutes to access food, work, and health centres rendered their circumstances nearly intolerable. The Brasilândia district reported the biggest number of covid-related deaths in the city of São Paulo (Nicolav S., 2020). Severe food insecurity increased drastically which led the Brasilândia to join fifteen other communities from the periphery in a march against hunger in 2021 (Folha Noroeste, 2021).

Residents of the neighbourhood have created supportive initiatives to help one another in these difficult times. ‘Vó Tutu’s’ (Grandma Tutu) institute (Instituto Ações Sociais da vó Tutu, 2023) is an organization that exemplifies resilience and solidarity. She distributes approximately two thousand breads daily to residents who wait in line to be served by volunteers. Most of these people lost their jobs recently and have struggled greatly to feed themselves and their families. These breads are made by Grandma Tutu, her family and other community members every day of the week. She became viral on social media during the pandemic and was able to turn her proactiveness into the far-reaching institute she has today. Other groups or organizations in Brasilândia such as “Coletivo Mulheres da Noroeste” who usually do not focus on food insecurity have turned their attention to this pressing issue and engaged in collections of basic baskets of goods and supporting mothers in the community (Gatti T., 2022).

These efforts are mainly led by women, who have proven to be key players in the fight for sovereignty. We must keep in mind that they are the most compromised by food insecurity in the country (PESSAN, 2023, p.45). Vivas (2012) argues that in order to challenge the prevailing agro-industrial model, a feminist stance must be incorporated to disrupt the current trapping framework. Although the solutions in the next section do not address gender disparities directly, I believe they could all benefit from a feminist attitude, because of the profound impact such approach could have on food security and the inequalities intertwined with this problem. This is not only important for Brasilândia as a community but could serve as an example for the whole country.

Solutions

1. Produce your own food locally

My initial suggestion for Brasilândia is for the community to unite and participate in efforts that promote local food production within the periphery. Given the unfair persistence of food deserts and swamps in the area (CAISAN, 2018), the community can take the reins in matters like community gardens and centres to attain food justice and sovereignty on their own terms. Gottlieb & Joshi (2010) define food justice as a way to disrupt the status quo reigning over food systems by engaging in social activism. In our context, this advocacy from community-led projects is a way for Brasilândia to achieve food sovereignty and regain its right to the city (Datta R., 2021) by challenging the city geography. I will use examples from the “Morro das Pedras” community in Belo Horizonte, and the Paraisópolis favela in the south of São Paulo to illustrate the benefits of urban farming for peripheral communities.

Residents of Morro das Pedras agglomerate in western Belo Horizonte introduced a community garden project called “Morro Verde” to make use of its unused spaces in 2017 (Mendonça R. et al., 2020, p.225). The community garden not only thrived as a symbol of resilience but also created a positive atmosphere in the community which started to engage in new projects such as a yoga centre. Bringing production and consumption closer together, stimulates exchange and criticizes the city’s traditional production format, resuming the possibility of collective spatial production (Passos, 2023, p.135). Such initiatives can show communities how to cope with the multifaceted challenges posed by poverty and limited access by enforcing principles of citizenship. Not only does it serve to address pressing economic and resource constraints, but it also creates a platform for residents to harness their inherent strengths and unite in common purpose as proposed by the food justice theory. This could give Brasilândia a sense of freedom and independence which is not given by the traditional system.

Similarly, Paraisópolis a favela situated next to one of the richest neighborhoods in São Paulo has always struggled with inequalities of access (Paraisópolis 100 Anos, 2021). In 2020, in response to the challenges presented by the pandemic, the community built a 900m² concrete building for its first urban farm growing organic food called “Agro Favela” (Brissac C., 2022). The garden has a special focus on women from Paraisópolis who are victims of domestic violence, where it also serves as welcoming and formative space. They can participate in workshops or the project itself and where they learn how to grow food on the local “lajes” (flat roofs). Paraisópolis’s agro favela has produced 2.6 tons of vegetables since its creation (Causin J., 2023). This is a great example of how urban farming can successfully give a community its own healthy food supply and can lead it to the path towards food sovereignty, because it empowers the community to sustain itself without relying on external systems which unfortunately do not serve the periphery’s needs.

2. Reduce the distance food has to travel

While my next suggestion might seem similar to the previous one at first glance, I will focus on constructing more inclusive food supply chains in order to reduce the price residents of Brasilândia have to pay for food due to transport costs. The Brazilian food system is heavily reliant on road transportation, as do most industries in the country (Araújo M., Campos V., Bandeira R., 2013, p.152). Before getting to stores and supermarkets around the city, the produce goes through CEASA (the centre for the supply of fruit and vegetables of the city) where it is later on redistributed. The problem with this system is that it first impedes the consumer to from knowing where the produce is coming from (Vradis A. and Bartholl T., 2019, p.255) and increases the inbuilt cost of food because of the detour it has to take. Using examples from Campo Limpo and Manawatū, I will defend that reducing this distance by connecting Brasilândia to small producers close to the city would result in lower prices and more choice for the community. Claro R. and Monteiro C. (2010) argue that in food deserts, this could be a good way of increasing supply without relying on policy, which means it can also have quite a strong impact on the community’s food sovereignty.

Manawatū, a region in New Zealand’s North Island started community led food action network aimed at creating tighter connections between food suppliers and food banks to alleviate hunger and facilitate redistribution (Manawatū Food Action Network, 2023, p.3). With this approach, families receive the essential aid they need while also fostering stronger, more interconnected communities. In a similar vein, Campo Limpo in southeast São Paulo opened its first organic sales point in the city’s peripheries. “Armazém Organicamente” was opened by Thiago Vinicius in 2019 and aims to challenge the neighbourhood’s lack of supply by bringing in food that is produced directly to the shop, making good quality food accessible to Campo Limpo (Gould L., 2019).

Both examples show how inclusive food systems could be a good way of achieving resilience in a two-way relationship between small producers and the population of Brasilândia. The resulting collaborative effort can help them navigate Brazil’s export promoting system which has been detrimental to both parties (Amaral A., Jones G., Nogueira M., 2020). If instead of going through CEASA, fruits and vegetables could come straight from the producers, the price of these goods would be fairer, Brasilândia could choose where its food is coming from, and it would create ties with producers which could be key actors in achieving food security (Béné C., 2020). Therefore, a simpler route carved between the community and local farms can fight against the strengthening of food deserts caused by the intricate journey food follows. In this case, food security could be achieved without any external intervention – making Brasilândia once again the main player in its fight for food sovereignty and security.

3. Food habits

Finally, my last suggestion addresses food and waste habits of the Brazilian population in general, which if revised by Brasilândia, could equip the community with informed choices regarding food and managing local produce. The typical Brazilian diet is not very balanced. According to the Brazilian Ministry of Health (2014), there is an excessive consumption of red meat in the population, often reaching up to two times a day, although this can vary based on income, lower-income households would prioritize red meat over other foods. The recommended amount is no more than three portions per week (World Cancer Research Fund, 2018). Additionally, Souza A. et al. (2013) reveal a decline in the consumption of fruits and vegetables in Brazil, contrasting with the climbing intake of ultra-processed foods, attributed to lifestyle changes as described by Walter (2020). Similarly, Brazilian households produce considerable amounts of waste compared to other countries (United Nations Environment Programme, 2021, p.62). Encouraging communities to learn about healthy eating and resourceful ingredient use is vital for food security, especially when budget constraints limit the inclusion of diverse food groups. Implementing these strategies could alleviate the financial burden often associated with grocery expenses. I will use examples from Mossoró, Paraisópolis and communities in Free State and Northern Cape where projects helped educate the area on diverse diets and how to use food waste.

“Mãos de Maria” is a community kitchen in Paraisópolis which employs and offers cooking classes to peripheral women in order to strengthen women in the community and support the favela. The kitchen distributes ten thousand packed lunches every day since the pandemic (Mãos de Maria, 2023). This initiative helps women achieve food justice for their community and supports local food systems, which in the long run could create sovereignty. Looking at a more educative approach, an intervention led by community nutrition advisors in Free State and Northern Cape aimed to enhance the local population’s understanding of balanced and cost- effective nutrition (Walsh, C., Dannhauser, A. and Joubert, G. ,2003). Nutrition was their priority, and indeed, fruit and vegetable consumption improved as well as dairy products. Lastly, Mossoró’s Association of Family Organic Producers in Mato Grosso Brazil, started a project where they asked consumers to save their eggshells and bring them back to the market to incorporate them as fertilizers because of their high calcium content (Nóbrega I., 2020). This shows how a community can address waste issues in a way that benefits both their local environment and the greater community at large.

These examples illustrate the potential of instructional efforts and partnership for positive change surrounding nutrition and waste. For Brasilândia, this could be a good way of expanding the possibilities of what a healthy meal looks like and help achieving food security addressing things which don’t necessarily link to supply or geography. This could also have some impact on the family budget and result in sounder more nutritious choices which are adapted to their environs.

Conclusion

In conclusion, my exploration of food insecurity in Brazil underscores the pressing need for change. The country’s return to the UN Hunger Map is concerning. The case of Brasilândia exemplifies the challenges faced by marginalized populations. The unequal urban geography exacerbates food inequalities, yet stories of resilience and solidarity, particularly among women, offer hope. I propose three solutions for Brasilândia: local food production, inclusive supply chains, and improved food habits. These initiatives can lead to greater food security, independence, and sovereignty. Nevertheless, it is important thing to keep in mind that these initiatives do not make up for decades of state negligence, poorly planned infrastructure, and deep rooted spatial inequalities that created the problem of food deserts in the first place (Amaral, A. et al., 2020). I have not fully examined this issue from all its angles either. Race and gender are quite important when looking at inequality of access in Brazil, but they would deserve more than a community report to be properly included into the discussion. Independently, the message is clear: a transformation towards a fairer and inclusive food system is possible when communities come together and apply principles of citizenship to restore the one that was taken away from them. Hopefully one day, all Brazilians can sleep through the night peacefully knowing that everyone will have food for tomorrow.

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Souza, A. et al. (2013) ‘Alimentos mais consumidos no Brasil: Inquérito Nacional de Alimentação 2008-2009’, in Revista De Saúde Pública, 47, pp. 190s–199s. https://doi.org/10.1590/S0034-89102013000700005

SP2 São Paulo (2023) ‘Número de favelas cresce na cidade de SP nos últimos anos’, G1 Globo São Paulo, 02/05/2023 [Online]. Available at https://g1.globo.com/sp/sao- paulo/noticia/2023/05/02/lideres-comunitarios-de-favelas-da-cidade-de-sp-dizem-que-a- cada-dia-recebem-novas-familias.ghtml (Accessed on October 18th 2023)

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Via Campesina (1996) Food Sovereignty: A Future without Hunger, Available on: https://viacampesina.org/en/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2021/11/1996-Rom-en.pdf (Accessed on October 10th 2023)

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Walsh, C., Dannhauser, A. and Joubert, G. (2003) “Impact of a nutrition education programme on nutrition knowledge and dietary practices of lower socioeconomic communities in the Free State and Northern Cape”, South African Journal of Clinical Nutrition. Available at: http://sajcn.redbricklibrary.com/index.php/SAJCN/article/view/39 (Accessed: October 12th 2023).

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Categories
Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

Mental Health Inequalities in Glasgow

Introduction

The city of Glasgow is the most populated in Scotland and is considered a cultural and creative hub due its world-class museums and lively music scene. However, you don’t need to look too far into this vibrant city to discover the disparities that exist within its boundaries. Between the prosperous West end to the adverse East end, or from one side of the Clyde tunnel to the other, it is clear that socio-economic inequalities prevail even within an arm’s reach of one another. These socio-economic disparities determine health inequalities that exist in Glasgow, one specific example that emphasises this is that the difference of life expectancy in Calton (a deprived area) compared to Lenzie (an affluent area) is a massive 28 years (Vacarella et al., 2019). This shows that low income, marginalised communities in Glasgow do not receive adequate health support, at least not up to the standard of more affluent communities. This report is going to look specifically at mental health disparities within Glasgow and resources that are available to communities that have a lower socio-economic status, as well as the stigma those with mental health illnesses face.

