Introduction
This briefing is directed at Native Hawai’ians who are houseless, or at risk of becoming, in Kapolei, O’ahu, as well as those who support this community. Kapolei is the second largest city on the Hawai’ian island of O’ahu and is part of Honolulu County. According to the 2020 census, over one million (1,016,580) people reside on O’ahu and minor surrounding islands (U.S. Census Bureau, 2021), with over 21 thousand people (21,411) of this population living in Kapolei (U.S. Census Bureau, 2022). Considered by many as a ‘paradise’ destination, the reality for many Native Hawai’ians is houselessness or the constant threat of. Because Hawai’i is undeniably the home of native populations, I will use the term houselessness rather than homelessness throughout this briefing except when I feel the latter is necessary to properly represent material I am referencing.
An intensely present tourist industry and expat community throughout Hawai’i puts immense pressure on housing supply. Rents are constantly being driven up, and the stark mismatch between local wages for the majority and even the lowest rent costs leave local populations struggling to meet the cost of living – many being pushed into houselessness (Bond, 2020). This briefing will analyse the background context and current situation of the housing crisis in Kapolei before drawing on examples of initiatives elsewhere to suggest actions the community in Kapolei can take – focusing on long-term solutions that hold community wellbeing and resilience at their centre, as well as the preservation of Hawai’ian culture. I hope that through creating this briefing, I can offer an outside perspective to the housing crisis in Kapolei that is unbiased and help amplify the voices of the marginalised communities around which this report is centred.
Context and Current Situation
Land Rights
The houselessness epidemic of native Hawai’ians is illustrative of the wider political and social landscape of the state. Western influence in Hawai’i began taking hold through the 18th century, one resulting consequence being the shift in perceptions of land rights that paved the way for the prioritisation of profit over people that we see across Hawai’i today. Hawai’ians traditionally consider human relationships with the land to be one of stewardship, implying a responsibility to care for and a sense of belonging with the land. In contrast, the western concept of ownership of land does not encourage a reciprocal relationship, instead land is regarded as nothing more than a commodity for human use. In 1848, Hawai’ian land was assigned rights, with the vast majority going to elites and only 1.1% (28 thousand acres) of the total land allocated to the commoners. Native Hawai’ians who had previously lived with and from the land – gathering, hunting, and fishing – were now heavily restricted in what was now regarded as private property. Thousands of Native Hawai’ians were priced off land they had been on for generations (Arias, 2022, pp. 74-76).
Tourism
Initial western influence paved the way for the illegal overthrowing of Hawai’i as a sovereign power and subsequently its seizure by the United States of America that resulted in the territory becoming a state in 1959 (Davis, 2022). Following statehood, annual tourist numbers increased by over 16 times to 8 million a year in 2015 (up from below 0.25 million) (Mak, 2015, p.2). Given that the population of Hawai’i in 2015 was 1.4 million (World Population Review, 2020), annual visitor numbers of nearly six times the resident population puts a huge strain on the space and resources of the nation. High demand of land for development has led to evictions across Hawai’i of the remaining people who were living off the land in traditional ways. In their place, rapid residential and commercial development has occurred. An end to many traditional ways of living has been forced, even activities as inoffensive as the gathering of traditional plants have been disallowed (Bates et al., 2018). As stated by Kalehua Krug, Principal of Ka Waihona o Ka Na’auao school whose curriculum incorporates the revival of Hawai’ian culture, ‘they [the US] could lock up the water, they could lock up the food, they could lock up the ability of Hawai’i to self-sustain’ (as quoted in Davis (2022)). This forceful displacement of native populations made space for non-natives, predominantly rich Americans, to relocate to ‘paradise’ – a flow of people that shows no signs of slowing down (Haunani-Kay, 2018).
Housing for who?