I would also like to outline my positionality before moving on to the main body of this community briefing. I have lived in Glasgow for the majority of my life, therefore I have grown up in this same system that appears to be failing many people. However I had been oblivious to this gap in mental health services as I have never experienced any mental health conditions myself, and only as I have become more aware of these issues have I started to pay more attention to them. I only started to become more conscious of this issue when the covid-19 pandemic hit in 2020 and I became a support worker at a mental health care home for people that require more support. This really opened my eyes into the challenges and stigmas that those with mental health needs face. Thus, although I have not experienced any of these challenges first hand, I have observed them. It should also be noted that the purpose of this report is to provide a greater insight into the issues addressed for anyone who might be interested, from those who are affected by these inequalities to policy makers who want to make a positive change. The report will conclude by offering two recommendations that I believe could help to improve the Scottish health care system in supporting those with mental health illnesses in Glasgow.

Current Situation

Every year, one third of all people in Scotland are affected by mental illness (Gov.scot, 2023). The Scottish Government’s mental health and wellbeing strategy acknowledges that some societal groups have poorer mental health than others due to the unequal distribution of wealth (Mental health and wellbeing strategy 2023), hence these inequalities are not something that is overlooked. However, this strategy focuses on Scotland’s nation as a whole and fails to account for the differences between Scottish cities. There is a clear differentiation between the mean mental health scores in Glasgow compared to other Scottish cities and especially to Scotland as a whole (Gov.scot, 2023). This emphasises the fact that there needs to be greater attention placed on Glasgow, as clearly the strategies that are working for the rest of the country aren’t working for Glasgow and perhaps a more refined and individual approach is needed.

Researchers that have studied the inequalities faced in Glasgow compared to the rest of Scotland and the UK have come up with a theory called the ‘Glasgow Effect’. The term ‘Glasgow Effect’ first surfaced when people started researching why cities in the UK with similar deprivation levels were experiencing different health outcomes (Walsh, 2010). Glasgow, Liverpool and Manchester all experience virtually identical levels of deprivation, educational attainment and single parent households, however ill health in Glasgow (measured by premature mortality rates) was overall found to be over 30% higher in Glasgow than either Liverpool and Manchester (Walsh, 2010). This has not always been the case however. One hundred years ago, health outcomes in these three cities were much more alike. It has only been in the past 40 years that the gap in health outcomes has widened between Glasgow and the other English cities (Walsh, 2010). This shows that there have been positive developments put in place in Liverpool and Manchester that are improving health outcomes at a faster pace than in Glasgow. Many assume that the Glasgow Effect is only applied to physical health, however it has previously been proven to apply for mental health as well (Gray, 2007). A meaningful figure found in the study carried out by David Walsh in 2010 is that death rates by suicide in Glasgow are 70% higher than the rates in Liverpool and Manchester, highlighting that the consequences of ill mental health are much greater in Glasgow. This shows that although deprivation is a key component of health outcomes, there are many more components that must be considered, otherwise the health outcomes in Glasgow wouldn’t be so dissimilar to two other almost identical UK cities. One of these components that perhaps should be considered more is the use of alcohol and drugs in Glasgow, because although the levels of alcohol consumption, smoking and estimated drug use in these three cities are much the same, deaths caused by drugs and alcohol in Glasgow were more than double that of Manchester and Liverpool (Walsh, 2010).

The relationship between drug use, alcohol consumption and mental health is a complicated one that has been researched extensively, with some researchers suggesting that alcohol and drug use is the driving factor of mental health illnesses, while some researchers argue for the reversed order, that ill mental health is the driving factor of alcohol and drug use (Bell & Britton, 2014). There are multiple common risk factors that apply to both the use of drugs and alcohol and mental health illness, such as genetic vulnerabilities, environmental influences, stress and childhood experiences and trauma (NIDA, 2021). Therefore, once these risk factors that apply to both substance abuse and mental health are considered, the comorbidity of the two should not come as a surprise. Alcohol consumption is one of the primary causal factors of major depression and anxiety (Fergusson et al., 2009), and drug use has more of a direct association with mental illnesses such as bipolar disorder and schizophrenia (NIDA, 2021). People suffering from ill mental health may begin using substances such as alcohol and drugs in an attempt to self-medicate, however once this fails to be the case, they are likely to continue (ab)using these substances in an effort to relieve the symptoms of their mental illnesses (Mitchell et al., 2007). All this research supports the opinion that a vicious and dynamic cycle is the best way to summarise the relationship between drug use, alcohol consumption and mental health, for example alcohol consumption leads to deteriorated mental health, which in turn leads to increased alcohol consumption and drug use, which only leads to further deterioration of one’s mental health (Bell & Britton, 2014). In Glasgow’s case, due to the high levels of alcohol consumption and drug use, it is key that health care systems consider this direct relationship in order to provide simultaneous treatment for mental illnesses and substance misuse disorders (Jane-Llopis & Matytsina, 2006). In terms of why there are worsened outcomes in Glasgow, despite there being similar levels of alcohol and drug consumption as Manchester and Liverpool, this is perhaps down to Glaswegians using substances at a more excessive rate and more extreme levels which is not recognised by routine health surveys (Walsh 2010).

Mental Health Services and Support

Before proceeding to the recommendations section of this report, I think it is necessary to first discuss the services and support that is available in Glasgow. The NHS Greater Glasgow and Clyde (NHSGGC) has a website called Heads Up which provides advice on how to access the most suitable support for your needs. This website recommends that the first step in getting help for mental health is to make an appointment to talk to a GP. Although it fails to mention the fact that wait times to get an appointment at a GP can be quite lengthy at times, due to staffing shortages or general unorganisation (Carey & Spratt, 2009) which could be off putting to someone seeking help for their mental health, it does highlight the benefit that GPs will have good knowledge of mental health services in the local area. The Heads Up website also details two free helpline services for anyone struggling with their mental health to get professional and confidential support. This is very beneficial information for the NHSGGC to provide, as the helplines are available to anyone who has access to a phone, to receive a safe space to talk to a professional without fear of discrimination due to their socio-economic status.

There are multiple reasons why someone might choose private healthcare over the NHS to treat their mental health, some of these being the long wait times to receive an appointment, not being able to get an appointment outwith working hours, GPs not being able to provide the treatment or support one needs, or needing more intensive and long term support (Mind, 2017). In terms of specialist treatment for more severe mental health illnesses, turning to private healthcare is a much more expensive option. The cost of a one hour counselling session through a private therapist can range anywhere from £40 – £100 (NHS inform, 2023), and the cost of a private mental health live-in care home in Glasgow can be anywhere around £500 per night (Rehab Guide, 2023). Of course, the care these private institutions can provide will be exceptional and they will also be able to offer a wider range treatments depending on the service users individual needs, however the cost itself makes clear that this treatment option is inaccessible for anyone on a lower income salary, or who is unemployed, which is very likely for someone who struggles with their mental health due to the stigma they face when it comes to employment. This, once again, highlights the inequalities that deprived communities face in terms of receiving mental health care. It should never be the case that someone doesn’t receive adequate health care based on how much money they have to pay for it.

Recommendations

1.  Making higher quality green spaces more widely available

The first action that I would recommend taking in the step towards reducing mental health inequalities for low income communities in Glasgow is creating green spaces that are not only more widely accessible, but also of better quality as a means to create more positive mental health outcomes. The term green spaces is used in this recommendation to define gardens, parks, outdoor sports facilities and open spaces that are available to the public, free of charge and for the exclusive use of pedestrians and cyclists for their leisure. In recent years, there has been a vast number of studies undertaken that exhibit the impact that having access to green spaces in an urban area can have on one’s mental (and physical) health. Some of the wider benefits of having access to green space are outlined by Callaghan et al, (2020), and include a greater amount of physical activity, better physical health, and a greater sense of community cohesion. In terms of mental health, benefits of having access to green spaces while living in a busy urban environment include reduced cortisol levels (the stress hormone), an ‘escape’ from the mental fatigue of the busy setting of an urban area, and a general improvement of psychological health (Callaghan et al., 2020). The United Nations have committed to providing “universal access to safe, inclusive and accessible green and public spaces” especially for minority groups and marginalised communities as part of the sustainable development goals (World Health organisation, 2016), which shows that this is an initiative that can be beneficial globally if implemented correctly.

A study that has been carried out on the relationship between greenspace and levels of deprivation in Glasgow has found that there is a strong correlation between the two (Baka & Mabon, 2022). However, this study was important in highlighting that there isn’t necessarily a lack of green spaces in more deprived areas for lower income communities, rather a stark difference in the quality of green spaces available for them. It was found that green spaces available in areas where there is a greater level of low-income communities were significantly less well-kept, less safe and had less perceived greenness (Baka & Mabon, 2022). This deduces that mental health inequalities between higher and lower income communities can be attributed to the unequal distribution of quality green space between affluent and deprived areas in Glasgow.

Enhancing green spaces and making them more widely available would be a preventative measure as it is reducing wider mental health needs, which could be regarded as more effective than creating solutions as a consequence of ill mental health (World Health Organisation, 2016). Therefore, I would recommend to the city of Glasgow council to consider a wider range of green spaces that are accessible and available to all communities. I would recommend that in order to do this, engagement with local stakeholders, environmental organisations and health providers is key to producing the most successful outcomes, as well as the local communities as they will be the main users of the green spaces.

Anti-stigma Projects and Local Support

The second recommendation that I would like to offer is in the hopes of reducing the stigma surrounding mental health illnesses and in turn encouraging people to not be intimidated about seeking professional help. The examples of anti-stigma projects and support groups that this report will move on to discuss aim to tackle public stigma, which is the negative and prejudiced attitudes of others; and self stigma, which is the internalised negative attitudes and humiliation that people with ill mental health have about themselves and their own condition (American psychiatric association). Those who face stigma due to their mental health face social exclusion in their daily lives, when it comes to employment, education and relationships (Quinn & Knifton, 2005).

Students are amongst one of the groups that experience the highest levels of self stigma towards their mental health (Quinn et al., 2009). Studies have found that there is still reluctance from students to open up about their struggles with mental health while studying at university or any higher education institution (Quinn et al., 2009). This is due to both internal and external factors, stigma being a main component of both. In a study funded by the Scottish Government’s National Programme for Mental Health, Quinn et al (2009) found that the first main barrier that students are faced with is accepting themselves that they need help, and the second barrier is knowing how to to get help, and what this will even involve. It was found that many students were reluctant to seek help due to the fear that it could affect their future job opportunities (Fuller et al., 2004), which is definitely not the case due to disclosure laws. Therefore, I believe that implementing anti-stigma projects in higher education institutions in Glasgow is one effective way of reducing the stigma surrounding mental health illnesses from an early stage in life. This could involve running campaigns and raising awareness of the true facts about mental health and debunking stereotypes. Anti-stigma projects in higher education institutions should also make clear the student services that are available to students, so that anyone who wants to seek help knows exactly where to go and what options are available to them, whether this is to a counsellor, a peer group or a professor.

It must also be acknowledged that socio-economic status is the leading factor of unequal access to higher education in Scotland (The Scottish Government, 2020), therefore to only implement anti-stigma projects in higher education institutions could widen the gap in mental health inequalities. Therefore, it would also be most favourable to implement anti-stigma projects within local communities with an emphasis on communities in deprived areas. An organisation in Maryland, US started up anti-stigma workshops in order for anyone to come along and learn about harmful stigmatising behaviours, attitudes and practices, and create a safe space for participants who do suffer with their mental health (On our own of Maryland, 2022). These take place in a wide variety of communities and multiple different stakeholders have become involved from within the healthcare sector, and participants have reported that benefits of these workshops include decreased stigma, improved attitudes and a greater sense of community (On our own of Maryland, 2022). For this reason, I believe that implementing similar workshops in lower income communities in Glasgow would help to proactively reduce social exclusion towards people with mental health illnesses. Having a wide range of workshops that appeal to different interests will also encourage more people to attend them, for example some people may be more likely to attend a creative, arts based workshop, and some people may prefer workshops that involve physical activity such as football clubs or running groups. In order for these types of projects to work, they must have the support of local organisations, policy makers, NGOs and healthcare providers.

An additional community led initiative, similar to these workshops, that I would encourage communities to get involved in, is the implementation of local support groups. Support groups allow for anyone suffering with their mental health to meet like-minded people and encourage personal growth. Support groups are especially useful for people who suffer from mental illnesses such as depression that can make someone feel isolated from their peers. An organisation in Kenya called the Users and Survivors of psychiatry in Kenya (USP-K) establishes support groups in Nairobi for people with ill mental health to support its members in integrating themselves into their communities (WHO, 2021). USP-K support groups have seeked to reduce social exclusion by educating participants on their human rights and the ways they can apply them to their daily lives. It has been reported that members of the USP-K support groups have reclaimed their voices and become less ashamed of asking for the help that they are entitled to (WHO, 2021). This example from Nairobi highlights how successful support groups can be for people seeking advice for their mental health, and how beneficial it can be to meet people going through or that have previously gone through similar experiences.

Both workshops and support groups are also good opportunities to socialise with people in a positive way, that doesn’t involve harmful substances such as alcohol and drugs that deteriorate mental health. I believe that the implementation of local workshops and support groups in low income communities in Glasgow would not only reduce mental health stigma, but provide an outlet for people to express their emotions in different ways, whether this is through creative projects, physical activity or simply socialising with people who share lived experiences. Sequentially, this could have a positive effect on mental health outcomes and reduce the health inequalities that are found in Glasgow.

Final Conclusions

To conclude this community briefing, I would like to re-emphasise the importance of community led approaches as a means to reduce the effects of mental health disparities across Glasgow. This report has outlined how people with ill mental health face social exclusion, and why communities in deprived areas are at greater risk of mental illness. I have demonstrated the benefits that can come from improving green spaces, implementing anti-stigma workshops and creating local support groups, however these are only some of many initiatives that can be taken to reduce mental health inequalities, and further reading is required to cover all bases of how to create equality for marginalised communities. Emphasis really needs to be put on these in order for Glasgow to not fall any further behind other UK cities in terms of health disparities. Although Glasgow is a modern, vibrant and friendly city, it is important to remember the quote from Mahatma Gandhi, “the true measure of any society can be found in how it treats its most vulnerable members”, and Glasgow needs to start taking action in order to stop failing those living in deprived areas who are suffering with their mental health.

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Categories
Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

Opportunities for Revitalization: Exploring Minneapolis Brownfields 

Introduction  

As a resident of the Twin Cities Metropolitan Area (TCMA) and having grown up in a particularly disadvantaged neighbourhood in St Paul, I have seen the aesthetic effect of brownfields first hand. Although I have not experienced direct effects they can have on health and environmental indicators, I witnessed the conversion of brownfields in my own community and observed the effect they can have on community empowerment and coordination, as well as community members themselves.   

This paper outlines specific challenges associated with brownfields that are faced by multiple Minneapolis inner-city neighbourhoods, and discusses environmental, social, health, and economic implications of brownfield clean up and redevelopment. It will also propose several recommendations for the local community; suggesting ways in which neighbourhoods can be active participants and take initiative of redevelopment strategies. The scale of this challenge is unique in that the severity of its implications are inherently spatial, as the proximity of brownfields to low-income communities and communities of colour is a coincidence of specific development and settlement patterns.   

Historical Context  

The city of Minneapolis, Minnesota, situated within Hennepin County, is the larger of the two cities within the TCMA. Highly sought after because of its placement surrounding the Mississippi River, Minneapolis possessed access to the only major waterfall on the river, St Anthony Falls, making it an industrial focal point in Minnesota (MHS, 2023). During the early 1850s, the falls were harnessed as a power source for industrial production, including the commercial lumber and flour milling industries (MHS, 2023). This economic growth of early Minneapolis through the exploitation of natural resources stimulated other ancillary activities such as the building of railroads, resource processing, and agricultural tool manufacturing (Tikkanen, 2023). Due to the push of industrial and economic development outwards towards suburban and undeveloped parts of the state, thousands of these abandoned and contaminated property sites were left across Minneapolis. Bjelland (2004) describes the effect of this rapid industrialization and subsequent disinvestment, claiming ‘Within a dynamic, competitive capitalist economy, capital moves with relative speed and ease while its imprint on the landscape remains relatively fixed in space’ (p.652). The occurrence of this process in centrally located industrial properties in Minneapolis has led to the creation of many brownfield sites.   

As defined by the Minnesota Pollution Control Agency (MPCA), brownfields are ‘abandoned, idled, or underused industrial and commercial properties where financing or redevelopment is complicated by actual or suspected environmental contamination’ (MPCA, 2023). Brownfields can exist in various forms, ranging from abandoned industrial sites to landfills and gas stations, or ‘any commercial site where prior uses introduced contaminants into the environment’ (Cich, Blair, and Faust, 2019). There are more than 10,000 brownfield sites spanning across the state, 78% of these being concentrated within the Twin Cities Metro Area (MPCA, 2021). Inner city suburbs contain a disproportionate number of contaminated properties, which is simply reflective of the historic concentration of economic and population activity within their borders (Bjelland, 2004). The City of Minneapolis has identified several neighbourhoods within its boundaries as ‘green zones,’ which are groups of communities containing elevated levels of pollution, as well as social, political, and racial marginalization (Green zones, 2023). These include both a Southside Green Zone and Northside Green Zone, spanning multiple neighbourhoods from the greater Phillips community and Cedar-Riverside neighbourhood to the neighbourhoods of Hawthorne, Mckinley, and Near North (Young et al., 2023; Green zones map, 2022). These green zones are the focus of several environmental justice projects undertaken by the city. Many are place-based initiatives, aimed at the improvement of several factors, including health, economic factors, and other vulnerabilities these communities face. Despite efforts towards the creation of strategies towards mitigating these issues, community members of Minneapolis neighbourhoods have expressed concerns with the historic racism embedded in city planning. The Tangletown Neighbourhood Association has included several web pages detailing the purpose of the initiatives, as well as the impacts of environmental contaminants and pollutants from brownfields on health and their unequal exposure. Discussing discriminatory practices of housing and lending, they note: ‘low-income residents, Indigenous people and residents of colour in Minneapolis are disproportionately impacted by the cumulative effects of traffic, stationary sources of air pollution, brownfield sites, blight, substandard housing, lack of access to jobs, and the adverse effects of climate change’ (Young et al., 2023). The Northeast Midwest Institute states how historically unjust housing practices have contributed to these inequities, expressing that ‘African American neighbourhoods are disproportionately affected by vacancy and abandonment. This is not a coincidence, but an outcome explained by a history of explicit and implicit racially biased planning, development, and lending practices’ (Cain, 2016). Brownfields pose a multitude of environmental, social, and economic risks to communities in Minneapolis, as well as the inequalities driven by these factors.   

Challenges  

Brownfields have negative social, economic, and health implications for inner-city neighbourhoods, particularly those specified in the city’s green zone initiatives. The challenge of brownfields is a unique community issue in that it is quite widely recognized by the state as a problem affecting local neighbourhoods, but it falters in that it lacks initiatives that adequately address the issues in ways most effective to the communities themselves. The majority of focus on research and redevelopment of brownfields centres on economic, environmental, and community gain through the conversion of idle brownfields into compact development, whereas communities may benefit more from the formation of affordable housing, urban farms, and other environmental amenities.   

Health  

A previous study from Wang et al. has shown that one of the most powerful determining factors of health inequities is the physical environment; one that may be triggered by uneven spatial distribution of brownfield sites (2023). Contaminants present in brownfields due to past uses can migrate on and off site and can expose community members to harmful toxins through vapor or dust inhalation from the site, as well as drinking groundwater that has been contaminated (Berman et al., 2022). Common contaminants can have serious health effects, including decreased cognitive function due to lead poisoning in children and adults and lung diseases such as pleural disease, asbestosis, and lung cancers (Health effects of asbestos, 2016). Aside from health effects experienced due to environmental contaminants, studies also show that exposure to derelict or vacant land can have negative effects on wellbeing, including heart rate variability, stress-led inflammatory responses, and worsening mental health (South et al., 2015). Fears surrounding the impacts of environmental pollutants are felt by Minneapolis residents directly, one example being Kathryn Savage, a nonfiction writer from Shoreham Yard, Minneapolis. In her most recent publication, Ground Glass, Savage contemplates the loss of her father, and whether it was due to his living near a polluted industrial site in the Victory neighbourhood of the city (Manzella, 2022). The nonfiction piece confronts the offenses of brownfields against land, water, neighbourhoods, and people, drawing on her first-hand experiences of growing up surrounded by environmental risk factors. Without proper redevelopment and decontamination of these sites, they run the risk of continued deterioration and subsequent environmental problems, compounded with a weakened economic base of surrounding communities (Collaton and Bartsch, 1996).   

Economic  

Brownfield properties can be unattractive to investors and developers for several reasons spanning issues of inadequate infrastructure, high crime rates in areas of potential development, or lack of a skilled workforce (Coffin and Shepherd, 1998). Leigh and Coffin (2005) also examine the effect of brownfields on property values in surrounding areas, finding that the labelling of a site as a brownfield can have negative impacts for housing value in nearby or adjacent properties. As a result of this, neighbourhoods containing brownfields sit at a lower achievable income for land and rental units before redevelopment, highlighting inequities between communities. Another substantial issue for potential developers of brownfield sites is the elimination of liability through the remediation of environmental contamination. Developers who choose to take on brownfield sites must account for a much longer development process to include pre-development investigation and clean-up of the property, legal logistics and costs of demolition if needed (Cich, Blair, and Faust, 2019). This contributes to the avoidance and fear of risks associated with clean up. Another issue for developers with the logistics associated with brownfield redevelopment is the fact that many sites tend to be located within already existing property groupings with multiple landowners (Cich, Blair, and Faust, 2019). Fragmented ownership presents a difficulty through the need to discuss and negotiate with multiple stakeholders.  

Environmental Justice  

Green gentrification (Becerra, 2022) is a term defined as the increase of local property value due to environmental repair or green development in a previously polluted and disadvantaged neighbourhood, which subsequently attracts a wealthier class, poses a risk to environmental justice and redevelopment initiatives in Minneapolis communities. While the creation of green spaces in urban areas seeks to amend problems of environmental justice as well as making neighbourhoods more attractive and residents healthier, these ‘improvements’ can increase housing and property values (Becerra, 2022). This then can create an even further separation between disadvantaged groups and environmental amenities through the supersedence of wealthier classes. A multitude of environmental justice studies have examined the existence of environmental burdens that are felt at disproportionate rates in low-income and minority neighbourhoods (Mohai, Pellow, and Roberts, 2009). Explanations touch on the perception of these areas as efficient locations for industrial developments, and because of a lack of political resources, these neighbourhoods are often targeted for the placement of dangerous and polluting waste and industrial facilities, as well as other land uses unwanted by local communities (Lee and Mohai, 2012). Approximately 25% of all minorities in the US live within 1 mile of a brownfield site, as well as 29% of all households below the poverty level, and 31% of the black population in the US (US EPA, 2021). The Environmental Protection Agency briefly addresses this injustice, claiming ‘While there is no single way to characterize communities located near our sites, this population is more minority, low income, linguistically isolated, and less likely to have a high school education than the U.S. population as a whole’ (US EPA, 2021, p.2). The recognition and consideration of the ways in which brownfields have manifested spatially and are indicative of pre-existing residential segregation and class divisions in tandem with the processes of deindustrialization is key to understanding brownfield site creation in Minneapolis.   

  

What has been done?  

Much of the focus for brownfield redevelopment programs is placed on economic advancements, including tax base expansion, increasing property values, and market demand for compact developments. Few are dedicated to the incorporation of improved public health and sustainability, which may serve to lessen the social and environmental inequalities experienced in areas with brownfields (Berman et al., 2022).   