Being a highly desirable location with limited space for further developments but experiencing relentless demand for property, Kapolei has seen rapid increases in property prices and rent in the area over the past years. In 2023, a two-bedroom apartment in Kapolei costs 2400 dollars per month on average to rent, a substantial increase of a third on the average two bed rental price only six years ago in 2017 which was 600 dollars less per month (1800 dollars) (Real Estates Network, 2022). Hawai’i is the state with the most expensive property to buy and is also the third most expensive state for renting property (Arias, 2022, p.77). Some see the booming property market as a sign of prosperity for the state, but we must ask who does it serve? As Arias (2022) explains, ‘[A]lthough Hawai’i may have a strong housing market for luxury-seeking individuals or families, the market is not conductive to the needs of local communities’ (p.78). This high demand for property and the resulting astronomical costs are a large contributing factor to the high cost of living in Hawai’i. Hawai’i has the highest cost of living out of all the American states (Arias, 2022, p.77). A study from 2021 carried out by The Department of Business, Economic Development and Tourism showed that individuals must make ‘significantly more than the minimum wage to be self-sufficient’ (Arias, 2022, p.77), that is to exist without government assistance or other subsidies to afford life’s essentials, but no luxuries. A single adult would have to make 18.35 dollars per hour while working a forty-hour week to be self-sufficient (Arias, 2022, p.77). However, the minimum wage in Hawai’i in 2021 was only 10.10 dollars per hour (hawaii.gov, 2023). As a result, four out of five households consisting of a single parent with two children were below the self-sufficiency level. And in a family of four, even if two members are working on minimum wage, the family will only be at around half the income level required to be considered self-sufficient (Arias, 2022, pp.77-78). Households below the self-sufficiency level are under constant financial stress, unable to afford the bare-minimum and forced to make choices such as whether to pay rent or put food on the table (United for ALICE, 2023). This systemic issue of misalignment between income and rental costs because of property demand by rich expats and tourists mean that truly affordable housing for local populations is severely lacking in Kapolei and across the state of Hawai’i more broadly (Arias, 2022, pp.77-78).
Houseless but not Homeless
As stated previously, Hawai’i is obviously the rightful home of native Hawai’ians. However, as detailed throughout this report so far, these native populations are being forced out, largely due to issues of affordability. Consequently, Hawai’i has the highest rate of houselessness out of all the American states (Arias, 2022, p.78). With increasing pressure on current services, an area of particular concern is the rise in houseless population without any shelter. The unsheltered population in Kapolei (those that are staying on the streets rather than emergency shelters or transitional housing) increased by over six times in the ten years from 2012 to 2022 (Thielen, 2022). Being unsheltered increased exposure to violence and bad weather, as well as restricting access to food and safe water (Hodge, DiPietro and Horton-Newell, 2017). One study found Native Hawai’ians or other Pacific Islanders to be 2.65 times as likely to be houseless compared with the general population. In contrast, White individuals were 0.26 times less likely to be houseless, and Asian individuals 0.79 times less likely. In Kapolei, over 80% (81%) of houseless individuals were chronically houseless (houseless for at least one year), with the main self-reported cause of houselessness in the city being inability to pay rent (Thielen, 2022).
Houselessness Impact on Health and Wellbeing
As Hodge DiPietro and Horton-Newell (2017) state, ‘Poor health is simultaneously a cause and consequence of homelessness’. Factors that restrict a person participating fully in contemporary societies (such as physical or mental illness) are typically more present in houseless populations than the general population, both contributing to them becoming houseless in the first place and/or remaining without shelter. In Honolulu County, over one third (36%) of houseless adults or unaccompanied minors were reported to have one or more physical or developmental disabilities. The same proportion of those surveyed (36%) had mental health illness (Pruitt and Barile, 2020).
As houseless seniors are more likely to suffer from physical disabilities or mental illness, a demographic of particular concern is the ageing houseless population on O’ahu. Nearly one quarter (22%) of the houseless population was over the age of 60 in 2023, up from 8% the previous year. This count could be somewhat inaccurate due to the practical difficulties in assessing houseless populations. But insufficient service provision combined with Hawai’i having the fastest aging population in the US is likely a sign that we will continue to see more Hawai’ians becoming and/or remaining houseless later in life (Terrell, 2023).