The United States Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) estimates that there are nearly 450,000 brownfield sites in the US (US EPA, 2023). The United States EPA Brownfields Program began in 1995 and provides funding for functionary levels of the brownfield redevelopment process, including environmental assessment, clean up, and job education (Berman et al., 2022). Other site remediation programs can be unique to regions or states, which causes problems with the complexity of a national approach to redevelopment of brownfields. Despite the EPA’s involvement with brownfield redevelopment, ‘less than 7% of the estimated brownfields in the U.S., however, have undergone assessment and only a fraction of these have been cleaned up with U.S. EPA funding’ (Berman et al., 2022).   

Currently, state agencies can provide funding assistance to facilitate various stages of brownfield development. The Minnesota Pollution Control Agency (MPCA) Brownfield Program, which includes both the Voluntary Investigation and Cleanup (VIC) Program as well as the Petroleum Brownfields (PB) Program, each of which aid towards investigations into contaminated sites and their clean up (Cich, Blair, and Faust, 2019). The 2001 Brownfield Revitalization and Environmental Restoration Act (BRERA) provides developers and brownfield site purchasers with federal liability exemptions once the state and local governments have set clean-up standards for sites (Lee and Mohai, 2010). Because of this, there has been a clear lowering of development standards in order to reduce costs for developers and has potentially jeopardized public health (Lee and Mohai, 2010). In light of environmental and class disparities also existing along racial lines with the proximity of these communities to brownfields, the standard for site remediation and clean up should be of great concern. In order to not further exacerbate environmental burdens that are spatially concentrated, clean-up standards should be reconsidered.   

  

Community Recommendations  

Brownfield redevelopment is unique in that multiple steps to achieve beneficial development of sites requires effective removal of potentially toxic or dangerous substances, ones that may put community members at risk if not properly remediated. Because of this, neighbourhood groups working in partnerships with corporate communities, environmental professionals, and potential developers of brownfield sites is the most realistic route of site repair. To ensure that brownfield redevelopment is within the best interests for the affected community, clear goals must be set, and economic, environmental, and social benefits considered. Before targeting local brownfield sites, being knowledgeable about the local regulatory environment and potential funding opportunities is essential, and determines which sites are potentially economically and environmentally viable. A process in which local sites are considered in tandem with social and environmental factors unique to their neighbourhood will be most effective in the process of revitalization.   

Before targeting local brownfield sites, being knowledgeable about the local regulatory environment and potential funding opportunities is essential, and determines which sites are potentially economically and environmentally viable. A process in which local sites are considered in tandem with social and environmental factors unique to their neighbourhood will be most effective in the process of revitalization. The recognition of structures of disinvestment, racism, and oppression that must be disassembled (by elected leaders and investors) is of extreme importance to the process of restoration and in order to understand local histories associated with brownfield development. This is also crucial in the prevention of creating further disparities through phenomena such as green gentrification.    

Reaching out to Developers, Environmental Professionals, and Corporate Communities  

Eckerd and Keeler (2012), maintain the notion that ‘realistically, few brownfield sites are remediated without at least some infusion of government funding’ (p.296). This confirms recommendations that propose leading with stakeholder development, as it is crucial in community-facilitated brownfield development. Private-led brownfield development, which would be most likely to occur in a location where there is significant development potential for the property, as well as a market demand that would warrant an acceptable return on their investment, necessitates the involvement of stakeholders such as private developers (US EPA, 2019). Communities can find success in reaching out to developers through encouraging consideration of positive impacts of brownfield site clean-up and reuse. Despite the negative perceptions that may be associated with a site, such as ‘the longer timeline associated with pre-development investigation and clean-up; upfront capital costs of demolition and remediation; legal protocol and communication with state and federal agencies’ (Cich, Blair, and Faust, 2019), realization of the health, financial, and environmental benefits for infill development on brownfield sites is a key argument in the subject of profitability for developers.  as many seek projects or sites that will maximize capital gain. In a survey of state regulatory and economic development agencies conducted by Wernstedt and Hersh (2006), they question relative importance of the reasoning for redevelopment in local contaminated properties, finding that ‘In general, respondents identified environmental and health rationales more frequently than they did economic impacts (tax revenues and jobs), but both were viewed as very important by significant minorities’ (Wernstedt and Hersh, 2006). This suggests that developers and other corporate communities hold significance to environmental and health factors, offering an applicable avenue for persuasion on the importance of redevelopment of environmentally hazardous brownfields within communities. The encouragement of environmental professionals to pursue further research and development of brownfields can also alleviate some burden of private developers in the process of risk minimization as well as safety during the redevelopment process. Knowledge surrounding economic, environmental, and social consequences of brownfield sites as well as benefits from their redevelopment could also be extremely beneficial to the broadening of redevelopment training and avenues to brownfield clean-up. Finally, the utilization of and collaboration with nonprofits such as The Minnesota Brownfields, an organization focused on the support and enhancement of brownfield reuse and development, will foster valuable connections through partnership with regulatory agencies, environmental consulting firms, as well as both the private and public redevelopment communities (MN Brownfields, 2023).   

Urban Farms and Greenspaces  

Urban greenspaces provide a range of environmental services in cities and are in some ways a determinant in the ‘liveability’ of cities. Carroll (2016) notes how the underused or vacant structures on brownfields where contamination is present offer opportunities for urban agricultural projects and developments (Carroll, 2016). Urban agricultural renewal projects, although they vary nationwide, offer an opportunity for community reuse of brownfield properties, which can be advantageous for several reasons. Brownfield land may be available at a lower cost to other properties, and therefore are more accessible for community redevelopment (Carroll, 2016). Brownfield sites are also more common in disadvantaged areas where few alternatives to urban agriculture exist, which may be targeted by public health and sustainability advocates, as well as the local food movement. In their search for the expansion of local production and improved access to fresh and healthy produce and foods, they may focus on neighbourhoods with brownfield properties. Urban farms are significant for this reason in the prevention of forms of gentrification associated with increased housing prices and contribute to improved environmental resources for residents (Carroll, 2016). Community familiarization with local or state brownfield programs, reviewing grants, and consulting educational materials for organizations and individuals is necessary for a thorough understanding of redevelopment organization.   

Community Partnership and Knowledge Exchange  

Community residents possess an understanding of environmental problems and social needs plaguing their neighbourhood, which are essential for just and inclusive sustainable development planning. Steps such as identifying the sites of most concern and defining clear goals for redevelopment are vital to processes of renovation. McCarthy (2002) argues that local participation in redevelopment processes of brownfields produces quicker and more community-oriented resolutions. In order to broaden the level of involvement and capacity of neighbourhood groups, it is beneficial to fully understand the process of redevelopment. Brownfield redevelopment training programs, which are generally designed for the private sector, offer the opportunity for local community members to engage directly with redevelopment projects. Although emphasis on these trainings is placed for developers, environmental engineering firms and financial institutions, they would allow for members to gain a more comprehensive understanding of brownfields and the realistic level of involvement community members can have in the redevelopment process. Community-based organizations can offer significant pathways for the process of predevelopment work on brownfield sites, which often inhibit private sector interest. This would include the assessment of environmental conditions, confirmation of site control or ownership, protection from liabilities, and the elicitation of support from the local community for the project (Brachman, 2003). Furthermore, community cooperation and collaboration with developers and corporate communities can facilitate the beginning of investment in local brownfield properties, as well as protect the inclusion of community-oriented uses for viable properties. McCarthy highlights the ways in which local participation in brownfield redevelopment is effective, maintaining that ‘early involvement of the community can help foster understanding and consensus, and prevent protests and litigation,’ highlighting the ways in which local participation in brownfield redevelopment is effective (2002, p.294). Community land trusts (CLTs), which are non-profit organizations made up of community members, are also a strategy to minimize displacement of local communities and maintain housing affordability (Strategies to minimize displacement, 2023). In their most basic form, community land trusts buy or are gifted land, and contract building facilitators and project managers in order to build outwards, providing homes and other assets that are and will remain affordable to rent and buy. CLTs can use grants and subsidies at the town, state, and federal levels for funding, and can also receive grant funding from private institutions, and living costs can be dramatically reduced and based upon what communities earn. This may ameliorate some risks related to gentrification through brownfield redevelopment and prevent the displacement of lower-income residents and small businesses (Strategies to minimize displacement, 2023).   
  

Conclusions  

The rectification of brownfield sites in the city of Minneapolis is a serious environmental and health issue; one that is most acutely experienced by communities of colour and low-income communities. Recommendations outlined in this briefing for community-led redevelopment focus on the involvement of multiple stakeholders, community capacity building through brownfield training programs, the transformation of urban farms and greenspaces, as well as community partnership and community-based organizations. It stresses the importance of strengthening action towards dismantling structural racism and working to reduce the disproportionate effects of brownfields through environmental justice initiatives and dialogue with community members. Finally, collaboration with environmental professionals, developers, non-profit organizations, and other corporate communities will greatly increase the accessibility of redevelopment projects as well as a favourable outcome that best serves the community.  

  

References

Berman, L. et al. (2022) ‘An Overview of Brownfields Redevelopment in the United States Through Regulatory, Public Health, and Sustainability Lenses’, J Environ Health, 84(9), pp. 8–14. Available at: https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC10191173/ (Accessed: 2023).  

Bjelland, M.D. (2004) ‘Brownfield Sites in Minneapolis-St. Paul: The Interwoven Geographies of Industrial Disinvestment and Environmental Contamination’, Urban Geography, 25(7), pp. 631–657. doi:10.2747/0272-3638.25.7.631.  

Brachman, L. (2003) Roles of community-based organizations in brownfields redevelopment, LILP. Available at: https://www.lincolninst.edu/publications/articles/roles-community-based-organizations-brownfields-redevelopment (Accessed: 20 October 2023).  

Cain, C. (2016) Fighting Blight in the Northeast-Midwest Region: Assessing the Federal Response to Vacant and Abandoned Properties. rep. Washington, DC: Northeast-Midwest Institute, pp. 1–27. Available at: https://www.nemw.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/05/2016-Fighting-Blight-in-NEMW.pdf (Accessed: 2023).  

Carroll, A. (2016) ‘Brownfields as Sites for Urban Farms’, in S. Brown, K. McIvor, and E. Hodges Snyder (eds.) Sowing Seeds in the City. Springer, Dordrecht, pp. 339–349.   

Cich, A., Blair, H. and Faust, M. (2019) Benefits of Brownfield Redevelopment in Minnesota. rep. Minnesota Legislative Reference Library. Available at: https://www.lrl.mn.gov/docs/2020/Other/201184.pdf (Accessed: 2023).  

Coffin, S. and Shepher, A. (1998) ‘Barriers to Brownfield Redevelopment: Lessons Learned from Two Great Lakes States’, Public Works Management & Policy, 2(3), pp. 258-266. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1177/1087724X9800200309 (Accessed: 2023).  

Collaton, E. and Bartsch, C. (1996) ‘Industrial Site Reuse and Urban Redevelopment—An Overview’, Cityscape – Issues in Urban Environmental Policy, 2(3), pp. 17–61. Available at: https://www.jstor.org/stable/20868420 (Accessed: 2023).   

Green zones (2023) Green Zones – City of Minneapolis. Available at: https://www2.minneapolismn.gov/government/departments/health/sustainability-homes-environment/sustainability/green-zones/ (Accessed: 20 October 2023).  

Green zones map (2022) Green zones map – City of Minneapolis. Available at: https://www2.minneapolismn.gov/government/departments/health/sustainability-homes-environment/sustainability/green-zones/map/ (Accessed: 20 October 2023).  

Health effects of asbestos (2016) Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Available at: https://www.atsdr.cdc.gov/asbestos/health_effects_asbestos.html (Accessed: 25 October 2023).   

Leigh, N.G. and Coffin, S.L. (2010) ‘Modeling the relationship among brownfields, property values, and community revitalization’, Housing Policy Debate, 16(2), pp. 257–280. doi:10.1080/10511482.2005.9521543.  

Manzella, A. (2022) Review: ‘Groundglass,’ by Kathryn Savage, Star Tribune. Available at: https://www.startribune.com/review-groundglass-by-kathryn-savage/600194036/?refresh=true (Accessed: 20 October 2023).  

McCarthy, L. (2002) ‘The brownfield dual land-use policy challenge: reducing barriers to private redevelopment while connecting reuse to broader community goals’, Land Use Policy, 19(4), pp. 287–296. doi:10.1016/S0264-8377(02)00023-6.  

MHS (2023) Minneapolis Riverfront, Minneapolis Riverfront | Minnesota Historical Society. Available at: https://www.mnhs.org/millcity/learn/history/minneapolis-riverfront (Accessed: 13 October 2023).  

MN Brownfields (2023) Remediating Brownfields, Minnesota Brownfields. Available at: https://mnbrownfields.org/Public/Brownfields-Basics/Remediating_Brownfields/Public/Brownfields_Basics/Remediating_Brownfields.aspx?hkey=9df5e727-77b5-4f60-afaf-3b95cfe83976 (Accessed: 23 October 2023).  

Mohai, P., Pellow, D. and Roberts, J.T. (2009) ‘Environmental Justice’, Annual Review of Environment and Resources, 34, pp. 405–430. doi:10.1146/annurev-environ-082508-094348.  

MPCA and Crawford, A. (2021) MPCA Brownfield Program – 2021 Annual Report. MPCA. Available at: https://www.pca.state.mn.us/sites/default/files/c-brwnfld1-06c.pdf (Accessed: 2023).  

MPCA and Crawford, A. (2023) MPCA Brownfield Program – 2021 Annual Report. Minnesota Pollution Control Agency. Available at: https://www.pca.state.mn.us/business-with-us/brownfield-redevelopment (Accessed: 2023).  

South, E.C. et al. (2015) ‘Neighborhood Blight, Stress, and Health: A Walking Trial of Urban Greening and Ambulatory Heart Rate’, American Journal of Public Health, 105(5), pp. 909–913. doi:10.2105/AJPH.2014.302526.  

Strategies to minimize displacement: Community Land Trust (2023) Smart Growth America. Available at: https://smartgrowthamerica.org/resources/strategies-to-minimize-displacement-community-land-trust/ (Accessed: 20 October 2023).  

Tikkanen, A. (ed.) (2023) Plant and Animal Life, Encyclopædia Britannica. Available at: https://www.britannica.com/place/Minnesota/Plant-and-animal-life (Accessed: 14 October 2023).  

US EPA (2019) Anatomy of Brownfields Redevelopment. rep. United States Environmental Protection Agency, pp. 1–14. Available at: https://www.epa.gov/sites/default/files/2015-09/documents/anat_bf_redev_101106.pdf (Accessed: 2023)  

US EPA (2021) Population Surrounding 30,675 Brownfields Sites. rep. United States Environmental Protection Agency, pp. 1–3. Available at: https://www.epa.gov/system/files/documents/2021-10/brownfields.pdf (Accessed: 2023).  

US EPA (2023) Overview of EPA’s Brownfields Program | US EPA, United States Environmental Protection Agency. Available at: https://www.epa.gov/brownfields/overview-epas-brownfields-program (Accessed: 25 October 2023).  

Wang, W. et al. (2023) ‘Brownfield land and health: A systematic review of the literature’, PLoS One. Edited by T.J. Wade, 18(8). doi:10.1371%2Fjournal.pone.0289470.  

Wernstedt, K. and Hersh, R. (2006) ‘Brownfields regulatory reform and policy innovation in practice’, Progress in Planning, 65(1), pp. 7–74. doi:10.1016/j.progress.2005.10.004.  

Young, W. et al. (2023) Minneapolis’ green zones, Tangletown Neighborhood Association. Edited by P. Collins and K. Hanson. Available at: https://tangletown.org/minneapolis-green-zones/ (Accessed: 10 October 2023).  

Categories
Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

‘The Glasgow Effect’: How Poverty Impacts Health in the City of Glasgow 

Introduction 

This community briefing will focus on the city of Glasgow, Scotland. Post-industrial Glasgow boasts a thriving economy and cultural diversity, yet it faces an ongoing poverty crisis, catalysed by income disparities, impacting the health and well-being of individuals and communities that fall below the poverty line. This briefing will examine the intricate nexus between poverty, heightened by economic inequalities, and its profound impact on health and well-being. Restrictions to a healthy diet, smoking habits, and illnesses caused by household dampness and mould will be discussed as contributing factors to the city’s complex and prominent health inequalities, that gives rise to the “Glasgow Effect” phenomenon. Measures carried out by Glasgow City Council, the Scottish Government, and the UK Government have not been efficient in addressing the harsh grapple on individuals who are facing health disparities as a consequence of a prominent income imbalance. Therefore, I outline three recommendations to encourage discussion and enable solutions that will greatly improve the causes, and subsequently the consequences, of the evident health disparities between socio-economic groups in the city of Glasgow. 

I have lived in Scotland my entire life, witnessing first-hand the impacts income inequality has upon marginalised groups concerning housing, education, and health. My positionality as a middle-class undergraduate student who is not a direct resident of Glasgow, must be acknowledged as I put forward recommendations to aid the community of Glasgow towards a more economically inclusive and healthier city. Any recommendations put forward below should be taken as well-intentioned towards the discourse around the topic and should be considered second to the ideas and opinions of those within the community. 

Poverty and “The Glasgow Effect” 

The city of Glasgow has a long history of poverty stemming from the dismantling of the city’s industrial base in the 1970s, resulting in major job losses that have never been entirely replaced. Thake and Staubach (1993) argue that the root cause of poverty is economic, stemming from three main sources: unemployment by those marginal to the job market, low wages earned by those employed in declining traditional industries, and reductions in welfare expenditure (Pacione, 2004). These can be observed throughout the city of Glasgow across multiple decades. In the city, unemployment has risen to 4.7% since 2022, slightly higher than the Scottish average of 3.1% in the first quarter of 2023 (ONS, 2023). Additionally, the rate of economic inactivity, those who are neither employed nor seeking employment, is 25.5% (ONS, 2023).  

In response to the financial crash in 2008, the UK Government implemented budget cuts across public services and reformed the social security system (MacLeod et al., 2018). This policy shift disproportionately affected residents of towns and cities, where a significant portion of the population relies upon these services and benefits, resulting in them being more susceptible to the negative consequences of welfare reform (Pacione, 2004). In an investigation into the disparity in life expectancy between the richest and poorest 10% of the city’s population, the Glasgow Centre for Population Health identified that the UK government’s austerity policies were primary attributes to the continuously expanding life expectancy gap. Their findings reveal a stark reality: the poorest 10% of men are expected to die 15.4 years earlier than their wealthier counterparts (BBC News, 2021). This data highlights the impact economic policies have on the health and well-being of Glasgow’s residents.   

In 2008, the World Health Organisation (WHO) put a spotlight on Glasgow’s stark health inequalities. They identified that a boy from a deprived area, Calton, had a life expectancy of 54 years compared to a boy from an affluent area, Lenzie, who would expect to live until the age of 82. The discrepancy between these two locations is alarming. Two years later, a study found that people from deprived communities, like Calton, had poorer health and lower life expectancy than people from similarly deprived areas across the UK (Reid, 2011). This gave rise to the “Glasgow Effect”. This phenomenon, coined from the “Scottish Effect”, sheds light on the striking disparities in health outcomes linked to income inequality. This complex web of factors, encompassing access to healthcare, educational opportunities, living conditions, and social determinants, significantly influences the health and well-being of Glasgow’s diverse community (GCPH, 2010).  

Contributing Factors to the “Glasgow Effect” 

I will briefly address three key factors that have significantly contributed to the “Glasgow Effect”: smoking, illnesses caused by mould and dampness within households, and restrictions to accessing a healthy diet. These critical themes are intricately linked with the issue of poverty and contribute to amplifying health inequalities within the city. 

Smoking 

In Glasgow’s most deprived regions, nearly two-thirds of the population are smokers, contributing to the city’s elevated smoking prevalence compared to the rest of the UK. This disparity is primarily attributed to adverse socio-economic conditions within the city, as noted by Gray and Leyland (2009). Their research underscores the central role of smoking as a primary driver of health inequalities, which is a well-established fact given the widely known risks of smoking, such as increased risk of heart attacks, strokes, and cancer, especially within the lungs. In 2016, Glasgow recorded the highest lung disease death rate in Britain, emphasising the link between smoking prevalence and economic status (BBC News, 2016). Thus, there is a critical need for targeted efforts to address the smoking prevalence and its health consequences in Glasgow’s deprived communities.  

Restrictive Diets 

Obesity is associated with a number of serious health risks, including coronary heart disease, type 2 diabetes, various cancers, and hypertension (Mathieu‐Bolh, 2021). Within the city of Glasgow, obesity is a prominent issue intricately linked with the impact of poverty. As of 2019, 61% of adults were classed as overweight and 27% as obese in Glasgow, presenting the highest levels across all Scottish cities (Understanding Glasgow, 2023b). The impact of poverty on obesity rates is alarming, with adults living in the most deprived areas exhibiting an obesity prevalence that is nearly twice as high as those in the least deprived areas (Batterham, 2020). Individuals who live in deprived areas are more likely to have diets based on added sugars and fats as they are more affordable. Moving to a healthier diet based on fresh fruit and vegetables, lean meats, and fish is more expensive, with low-income households struggling to afford the extra expense (Mathieu‐Bolh, 2021). Additionally, the current cost of living crisis means that food prices are unpredictable and susceptible to increase multiple times. Obesity levels are not just down to poor diets. Limited access to physical activity has an added impact on obesity. Deprived areas have fewer parks, fitness clubs, and accessible environments for physical activity. This not only affects physical well-being but heavily impacts mental health (Mathieu‐Bolh, 2021).  

Household Mould and Dampness 

Poor housing conditions, predominately found in deprived areas, harm the health of tenants with mould, dampness, and cold triggering sickness. Within Glasgow, over a quarter of households live in damp or overcrowded conditions (Alysha, 2023). There is a well-established correlation between poor housing conditions and lower socio-economic communities, with significant research supporting this connection. The Glasgow Centre for Population Health recognises a strong link between poor housing, including damp and mould, and health inequalities in the city(Garnham and Rolfe, 2019). Research from the World Health Organization backs this up, highlighting the health risks associated with indoor mould and dampness and identifying that individuals in deprived areas are more likely to be exposed to these health problems (Rolfe et al. 2020). The health problems associated with poor housing can cause unemployment, continuing a vicious cycle of poverty and poor health for future generations. Within the city of Glasgow, there is a need for targeted policies, housing improvements, and community initiatives to address this issue and mitigate the impacts. 

Current Community Action 

In Glasgow, a multitude of community groups, charities, and organisations dedicate themselves to mitigating health inequalities. I will briefly explore the efforts of two groups that strive to alleviate the health disparities resulting from poverty. 

Annexe Communities is a community-led development trust that works with people to reduce health inequalities and improve well-being. Since the trust began in 1986, it has kept a central focus on healthy living (Annexe Communities, 2023b). At the heart of the trust is a healthy eating café that serves affordable, healthy meals consisting of vegetables, lean meats, and fish to those who struggle to afford nutritious, balanced food. This initiative helps to reduce food poverty within deprived areas whilst also tackling the prominent obesity crisis within the city (Annexe Communities, 2023a). Additionally, Annexe Communities has developed a Social Prescribing Project designed to facilitate individuals to move towards a healthier lifestyle and enhance their overall well-being. This program offers a range of activities, including walking groups, dance classes, and budget-friendly healthy cooking classes, contributing to improved mental and physical health (Annexe Communities, 2023c). In April 2009, they held a presentation to address and educate the local community on the stark health inequalities within the area. The presentation included topics on child health inequalities, community strategies to tackle food poverty, and social isolation (Annexe Communities, 2023d). This initiative spreads awareness of the prominent issues that occur within the city and empowers individuals with knowledge about how they can contribute to solutions. 