A Brief Critique of Current Mitigation Efforts
In 2015, the governor of Hawai’i announced a state of emergency regarding homelessness in the state. Subsequently, the declaration has been renewed four times. As a result, homeless service contracts have been extended, numerous laws that elongate the process of building shelters for houseless individuals have been suspended, and over one million dollars (1.3 million) has been invested in addressing the crisis. However, some of the implemented mitigation efforts are highly controversial. In Honolulu County, begging on the street has been barred, and informal camps of houseless populations are being disrupted and/or cleared (Hodge, DiPietro and Horton-Newell, 2017). Although the government and non-governmental organisations do provide services for houseless individuals across O’ahu, native Hawai’ians are underrepresented in the use of mainstream solutions like shelters and temporary housing that allow immediate care to be delivered. Nearly half (48%) of the native Hawai’ian houseless population are classed as ‘repeaters’ – observed to be houseless on more than one occasion (Pruitt and Barile, 2020). Current service provisions are clearly falling short of native Hawai’ian needs. Additionally, even if utilised, current services are not necessarily sufficient to prevent, or address the roots of, houselessness. A governmental report in Honolulu County found that ‘as quickly as service providers house people, new individuals fall into homelessness to take their place.’ (Pruitt and Barile, 2020). More must be done to prevent houselessness occurring in the first place or else this cycle of houselessness will continue perpetually (Pruitt and Barile, 2020). It is important therefore to consider action the community itself can take to break this cycle, rather than waiting for support from outside bodies which may never be provided and who have largely failed native Hawai’ians historically.
Moving Forward – Community Recommendations
Taking inspiration from Okinawan, Japan
As the main factor cited by those that are houseless in Kapolei is inability to pay rent (Thielen, 2022), this is clearly the area that must urgently be addressed in order to tackle the issue at its root and put a permanent end to the epidemic of houselessness that Kapolei, and Hawai’i in general, is currently experiencing. Solutions must be created that safeguard the financial security of populations at risk of houselessness in order to prevent houselessness in the first instance. One way this could be done is through creating a community financial support system. A similar system exists in Okinawan, Japan where small groups commit to supporting each other through life, including providing financial assistance when needed (Blue Zones, 2018). In Kapolei, with so many living in a precarious financial situation, this community provided insurance could allow rent to still be paid when unforeseen circumstances arise – in the instance of a missed pay-check due to illness, for example. Preventing the initial occurrence of houselessness is important as once this occurs, many more risks are encountered that often lead to people being trapped in a cycle of houselessness (Hodge, DiPietro and Horton-Newell, 2017). With such stark wealth disparities in Kapolei (Arias, 2022, p.78), valuable contributions akin to reparations could be made to the support group by more affluent members of the community and businesses that reap the benefits of tourism and expats in Hawai’i, if these groups can be appealed to. Beyond direct financial support, other factors that contribute to the likelihood of houselessness like substance abuse and domestic violence could be less likely to occur thanks to interventions and assistance from the support group (Pruitt and Barile, 2020).
Learning from the Pu’uhonua O Wai’anae community
One way the community can provide long-term solutions is by placing the focus on building relationships and the community itself rather than outcomes such as housing or overcoming substance abuse. By achieving this, the later issues can also be achieved with higher success rates and greatly reduced chance of relapse since people are able to put down roots and find stability that provides them with long-term support. Shelters can only take people for a maximum of 90 days, meaning that the same circumstances that led them to be there in the first place are often waiting for them again when they leave. In contrast, giving people time and space to form relationships within a community and shape their own life and path to healing with help from those around them means many initial issues that contributed to, or were encountered during, their houselessness dissolve or cease to impact the person (Puʻuhonua O Waiʻanae, n.d.).
As the true experts on the houselessness crisis are those who have direct experience of it, we can learn a lot from actions taken by other communities that have emerged from the same situation. One such community is Pu’uhonua O Wai’anae – a community also located on O’ahu, 12 miles north of Kapolei that is home to around 250 houseless people, two thirds of whom are Native Hawai’ians. It defines itself as being ’community first’ – believing relationships to be the key to healing and living well. Pu’uhonua O Wai’anae began organically as temporary structures on state land. It has since grown into a ‘village’, providing a dependable base for its members. Importantly, it is a community led project, managed and maintained by members of the community, decisions are made for the community by the community (Puʻuhonua O Waiʻanae, n.d.).
The power of collective action can be seen through actions this community has taken. For example, since the village of Pu’uhonua O Wai’anae is on state land, it cannot remain in its original location permanently. Fortunately, organised fundraising by the community has guaranteed its future – raising enough money to purchase 20 acres of land in order to transition to a permanent location. This transition is still in progress, with fundraising currently being carried out for necessary construction in their new location which will be capable of housing and providing services to around 300 people. Without members of the community endeavouring to make this happen, this would not have been possible (Puʻuhonua O Waiʻanae, n.d.).