The GalGael Trust is a community-based charity originating from one of the most deprived areas of Glasgow, where it started from an environmental campaign. Now, their ambition is to create and practise a healthy community that benefits individuals and society as a whole (GalGael, 2023). Alistair McIntosh, one of the founding directors of GalGael, believes “a loss of soul” is the source of Glasgow’s health problems. He argues that those who struggle economically are more likely to fill their lives with “various forms of addiction”, causing catastrophic health outcomes (Reid, 2011). The initiative offers community activities such as woodworking and plastering classes, gardening lessons, carving, and arts and crafts, to bring life back to the city. According to Professor Phil Hanlon, GalGael provides a fresh beginning for those who were poorly affected by the post-industrial era’s economic challenges, enabling them to gain new skills and facilitating employment opportunities in thriving sectors, such as the financial industry. This holistic approach encourages individuals to move away from struggling communities that suffer severe health and social imbalances (Reid, 2011). 

Government and Council Action 

The Scottish Government has made it clear that reducing health inequalities is a core component of their overall goal of achieving ‘sustainable and inclusive economic growth’, with the tackling of inequalities being featured in their 2022/23 Programme for Government (ScotPHO 2023). I will discuss the efforts taken by the Scottish Government, alongside the Glasgow City Council, to reduce the disparities in health and well-being. 

‘Equally Well’ was a report carried out by the Scottish Government’s Ministerial Taskforce, alongside Glasgow City Council, the Glasgow Centre for Population Health, and NHS Greater Glasgow and Clyde, that focused on the health inequalities in the city of Glasgow. It recognised that in order to tackle current health inequalities, there cannot be a sole focus on healthcare, and a cross-sector approach must be observed. To put recommendations into place and explore innovative ways to reduce inequalities, the report believes that the creation of ‘test sites’ would be beneficial. Each site, although varying in approach, would have the same key focus of reducing health inequalities by changing how public services were delivered. Evidence shows that a built-up environment has strong associations with health inequalities. Therefore, a strong focus was put on addressing inequalities through integrating town planning and public health (GCPH, 2012). Given that this report was carried out in 2008 and subsequent years have shown minimal improvement, with some arguing that health inequalities have worsened over the past decade, it suggests that despite the Scottish Government’s attempts to conquer health inequality within Glasgow, their progress does not suffice. 

Glasgow City Council acknowledges that there are drastic inequalities within the city. In 2016, they established the Health and Inequality Commission, bringing together health experts, city councillors, and representatives from community groups to provide an in-depth analysis of inequalities caused by poverty. They also develop proposals to reduce the poor health observed across the city, ensuring that individuals have the opportunity to live longer, healthier lives (Robertson, 2017). Despite the commission acknowledging the problem, it is challenging to identify their impact on the city’s population. 

The British Medical Association (BMA) created a three-tiered toolkit for clinicians to work together to address and reduce health inequalities. This toolkit is a key aspect of Sir Harry Burns’ President’s Project, recognising that medical professionals are uniquely positioned to address health inequalities and advocate for individuals who are experiencing such imbalances (Mehlmann-Wicks, 2022). Tier 1 focuses on campaigning against health inequalities, either by writing to MPs, creating posters, or teaming up with colleagues to create petitions. Tier 2 asks for the creation of peer support groups and invest in the education and knowledge surrounding health and wellbeing. Those from marginalised communities may not always be offered the same health education, which offers them the chance to learn and spread acquired knowledge further into communities. Finally, Tier 3 aims to organise collaboration with local organisations and create specialist roles within the medical field to ensure all needs are met across various groups (Mehlmann-Wicks, 2022). The Scottish Government took inspiration from the toolkit and created the programme ‘Deep End’. Deep End is a Scottish Government funded pilot programme bringing in link workers to 100 general practices located in the most deprived areas of Scotland, 31 of which are situated in Glasgow. These link workers support general medical practices to link people with community resources that can help them live healthier, longer lives by supporting them towards their goals (Mehlmann-Wicks, 2022). 

As evident in existing literature, health inequalities are intrinsically linked to poverty, stemming  

from broader economic disparities. While solving these overarching issues can be challenging, targeted solutions are being implemented to address specific health imbalances, such as the mitigation of household mould. Glasgow City Council are currently carrying out a pilot project that uses smart technology to detect dampness within social housing, with the goal of preventing its impacts on resident health, particularly in terms of respiratory disease. However, the programme is currently only set up in 30 homes, with plans for expansion across the city (Clements, 2022). Although this reflects the council’s commitment to addressing inadequate housing conditions, the slow roll-out rate raises concerns. As of 2018, Glasgow housed 292,619 households, meaning that just 0.010% are experiencing this new technology (Understanding Glasgow, 2023a). 

Recommendations 

In order to address health inequalities, it is necessary to resolve the issue of poverty first. My first recommendation focuses on policy reform within Glasgow, as well as the rest of Scotland. The roll-out of Universal Credit (UC) in the city of Glasgow had detrimental impacts on the most disadvantaged families and individuals, and it continues to have a negative impact through its frameworks. Critics of the scheme believe it increases rent arrears, pushing individuals further into poverty (BBC, 2020). Therefore, I recommend that community groups and individuals lobby the UK and Scottish Governments for policy reform to ensure Universal Credit provides a supporting mechanism for those who need it, as the current course of action does not sufficiently meet the needs of people. The initial and foremost factor that requires reform within the UC system is the elimination of the five-week waiting period. This initial wait generates anxiety and stress whilst also inflicting long-term impacts on individuals’ financial stability (Robert et al., 2020). A recent study found that the uncoordinated timing of UC payments and rent deadlines causes stress and anxiety as tenants are at a high risk of eviction (Robert et al., 2020). Therefore, people should lobby the Government to try and make payments synchronise with standard rent deadlines, e.g., the first day of the month. Although the Scottish Government is not directly in charge of Universal Credit delivery, it does have its own benefit schemes, such as the Scottish Welfare Fund. These programs require adaptation to better assist the Glasgow community in poverty reduction and achieving sustainable livelihoods. The budget allocation for the Scottish Welfare Fund has remained unchanged since 2013/14 despite an increasing demand for the service (Robert et al., 2020). This indicates that the fund is failing to keep up with the ongoing cost of living crisis. Additionally, as the Scottish Welfare Fund is implemented at a local authority level, there is an imperative need for increased awareness of availability and application procedure (Robert et al., 2020). This could be effectively achieved through community groups, such as organising workshops or displaying informational posters in community groups like GalGael and the Annexe Communities. These efforts have the potential to significantly expand the fund’s outreach to individuals who might not have had the opportunity to be informed about it. 

My second recommendation involves building upon the ongoing initiatives led by local community groups, including those mentioned previously, such as the Annexe Communities and GalGael Trust, with a strong emphasis on increasing the number of community gardens throughout the city of Glasgow. Community gardens have the potential to mitigate chronic and non-communicable diseases, such as respiratory and cardiovascular conditions, diabetes, and various cancers (Lovell et al., 2014). These illnesses are often exacerbated by factors that disproportionately impact lower socio-economic areas, such as smoking, household dampness and mould, and elevated obesity levels caused by restricted access to nutritious foods. Regular involvement in a garden setting can contribute to the attainment of recommended levels of physical activity and provide motivation to alleviate physical activity levels outside of the group setting (Lovell et al., 2014). In more recent years, health sectors around the world have started to identify gardening as a way to reduce the high prevalence of health conditions within deprived communities (Earle, D 2011). Therefore, more economically deprived areas in Glasgow would benefit from community gardens becoming more widespread. Food poverty can contribute to health inequalities, given that access to nutritious meals plays an important role in maintaining a healthy lifestyle. Community gardens provide a space to reduce the barriers that prevent families and individuals from adopting healthy behaviours as they provide access to fresh and healthy food, improve food security, improve diets, and build stronger, inclusive communities (Lovell et al., 2014). Community gardens give a sense of empowerment within a community and bring back a sense of control and identity, which they may have lost with changing austerity measures, financial struggles, and the sheer lack of valuable resources by Glasgow City Council, the Scottish Government, and the UK Government. 

My third recommendation pinpoints reducing mould and dampness within social housing, as throughout this report, we have identified it as being a contributing factor to health inequalities within the city of Glasgow. Recommendations will be aimed at both community members and governmental bodies. Communities must put pressure on their landlords, Glasgow City Council, and the Scottish Government to ensure regular maintenance checks and appropriate repairs are carried out. They should also lobby for a strengthening of policy and regulation that ensures landlords adhere to strict standards that will prevent and manage dampness and mould within social housing. It can also be suggested that communities come together to identify local solutions, as residents are knowledgeable about the specific challenges being faced within their homes. The Scottish Government and Glasgow City Council must put further investment into research and innovation to explore new, sustainable technologies and building materials that can help prevent and manage inadequate housing conditions. For example, putting more funding towards the smart technology that detects dampness to speed up the roll-out process (Clements, 2022).  

Conclusion 

The city of Glasgow faces significant health inequalities, stemming from the prevalent issue of poverty. Despite the efforts of both the Scottish and UK Governments to implement various initiatives to reduce these inequalities, tangible progress remains elusive. Consequently, the ongoing work of community groups in the city becomes crucial. While community-based actions possess indispensable local knowledge and insights, they operate with much less authority compared to national governments. As I put forward my recommendations, I am hopeful that the community will critically reflect upon and utilise them to produce meaningful change in the fight against health inequalities.  

References 

Alysha (2023) Why is Glasgow the UK’s Sickest City, Glasgow Eyes Magazine, Available at: https://glasgoweyesmagazine.com/why-is-glasgow-the-uks-sickest-city/ (Accessed: 23 October 2023).  

Annexe Communities (2023a) Annexe Cafe, Annexe Communities. Available at: https://www.annexecommunities.org.uk/project-lunch-for-less-lunch-clu/ (Accessed: 23 October 2023).  

Annexe Communities (2023b) Background, Annexe Communities. Available at: https://www.annexecommunities.org.uk/about-background/ (Accessed: 23 October 2023).  

Annexe Communities (2023c) Social Prescribing Project, Annexe Communities. Available at: https://www.annexecommunities.org.uk/project-spring/ (Accessed: 23 October 2023).  

Annexe Communities (2023d) Younity project, Annexe Communities. Available at: https://www.annexecommunities.org.uk/projects-younity/ (Accessed: 23 October 2023).  

Batterham, R. (2020). Health Inequalities and Obesity. [online] RCP London. Available at: https://www.rcplondon.ac.uk/news/health-inequalities-and-obesity. (Accessed: 23 October 2023). 

BBC News (2016), Glasgow has highest lung disease death rate in Britain, BBC News. Available at: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-scotland-36397054  (Accessed: 21 October 2023).  

BBC News (2021) Glasgow life expectancy gap widens between richest and poorest, BBC News. Available at: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-scotland-glasgow-west-58118599 (Accessed: 23 October 2023).  

BBC News, (2020) Universal Credit failing millions of people, say peers BBC News, Available at: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-53599763. (Accessed: 23 October 2023). 

Clements, C. (2022) Sensors detect damp and mould in Glasgow social housing, BBC News. Available at: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-scotland-glasgow-west-63662644  (Accessed: 23 October 2023).  

Earle, M. D. (2011) Cultivating health: community gardening as a public health intervention (Thesis, Master of Public Health). University of Otago. Retrieved from http://hdl.handle.net/10523/2078 (Accessed: 24 October 2023). 

GalGael (2023) Our story, GalGael. Available at: https://www.galgael.org/our-story  (Accessed: 23 October 2023).  

Garnham, L. and Rolfe, S. (2019) Housing through social enterprise, Glasgow Centre for Population Health, Available at: https://www.gcph.co.uk/assets/0000/7367/HTSE_recommendations.pdf (Accessed: 22 October 2023).  