Collective action is also necessary for communities to be resilient to policies that work against the interests of houseless populations. An example of this can again be found in the experience of the Pu’uhonua O Wai’anae village. The government, far from assisting this community that not only works to improve the health and wellbeing of members but also saves the state a significant amount of money every year (an estimated two million dollars annually), very nearly evicted the community in 2018. However, pushback from locals and the wider Hawai’ian population gained the support of organisations and led to a local governor intervening, avoiding this eviction being realised. This sort of community power and support can be recreated in Kapolei. Efforts could be made to rally support from local businesses, organisations, and even governmental officials in the early days of a community housing project similar to Pu’uhonua O Wai’anae. Another valuable effort would be seeking to create a dialogue and reciprocal relationship with the already established community of Pu’uhonua O Wai’anae, enabling similar communities to assist and learn from each other. This would increase the resilience of new similar communities in Kapolei to destructive actions from the state that impede the ability of a community to provide for their people (Puʻuhonua O Waiʻanae, n.d.).
Centring New Developments Around Traditional Ways of Life
As well as ensuring housing is affordable, it is important to ensure communities can live in ways that honour their history and culture. Addressing the housing crisis in Kapolei offers an opportunity to undo some of the historic violent erasure of indigenous ways of life in Hawai’i.
Bates et al. state that ‘Indigenous practices are not understood as urban possibilities’ (2018). A priority when building infrastructure designed to make Hawai’i affordable for native populations should be the incorporation of indigenous practices and ideas into housing plans. Native Hawai’ians have traditionally had multigenerational living arrangements but this way of living that is not catered for by current housing provision in Hawai’i which is heavily influenced by western living arrangements designed for nuclear families (Laforteza, 2022). However, challenging western norms and moving toward this more traditional feature of native Hawai’ian living would not only honour indigenous practices, but it would also increase the resilience and self-sufficiency of the community. Land in Hawai’i is limited so designing communities that have co-living arrangements can reduce space requirements and development costs (and therefore rent) as well as offer a range of other benefits. Every household can still have private indoor space as well as some having a small area of private outdoor space. However, the vast majority of outdoor space and amenities would be shared. Gardens, kitchens, social spaces and laundry facilities would not exist for the private use of one household as is the norm in western societies today. Adopting these co-living arrangements would allow traditional multigenerational living. Besides saving on space, resources and cost, this way of living would benefit the overall wellbeing of community members in other ways. For example, multigenerational living can provide a purpose for those that are unable to do paid work (Puʻuhonua O Waiʻanae, n.d.). Since the houseless population in Hawai’i is aging, it is important to design housing solutions where those unable to find paid work due to physical or mental barriers are provided with a purpose and are able to contribute to their communities as far as they are able (Terrell, 2023). Everybody benefits, with childcare being available for working parents, and other jobs that enrich the community like gardening or cleaning being covered. Additionally, wisdom can be passed down through generations, as well as the reassurance for everyone that every individual will be valued and cared for by the community no matter their economic contribution and ability to partake in paid work.
Within these co-living developments, another way indigenous practices can be incorporated is through the creation of shared community gardens. This would allow the growing of native crops and enable the community to harvest some of its own produce. This importantly preserves aspects of native Hawai’ian culture by allowing people to create and/or maintain a connection with the land, as has been done in Hawai’i for generations. Additionally, it would help reduce living costs by providing cheap food for people, reducing reliance on imports which are susceptible to price shocks (Loke and Leung, 2013). Once established, these gardens could help serve the wider community by establishing a food larder, providing food for others struggling with the cost of living and acting as a preventative measure to reduce the number of people that are forced into houselessness.
Conclusion
This briefing has outlined how the occupation of Hawai’i has led to a disproportionate number of native Hawai’ians being without housing in Kapolei. The compounding impacts resulting from colonialism over generations leaves native populations fighting for a place to live on the island that is their home. I have demonstrated how interventions from the state are falling short in addressing this and have made suggestions of actions the community itself can take that could help put an end to the crisis of houselessness that native Hawai’ians must currently contend with. It is important to note policy change that would provide reparations to native Hawai’ian populations is highly valuable and should continue being fought for, but as the state has historically let native populations down, it is important this takes place in conjunction with other action. I hope by offering the above suggestions, the community can regain some agency over its future – increasing quality of life for its members and undoing or at least preventing further loss of culture and native people in Kapolei.
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