GCPH (2010) Investigating a ‘Glasgow Effect’: Why do equally deprived UK cities experience different health outcomes. Available at: https://www.gcph.co.uk/assets/0000/0801/GCPH_Briefing_Paper_25_for_web.pdf  (Accessed: 24 October 2023).  

GCPH (2012) Planning for Better Health, Glasgow Centre for Population Health, Available at: https://www.gcph.co.uk/assets/0000/3443/PLANNING_FOR_BETTER_HEALTH_final.pdf  (Accessed: 23 October 2023).  

Gray, L. and Leyland, A.H. (2009) Is the ‘Glasgow effect’ of cigarette smoking explained by socio-economic status?: A multilevel analysis. BMC Public Health, 9(1). doi:https://doi.org/10.1186/1471-2458-9-245. (Accessed: 24 October 2023). 

Lovell, R. et al. (2014) ‘What are the health and well-being impacts of community gardening for adults and children: A mixed method systematic review protocol’, Environmental Evidence, 3(1), p. 20. doi:https://doi.org/10.1186/2047-2382-3-20 (Accessed: 24 October 2023). 

MacLeod, M.A., Curl, A. and Kearns, A. (2018) ‘Understanding the prevalence and drivers of food bank use: Evidence from deprived communities in Glasgow’, Social Policy and Society, 18(1), pp. 67–86. doi:https://doi.org/10.1017/S1474746418000064  (Accessed: 23 October 2023).  

Mathieu‐Bolh, N. (2021) ‘The elusive link between income and obesity’, Journal of Economic Surveys, 36(4), pp. 935–968. doi:10.1111/joes.12458.  

Mehlmann-Wicks, J. (2022) Reducing health inequalities in your local area: A toolkit for clinicians, The British Medical Association. Available at: https://www.bma.org.uk/what-we-do/population-health/addressing-social-determinants-that-influence-health/reducing-health-inequalities-in-your-local-area-a-toolkit-for-clinicians# (Accessed: 24 October 2023).  

ONS(2022) A01: Summary of labour market statistics, Office for National Statistics. https://www.ons.gov.uk/employmentandlabourmarket/peopleinwork/employmentandemployeetypes/datasets/summaryoflabourmarketstatistics. (Accessed: 26 October 2023). 

ONS (2023) Glasgow City’s employment, unemployment and economic inactivity, ONS. Available at: https://www.ons.gov.uk/visualisations/labourmarketlocal/S12000049/ (Accessed: 23 October 2023).  

Pacione, M. (2004) ‘Environments of disadvantage: Geographies of persistent poverty in Glasgow’, Scottish Geographical Journal, 120(1–2), pp. 117–132. Doi: https://doi.org/10.1080/00369220418737196 (Accessed: 23 October 2023).  

Reid, M. (2011) ‘Behind the “Glasgow Effect”’, Bulletin of the World Health Organization, 89(10), pp. 706–707. Doi: https://doi.org/10.2471%2FBLT.11.021011  

Robertson, B. (2017) Glasgow Health and Inequality Commission – Glasgow City Council. Available at: https://www.glasgow.gov.uk/CHttpHandler.ashx?id=39411&p=0 (Accessed: 23 October 2023). 

Robertson, D.L., Wright, S.E. and Stewart, A.B., (2020) How well is Universal Credit supporting people in Glasgow?. York: Joseph Rowntree Foundation. 

Rolfe, S. et al. (2020) ‘Housing as a social determinant of health and wellbeing: Developing an empirically-informed realist theoretical framework’, BMC Public Health, 20(1). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-020-09224-0 (Accessed: 22 October 2023). 

Thake, S and Staubach, R. (1993). Investing  in People. York: Joseph Rowntree Foundation. 

ScotPHO (2023) Health inequalities: Policy context, ScotPHO, The Scottish Public Health Observatory. Available at: https://www.scotpho.org.uk/comparative-health/health-inequalities/policy-context#:~:text=The%20tackling%20of%20inequalities%20in%20health%20and%20their,published%20%27%20National%20Strategy%20for%20Economic%20Transformation%20%27. (Accessed: 24 October 2023).  

Understanding Glasgow (2023a) Households, The Glasgow Indicators Project. Available at: https://www.understandingglasgow.com/indicators/population/households (Accessed: 23 October 2023). 

Understanding Glasgow (2023b) Scottish Cities – Diet, The Glasgow Indicators Project, Understanding Glasgow. Available at: https://www.understandingglasgow.com/indicators/lifestyle/diet/diet (Accessed: 22 October 2023). 

Categories
Building Sustainable, Inclusive and Just Cities (Hons module)

Fostering Resilience in the Face of Racial & Urban Trauma: Addressing Mental Health in African-American Bridgeport Communities  

Introduction To Bridgeport 

Bridgeport is Connecticut’s most populous city and is located in Fairfield County -recently named ‘The Epicenter of American Inequality’ (Semuels, 2016). Fairfield County borders New York City (NYC) and is thus home to a legion of city commuters, and has experienced a large influx of financiers from NYC, setting up companies in adjacent Fairfield County towns (Semuels, 2016). The wealth brought out of NYC has not been created or experienced evenly across the county; the average income of the top 1% of county residents is $6 million, a staggering 73 times the average income of the bottom 99%, making it the most unequal region in the country (Semuels, 2016). Low tax rates for the very wealthy and increasing tax rates for middle-income residents have enabled this divide. The generation of wealth across Fairfield County has provided no ‘upward pull’ for the city of Bridgeport, or employment opportunities.   

Across development indicators, Bridgeport residents fare worse than other Fairfield County residents. To demonstrate the stark disparities; the Bridgeport residents’ median figures for life expectancy, 70.4 years, and household income, $45,000, are dwarfed by comparable figures for Westport residents (a primary commuter town into NYC) of 89.1 years and $181,000 (Semuels, 2016). Health outcomes are similarly greatly reduced in Bridgeport.  

Racial Demographics of Fairfield County towns further denote disparity. Darien’s population (another commuter town into NYC) is 87.7% White Non-Hispanic and only 0.786% African-American​ (Data USA, n.d.)​. Contrastingly, Bridgeport’s population is 20% White Non-Hispanic, 41% Hispanic, and 32% African-American​ (Yale New Haven Health Bridgeport Hospital, 2022)​. 

This briefing will address Bridgeport’s African-American communities, including the West End and East End communities and consider the effect of historical and present-day injustices on these communities’ resiliency and well-being. Bridgeport has had a tumultuous history pre-dating current disparity. Mental health is at the fore, due to a 2022 study which reported that only 48% of Bridgeport residents feel ‘satisfied with their life’ compared to 66% of Connecticut-wide responses (Yale New Haven Health Bridgeport Hospital, 2022). Mental health research is compiled here in an accessible manner, and recommendations to strengthen mental health resources, and foster community cohesion, inter-generational support, and nature connection are suggested. The overarching assertion is that improved mental health resource facilitates progression across development indicators such as educational attainment, physical health and reduces rates of incarceration and crime. Co-morbidities tied to mental health are mitigated. Resilience, defined as ‘the process of effectively negotiating, adapting to, or managing significant sources of stress and trauma’ ​(Windle, 2011)​, is the characteristic this brief aims to cultivate. 

Connection to the Community 

The ‘Epicenter of American Inequality’ does not elicit pride for me and motivates me to mitigate our region’s inequality, as a Fairfield County resident. I recognize that I reside in a town that has grown in wealth while Bridgeport has regressed and that my town hasn’t supported Bridgeport in the ways it could have. I recognize I cannot understand the daily experiences of African-Americans as a White resident. 

I can, however, contribute my interest in this topic. My mother is an English teacher in a Bridgeport non-profit association, which provides financial, legal, and educational support for immigrant women. My mother has told me of the difficulties these women face – in accessing health insurance, legal support, housing, and education for their children. She has told me of the emotional toll and of tearfulness and frustration at a system failing these immigrant women, yet the hope they maintain. As someone acutely aware of a modern-day mental health ‘crisis’, I assumed that the stressors of racial discrimination and lack of access, living amongst discriminatory policies from conception, must exacerbate the mental health challenge immensely. Research has demonstrated this to be true beyond my initial conception. A research question thus arose; how can resilience be fostered by and for Bridgeport’s’ African-American community, to mitigate against the detrimental mental health effects of racial trauma to improve future outcomes?  

Predating the Current Day: Injustices & Policies  

Bridgeport’s predominantly African-American communities have faced historical environmental injustices and racist redlining policies, hindering development. The East End was a designated scrapyard for years​ (Gute & Taylor, 2006)​. A 35-foot-tall pile of refuse was amassed yet was met with indifference from government officials (Murphy, n.d.). The infamous ‘Mount Trashmore’ was finally removed after a two-year-long campaign (Gute & Taylor, 2006). ‘Mount Trashmore’ contained hazardous waste and blocked the communities’ access to the shore and is therefore a clear historical environmental injustice in this predominantly non-white community.  

In addition, racist redlining policies across Bridgeport actively created racial disparities between neighbourhoods. A common practice in the U.S. beginning in the 1930s, redlining deemed African-Americans as ‘financial risks’ and their areas as ‘ineligible for FHA backing’, excluding African-Americans from obtaining mortgages (Gazillo, n.d.). Home ownership in Bridgeport’s neighbourhoods has never reached equilibrium since; African-Americans still rent homes in much greater numbers than White residents.  

Current Health & Wellbeing Among Bridgeports’ African-American Community  

The aforementioned 2022 Needs Assessment reported that 48% of the Bridgeport African-American community is obese​ (Yale New Haven Health Bridgeport Hospital, 2022)​. 37% reported not attending an annual dental visit and 25% declared not receiving ‘necessary emotional/social support in 2022’, compared to only 7% of respondents. 20% of African-Americans reported being ‘mostly or completely anxious’ compared with 11% of White respondents. 33% of African-Americans reported feeling ‘depressed or hopeless’, which was consistent among White respondents but rose to 46% among Hispanic respondents​ (Yale New Haven Health Bridgeport Hospital, 2022)​.  

Relevance to The Study of the Urban  

The mental health of communities is an urban issue. Cities have brought people closer to one another and to core amenities, yet have become sites of increased mental illness, (including anxiety, psychotic, and addictive disorders) due to urban environments exacerbating risk factors​ (Gruebner, et al., 2017)​. There are many more stressors in urban environments; urban design can feel oppressive and suffocating, noise and air pollution cause disturbance and lack of green space limits feelings of being able to ‘escape’. With groups of people from different backgrounds, cultures and socio-economic contexts living in such close proximity, disparities have never been more evident.  

The Significance of the Mental Health Challenge for African-American Communities  

Suicide is ‘of growing concern for communities of colour’ causing the U.S. to be ‘losing of generations’ ​(Pattani, 2021)​. Studies demonstrate that Black children under 13 commit suicide at ‘twice the rate of White children’, and that suicide rates for Black teenagers increased by 45% between 2012-2019. (Pattani, 2021). The charity ‘Rethink Mental Illness’ reports that minority ethnic individuals suffer from mental health issues in greater numbers due to the compounding effect of structural inequalities in wealth and living standards and the effects of racial prejudice and bias (Cernik, 2020).   

Despite mental health challenges being salient in minority ethnic communities, factors compound to hinder the seeking of psychological support, mitigate how seriously mental health is regarded and diminish the credibility of current mental-health reporting.  

Firstly, a lack of African-American representation in mental illness adverts and articles has created a belief that mental health issues are ‘reserved for rich, white people’ (Cernik, 2020). This notion prevents help-seeking and worsens existing barriers to accessing support (Cernik, 2020).  

Varied forms of stigma further affect self-reporting of mental health difficulties for African-Americans. Within men, many incarcerated due to substance abuse and subsequent actions, have undiagnosed mental health conditions, for which drug abuse was the utilized ‘coping mechanism’. In instances, stereotypes of Black ‘violence’ and racial prejudice have impeded on medical diagnosis (Cernik, 2020).   

Stigma for African-American women is particularly salient. The ‘Strong Black Woman schema​ (Thomas, et al., 2022)​ relates to media and popular culture depictions of Black women as ‘rigidly strong (often confrontational and assertive), self-sufficient, and caregivers to all’ ​(Kelly, et al., 2020)​. The ‘Strong Black Woman’ notion originated during the enslavement of Black women ​(Abrams & Belgrave, 2014)​. Black women had to perform manual labour, defying traditional gender roles of the time, and creating a view that Black women were ‘stronger’ than other women in this period ​(Collins, 2000)​ ​(Harrington, 2010)​. This notion is still deeply ingrained in popular culture and has led to a decline in reporting of violence among Black female victims. Internalized views that decrease help-seeking include views of seeking help as ‘betraying’ these women’s ‘strong identity’ ​(Thomas, et al., 2022)​, views that these women are ‘privileged’ compared to female ancestors who experienced enslavement (Sheffield-Abdullah & Woods-Giscombé, 2021), and views that abuse or hardship is not severe enough to require services ​(Morrison, et al., 2006)​. Thus, statistics show African-American women as less affected by mental health issues than other women ​(Capodilupo, et al., 2010)​ – which is profoundly false, but is the outcome of these forms of stigma affecting reporting.  

Stereotypes and stigma have facilitated a profound neglect of the African-American experience in mental health literature and research. Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is ‘the development of characteristic symptoms following exposure to an extreme traumatic stressor’, involving directly experiencing events resulting in death, serious injury, or a threat to one’s integrity; witnessing such experience; or learning about violent death or harm to a close associate ​(American Psychiatric Association , 2000)​. The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) excludes experiences of racial discrimination as possible stressors, yet many African-Americans display symptoms in line with a PTSD diagnosis​ (Butts, 2002)​. Emotional responses to discrimination vary from mild to overwhelming and can last for years. Consistent with the prior context about Bridgeport’s West and East Ends, these predominantly African-American communities must certainly be dealing with collective PTSD. These communities are overcoming historical environmental justices and discriminatory policies, ‘experiencing’ and ‘witnessing’ high crime (leading to loss of life and incarceration of loved ones), high prevalence of suicide, and deteriorating physical health. Until the mental health literature expands to include the African-American experience, study in this area will continue to be white-washed, and not consistent with the reality of the mental health crisis. Understanding racial PTSD is essential, as literature has demonstrated PTSD to exacerbate crime and heighten the re-offending risk due to complex trauma responses​ (Ardino, et al., 2013 )​.  

Currently, Bridgeport schools are implementing ‘Cognitive Behavioral Intervention for Trauma (CBITS)’ into the curriculum, and the local government is promoting ‘Child and Family Traumatic Stress Intervention’ (RYASAP & Bridgeport Child Advocacy Coalition, 2020). Recommendations here will serve to help the most vulnerable residents such as young adults not enrolled in school and those not benefitted by these policies. Bridgeport’s African-American community may not be able to influence mental health discourse and challenge stigmas underlying the poor mental health of their communities but can implement community cohesion strategies and increase available mental health support to foster resiliency.  

Community Recommendations  

Accessing and Enhancing Direct Mental Health Support 

The ability of vulnerable groups to access existing mental health resources and be knowledgeable of existing support in an accessible manner (ie in multiple languages) is paramount in fostering resiliency.  

Multiple subsets of the population can help to increase community awareness of organizations assisting the most vulnerable citizens. Teachers can equip children with information packs of compiled resources; supermarket, convenience and liquor store owners, and church leaders (in what is quite a religious community) can provide cards with contact details and display posters, and volunteers in organisations (ie soup kitchens) can raise the profile of other organizations. Community ‘leaders’, whether in voluntary or leadership positions within Bridgeport, can visit communities of people living in high-density housing, yet doing so in a culturally sensitive manner is key to mitigating the risk of facing resentment. Established organizations possess funding, expertise and diversified programs to assist the most vulnerable citizens and should be utilized, especially in the interim before additional community strategies are fully implemented. Grassroots organizations specifically pioneering racial and urban trauma mitigation, such as LifeBridge, should be promoted. LifeBridge is unique in its position as an Outpatient Urban Trauma Center, employing the leading trauma models of care, and providing ‘culturally responsive services’ within youth development and behavioural health programs​ (LifeBridge Community Services , 2023)​. Other treatment models used within the state are reported as not sufficient in addressing the complex traumas of the African-American community.  

Need outpaces capacity in Bridgeports’ non-profit organisations, and so low-cost strategies can increase mental health provision. Creating spaces in state buildings, churches, or in green spaces, for educational sessions on mental health can promote open discussion and reduce stigma around help-seeking. Topics of legal rights and navigating the healthcare system can be integrated into community information sessions. Support groups of similar individuals (ie pregnant mothers, or those formerly incarcerated) can strengthen interpersonal relationships and foster a sense of belonging. While not the single most effective tool, research shows that peer group support, when sustained consistently for six months, brings improvements to overall personal recovery for participants who have experienced a degree of trauma​ (Lyons, et al., 2021)​. Complex trauma research has investigated the idea of collective healing, and how the creation of ‘sanctuaries’ where safety and security are fostered creates a positive ‘group consciousness’ that ‘far outshines’ individual problem-solving. Considering traumatized children, this paper provides reassurance that psychiatric assistance is not always needed, but safety fostered by those who understand the complexities of traumas’ manifestations in behaviours and mannerisms can be sufficient​ (Bloom, 1995)​.  

Support groups will need to meet at variable times to accommodate varying schedules of temporary work and will need to be led by individuals trained in mental health. The World Health Organization has created a group of modules with PowerPoint presentations and supporting materials on topics ranging from ‘Self-harm and suicide’ to ‘Child and adolescent mental and behavioural disorders’ that could be used to equip ‘community leaders’ or volunteers with necessary tools​ (World Health Organization, 2023)​.  

Provision of Greater Daycare and Youth Programs: Inter-generational Support Centre  

Greater daycare facilities are integral for Bridgeport. In 2018 there were only 15.6 childcare spaces in daycares for every 100 children below the age of three. Additionally, there were only 68 nursery school slots for the 5,470 children aged 3-5 ​(RYASAP & Bridgeport Child Advocacy Coalition, 2020)​. A Harvard review found that children’s earliest experiences ‘shape the architecture of the developing brain’, therefore laying the foundations of sound mental health ​(Harvard University , 2023)​. A child’s first five years of life have a profound effect on cognitive and behavioural development, and disruptions to this process predispose children to a decreased capacity for learning, ability to relate to others, and increased risk of mental illness. It has been researched that improving children’s environments at a young age is one of the most pivotal ways societies can address problems of homelessness, incarceration and low high-school educational attainment ​(Harvard University , 2023)​. 

At the same time, youth unemployment remains a profound issue in Bridgeport. In 2018, 22.2% of those aged 16-19 were unemployed ​(RYASAP & Bridgeport Child Advocacy Coalition, 2020)​. Additionally, as of 2022, 24% of Bridgeport residents hadn’t completed High School ​(Yale New Haven Health Bridgeport Hospital, 2022)​. A link between youth unemployment and crime exists. Youth unemployment in Bridgeport’s West and East Ends is higher than city-wide rates, aligned with the statistic that 50 of the 196 killings between 2011 and 2021 in all of Bridgeport occurred in the West End and East End ​(Fry, 2022)​. Providing unemployed young people with meaningful opportunities to contribute to the community, explore creative outlets and engage in learning voluntarily will increase mental health outcomes.   

The second recommendation spans these age groups to foster inter-generational well-being. It concerns the creation of a Youth Centre, serving as a daycare facility and youth centre offering educational programs.   

For youth not attending school, improving educational attainment in the short-term isn’t achieved through mandating they return to school, as there are hosts of socio-economic, familial or caring responsibilities and personal factors restricting school attendance. Offering viable substitutions on a part-time basis, allowing young adults to hold jobs and voluntarily contribute to the community externally, can create positive outcomes in the shorter term. Educational courses on financial literacy, business fundamentals and job-seeking should be integrated in the centre. Mental health support should be readily accessible, and art and media projects encouraged, which have been demonstrated to increase the capacity to cope with stress and trauma, through a study in communities affected by natural disasters ​(Walton, et al., 2021)​.  

Upon individual research, limited daycare locations open outside of the traditional 9 a.m. – 5 p.m. hours were located in The West and East End areas, something to be resolved considering the nature of schedules in temporary occupations. The centre’s daycare should remain open on weekends and into the evenings, granting flexibility for parents and carers. With children attending the centre, young adults could be granted the opportunity to tutor children on school subjects, and mentor them on topics of anti-bullying and managing emotions (provided young adults are taught the basics of child-counselling, included in the WHO materials, and are deemed safe and reliable to be around young children). These opportunities would provide young adults with work experiences, which would build confidence in young adults and build the skills to apply for full-time positions. It is the goal that creating meaningful opportunities for young adults here will mitigate crime, substance abuse and the frequent ‘gunplay’ in East End and West End neighbourhoods (Fry, 2022).   

Children will benefit, as having older role models is inspiring and motivating for children. They will be adequately cared for, allowing parents and carers to remain employed. 

Logistics-wise, it is proposed a Youth Centre could be run from a similar church hall or town building as the community workshops, in both the West and East Ends. Abandoned buildings remain after Bridgeport’s decline in industry; one of the smaller of these buildings would provide an ideal location for a designated centre in future. Crowdfunding, applying for grants and hosting other fundraisers (tied with the recommendations in the following section) could raise funds for project completion. The centre will need a dedicated team of staff to be effective – volunteers can be sourced from nearby towns, with the potential for slight tension here. The older unemployed community may be a target demographic to fulfill the childcare roles, while more specialized and trained older staff may be required to work with the older age groups.  

Nature Connections’ Contribution to Mental Health 

A final core recommendation for the East and West End communities centres around practices of community cohesion and connectedness through nature connection. Accessing and being immersed in the natural environment has consistently been demonstrated to facilitate positive psychological health outcomes, reduce stress levels and mitigate the risk of suffering from mental illnesses. A recent study found that gardening was ‘significantly associated’ with reduced risk of depression​ (Jakstis & Fischer, 2021)​.  

It is therefore recommended that Bridgeports’ African-American communities establish community gardens as a means to increase community cohesion, elicit feelings of pride in the community, and as a productive outlet for accumulated urban and racial trauma. The East End community is already aligned with this ambition, striving to transform the former ‘Mount Trashmore’ site into a hydroponic farm, named ‘Mount Growmore’​ (Martinez, 2023)​. The ambition here is to increase access to fresh produce for East End residents and to unite the community, demonstrating prevailing over past injustice. ‘Mount Growmore’ has lofty ambitions for the farm, yet community gardens do not need to replicate this scale. Empty beds bordering sidewalks and in front of churches and schools can be transformed collectively into beautiful spots for relaxation and nature connection.  

The benefits of nature can also be brought to those less able to access the natural environment, including individuals with limited mobility, or those working long hours or night shifts. Owning houseplants and even viewing nature elements in video and photo form can enhance physiological relaxation, and improve emotional regulation​ (Jo, et al., 2019)​. Schemes to bring houseplants to those most deficient in natural exposure, or to send out natural photographs and videos on community social media channels and news outlets are ideas to build community resilience for an often-overlooked population subset.   

Strategies further enhancing nature connection can elicit a positive impact in other development areas. For example, establishing a ‘bike share scheme’ (challenges exist in ensuring bikes are retained in the scheme), or creating a ‘bike drive’, promoting donations of bikes across the county, would not only increase nature connection and exercise for residents, but importantly, open the door for increased job opportunities. Currently, African-American Bridgeport residents are ‘three times less likely to have access to a vehicle’ than other Bridgeport residents, at a time when most jobs are located in suburban areas of the city, and surrounding towns (Abraham, 2013). With a bike scheme in place, greater access is fostered, and consequently economic development increased. One strategy thus generates benefit in other areas. Urban spaces accommodate large groups of individuals, and so a single strategy can have a pervasive impact; the economists’ view of ‘economies of scale’ at play. 

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